Previous entries — Part One: Introduction

It was in this context that the SPA emerged in 1901, with union leader Eugene Debs serving as a unifying figurehead and recurring presidential candidate. The party united socialists who believed in working within existing union formations and dual unionists, many of whom initially split from the SLP. As the party grew, it attracted many who felt the Progressives of the time did not do enough to meet the political moment. This included Charles Emil Ruthenberg, who is arguably the most important figure of the Cleveland SPA.

Ruthenberg  was originally a strong supporter of Progressive Cleveland mayor Tom Johnson, viewing his advocacy for municipal ownership as a step towards socialism. When Johnson opposed the demands of workers who ran those municipal enterprises, Ruthenberg defended him, and was critiqued by socialist Robert Bandlow. Through these debates with socialists and his own intellectual curiosity, Ruthenberg would move to the left, joining the SPA in January of 1909. Within months, he would be elected as recording secretary of the local, and soon thereafter he would become their English-language spokesperson and a perennial candidate for office. 

Ruthenberg’s electoral campaigns would succeed in growing party membership. During his run for mayor of Cleveland in 1911, the local grew its membership by 50%, totaling around 1,600 members in that year. The following year, Ruthenberg would launch a campaign for Governor of Ohio, visiting every county and more than 100 cities in the state. Many SPA statewide campaigns failed to match presidential candidate Eugene Debs, as the Progressives (running on a platform with many policies taken from the SPA) absorbed many of their votes. In Ohio, however, Ruthenberg received a similar margin to Debs, a little over 8% of the vote. This was the highest of any socialist party gubernatorial candidate throughout the country. At this time, Cleveland had become by far the largest Socialist Party local in Ohio, growing to 2,950 members. While Ruthenberg and other Cleveland socialists were successful at building membership, they would not win any office prior to 1917. However, the same was not true for other parts of the so-called “Red State”.  As put by Richard Judd in Socialist Cities, Ohio socialists were able to “elect more mayors to office in small and medium-sized cities than any other state.” In bigger cities, including Columbus, Akron, Dayton and Toledo, one or more city councilors were also elected. 

Unlike most successful socialist candidates today, the SPA would run its candidates on their own independent ballot line, competing directly with Democrats, Republicans and third parties (primarily the Progressive Party). This historical practice was borne out of the conditions surrounding the Civil War, which brought the Republican Party into prominence. In the following decades, the party system began to consolidate towards the modern system, with Democrats and Republicans being the sole presidential contenders ever since. Today, socialists have adapted to this system by focusing on Democratic primaries or non-partisan local races with primarily Democratic voter bases. However, In the 1910s, many Progressives and Socialists pursued the development of an independent third party, in part because of the newer and less developed nature of the two party regime, and, even more so than today, the lack of a distinction between Republican and Democratic policies towards workers.

While many of the fundamental challenges remain the same, the different socialist ballot line provided certain strengths and weaknesses for the SPA. Across Ohio, Democratic and Republican establishments would work together as fusion candidates to run against socialists. 

Today, we do see similar consolidation from conservative and liberal opposition, such as Andrew Cuomo’s general election campaign against Zohran Mamdani. However, these efforts are less likely to succeed when socialists win the Democratic Party’s official nomination. This typically splits the existing Democratic establishment, with some willing to embrace more left wing figures, and others refusing to do so. On the other hand, in the heyday of the socialist party, there was no such split, and the Republican and Democratic establishments were both firmly in opposition to socialist candidates. An independent socialist ballot line would also not prevent socialist electeds from betraying their party. The mayors of Ohio cities Lima and Lorain, for instance, while elected under the SPA, later switched to a mainstream party. Additionally, party officials nationwide would regularly be expelled for disagreement with the party platform.

As Emerson Bodde argues in Until Victory is Achieved, the distinction between socialist success in big cities and smaller ones was largely due to the differing political environments. Smaller cities often had competing Republican and Democratic candidates, which made it possible for socialist candidates focusing on affordability and municipal reform to take power. On the other hand, major cities were more likely to have developed political machines, capable of absorbing Progressive policies and presenting themselves as the logical option for municipal change.  Bodde argues that being forced to the sidelines in mainstream electoral politics led to the radicalization and diversification of socialist organizing in Cleveland. 

Meanwhile, socialists in Milwaukee (or in smaller Ohio cities with SPA mayors), focused primarily on good municipal governance, attracting the “middle-class Progressive milieu”. Ruthenberg himself would also emphasize immediate municipal reforms and critique the corruption of the existing machine, while always keeping in mind the end goal of societal transformation. As SPA members in different cities charted different paths, Ruthenberg showed his principled commitment to party unity in approaching their political differences. As Oakley Johnson’s biography of Ruthenberg articulates:

“While reformist in character, the Socialist Milwaukee administration performed many valuable social services and benefited the people. But the Milwaukee Administration received vicious attacks from old-party politicians, and Ruthenberg, who carefully watched the situation, defended it.” 

Today, DSA members should take note from Ruthenberg, understanding the different political contexts of our comrades throughout the country, and standing in solidarity with them as they strive to fight for something new. We should seek to analyze and understand the conditions of the two-party system as they exist today, and identify how we can run electoral campaigns that truly engage the masses and build party membership, as organizers did in “Red Ohio” over a century ago. This assessment can learn from the Milwaukee approach – that genuine commitments to improving the lives of working class people can be an effective mechanism for building a socialist electoral constituency. But it should also learn from the Cleveland experience outlined in this piece, which demonstrates that organizing workers while maintaining clear socialist and anti-war principles prepares an organization to reach the masses in times of crisis.

Please return tomorrow for Part Three: Labor

The post History of the Cleveland SPA, Part Two: Electoral Politics appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

by Gregory Lebens-Higgins

To take power, the working class must organize a mass movement that is capable of seizing the levers of production and cutting off the means of oppressive rule by capital. It is collective strength that possesses the capacity to produce this feat. ROC DSA calls on not just the strongest to step forward, but for all to fall into formation with coordinated effort and democratic will.

ROC DSA is approaching its 10th anniversary. While the chapter’s first meeting held only fourteen members, it now regularly nears the capacity of its meeting space. Few members of the chapter are longtime organizers. Participation in the movement is not divinely endowed, but a reaction to material conditions of existence under capitalism.

Socialism is informed by theory, but that theory is shaped by experience and conditioned by struggle. These ten years have seen much struggle: Dreams ignited by Bernie Sanders crushed by Donald Trump and Democratic complicity. The sacrifice of essential workers and public care during the COVID pandemic. Uprisings against police brutality and genocide in Palestine. The unrestrained rise of fascism. ICE and federal troops in our streets.

DSA has surpassed 100,000 members nationally, with 500 in Rochester. It is encouraging to read so many new names on the member rolls; but everyone must show up to do the work. With varying personal limitations and capacities, collectively shouldering the burden is what makes victory possible.

To be a socialist is to live by praxis. It is not for the works of theorists to remain the subject of a reading club, but to jump off the page and march with us toward liberation.

DSA can’t just be 100,000 people with the correct politics, it must be 100,000 people actively fighting for a better world.

Everyone has a part to play. It is not “great men” who shape the revolution. The revolution is made up of many small acts from each of us. When orchestrated, these acts are a powerful force. The Star Wars show Andor beautifully illustrates this dynamic – Luke would not have the opportunity to become a hero if not for the small acts of many who “burn[ed their] life to make a sunrise [they would] never see.”

Many join DSA because they want to do something. What is to be done? Organizing doesn’t always hold the excitement of protest or the glamour of electoral candidates. Get active in the chapter. It takes the work of knocking on doors, creating spreadsheets, illustrating event graphics, writing literature, attending meetings, and planning logistics. It is these small acts that collectively lead to success.

Members of ROC DSA should attend organizing group meetings – whichever one; shop around. Volunteer for tasks. Ask how you can help. Make suggestions. The foundational idea behind democratic socialism is that every worker matters. Democracy means we are all active participants in the world we are shaping. The revolution needs you.

The post The Revolution is You first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

Before we start, we’re asking everyone to write to your elected officials to support H.794 and S.282. Tell them that you want to tax the rich for healthcare and schools!

GREEN MOUNTAIN DSA MONTH IN REVIEW

February was a month of incredible momentum for Green Mountain DSA, bookended by electoral victory and direct action. We are thrilled to open this newsletter by congratulating our endorsed Burlington City Council candidate, Marek Broderick, on their decisive Town Meeting Day win! Marek defeated a Democratic opponent with a strong tally of 301 to 187, securing a second term representing Ward 8. In the weeks leading up to the vote, our members made phone calls and knocked doors (again and again) across the entire ward to ensure voters had a plan. We are proud to stand behind a proven champion for renters, UVM students, and working-class Burlingtonians. Marek's leadership in passing a resolution to address deteriorating student housing is just one example of the socialist leadership we are building in Chittenden County.

At our February General Membership Meeting in Montpelier, members discussed our growing chapter-wide priority campaign, "Tax the Rich," supporting H.794 and S.282—legislation championed by our own State Senator Tanya Vyhovsky and Rep. Kate Logan that would generate hundreds of millions in revenue by making the wealthiest Vermonters pay their fair share. Green Mountain DSA organized a press conference at the State House in February and coverage by WCAX features Rep. Kate Logan detailing just how much working Vermonters stand to win by taxing the rich. The February General Membership Meeting also featured updates on our Palestine solidarity work (“No Appetite for Apartheid” campaign), and local ballot initiatives (“Proposition Zero” in Burlington). Alongside these campaigns, our chapter is deepening its foundation by launching weekly Saturday-Sunday socials to build comradeship and expanding our reach to southern counties through our “Statewide Expansion Working Group”. From electoral wins to anti-war action in coalition, your Green Mountain DSA is proving that another Vermont—one centered on working-class power and solidarity—is not only possible, but already being built. In solidarity, and see you at a meeting, social, or on the streets some time soon!

WE’RE BUILDING A FAMILY-FRIENDLY GMDSA

Green Mountain Democratic Socialists of America is working towards making our organization more accessible to parents and guardians. You can help us by letting us know if you would benefit from childcare being offered at our general meetings.

Please fill out our Childcare Needs Survey: https://forms.gle/6Mq1KHWGrc3QgLGv8 

GREEN MOUNTAIN DSA MEETINGS AND EVENTS

Our Labor Committee meets on the second Monday of every month at 6:00pm on Zoom, including Monday March 9th. 

  Our Electoral Committee will meet on Tuesday March 10. The electoral committee meets at 6:00pm on Zoom. 

🌹The next May Day Coalition meeting is Tuesday March 10 at 6:00pm at Migrant Justice (179 S. Winooski Ave., Burlington) and on Zoom. 

Talk about your job and learn about shop-floor organizing from peers at Workers' Circle (co-hosted with the Green Mountain IWW) on the second and fourth Wednesdays of each month, including Wednesday March 11 at 6:00pm at Migrant Justice (179 S. Winooski Ave., Burlington).

💰Our Tax the Rich Working Group will meet on every Sunday, including March 15 at 6:00pm on Zoom..

Find out how you can help our Membership Committee improve recruitment and involvement in our chapter on Monday, March 16. The Membership Committee meets on the 3rd Monday of every month at 6:00pm on Zoom. 

GMDSA's East and West branches will come together for another general meeting on Saturday March 21 at 11:30 a.m. at TBD (Most likely the Public Library in South Burlington). Newcomers are encouraged to show up at 10:30 a.m. for an optional “DSA 101” orientation. Everyone is welcome to join for coffee hour with snacks and discussion at 11:00 a.m. prior to the start of the general meeting.

🇵🇸 Our Palestine Solidarity Committee will meet on Monday March 23. The Palestine solidarity committee meets on the 4th Monday of every month at 6:00pm on Zoom. 

📱Our Communications Committee will meet on Monday March 23. The communications committee meets on the 4th Monday of every month at 7:00pm on Zoom. 

📑 Our Steering Committee meets on the first Monday of every month at 7:30pm on Zoom, including Monday April 6. All members are welcome to participate in the meeting discussion, only members of the steering committee can vote. We will have a hybrid meeting this month. We will be meeting at the Queen City Lodge Oddfellows Hall. The address is 1416 North Ave in Burlington. Email hello@greenmountaindsa.org for the Zoom link if you would prefer to join online

Add our Google Calendar 📅 - Check out our website 🌐

IMPORTANT DATES THIS YEAR

• International Workers’ Day: May 1, 2026

• 2026 Labor Notes Conference: June 12-14

• Vermont Primary Election: August 11, 2026

• Labor Day: September 7, 2026

• General Election: November 3, 2026

• Next GMDSA Convention: November 2026

• Next DSA National Convention: August 2027

To build an organized working class capable of taking on the billionaires and defeating Trump, the labor movement must bring in more motivated people.

The post Workers need more paths to join the labor movement appeared first on EWOC.

Introduction / Background

So far, 2026 has been a huge year for the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). We have reached over 100,000 DSA members, the highest ever, and have seen heightened electoral success, most prominently with the election of Zohran Mamdani as Mayor of New York City. As organizers within DSA grapple with the contradictions of this success, Eric Blanc and Steven R have made comparisons to the municipal socialism of the early 20th century Socialist Party of America (SPA), with a specific focus on Milwaukee’s sewer socialists which occupied their city hall for decades.

While DSA has not reached the SPA’s peak of 112,000 dues-paying socialists (or anywhere close when adjusted for population), Mamdani’s victory and our membership growth shows that we may be approaching similar political relevance. As argued by longtime DSA member David Duhalde in a piece comparing DSA to the SPA: “The U.S. socialist movement has returned, in some ways via a long reroute, to its original structures and impact.” As we continue to grow this movement, we have and will continue to face similar challenges to those of the 1910s SPA. For this reason, it is important to continue our study of socialism’s history.  

As many DSA members acknowledge this, the focus on Milwaukee, a city with many years of socialist governance, is understandable. However, as a member of Cleveland DSA, I am particularly interested in examining the vibrant socialist history in this part of the country, which saw its own share of socialist victories. As a result of the SPA’s electoral success in various municipalities early in the 1910s, this state was dubbed “Red Ohio”. By the end of the decade, Ohioan mass socialist organizing had arguably reached its all-time peak, as Cleveland’s SPA local led 30,000+ workers into the streets in the 1919 May Day demonstration.

This growth was predicated on the historical context of the early 20th century, when Cleveland had taken its place as the heart of an industrial empire, represented quintessentially in the monopolistic trusts of Clevelander John D. Rockefeller. As industrialization pushed more workers into the mines, steel mills and garment factories, Cleveland would also become the site of increased working class organizing. This would only escalate as economic conditions worsened and the United States would enter World War One, sending workers to their deaths as the ruling class grew even more wealthy. These changing material conditions, alongside the organizing of the SPA detailed throughout this piece, led to unprecedented support for socialism. This strength was met with violent repression from the state, which, alongside internal party conflict and purges, led to a sharp downfall in SPA membership and activity nationwide. 

The widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo was also channeled by more mainstream political organizations. The late 1800s and early 1900s saw the Progressive and Populist movements gain heightened support in national elections. This included repeat Democratic presidential nominee William Jennings Bryan and Republican President Theodore Roosevelt, who would later found a third party (the Progressive Party a.k.a. the Bull Moose Party). Some figures of the Progressive movement, like Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld, were praised by socialists, but many of them strongly opposed socialism. Ultimately, the two largest political parties, despite flirtations with Progressivism and Populism, were largely beholden to the capitalist class, and no sizable third party would emerge. Additionally, the largest union confederation, the American Federation of Labor (AFL), was led by anti-socialist Samuel Gompers and avoided political advocacy until aligning with the Democratic Party in the late 1910s. At the turn of the century, the largest socialist organization in the country was the Socialist Labor Party (SLP), which remained marginal in size and had little engagement with mainstream politics.

Please return tomorrow for Part Two, “Electoral Politics”

The post The Past is Prologue: The History of the Cleveland Socialist Party of America (Pt 1) appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

We’re living in interesting times, comrade.

As I write, we are witnessing the opening salvos of what will likely develop into a major war of aggression by the US and Israel against Iran. The imperialist order is in decline across the globe. But, that also means the capitalist class that benefits from that order has never been more desperate — or more dangerous.

It’s clearer than ever that we have two choices: socialism or barbarism. We can have a world defined by peace, justice, and a dignified life for all people, or we can have a world defined by endless war, oppression, and suffering for all but an ever-shrinking circle of elites. It can feel hopeless sometimes, but that’s when we need to remember: there’s a power at the core of this monstrous machine. The force that keeps the wheels of this machine turning is our labor.

Our hands are on the switch, and we can turn off the war machine any time we choose. We just need to have enough hands pulling in unison.

The DSA is now more than 100,000 members strong, spread across all 50 states. We’re the largest socialist organization in US history by membership. And, our ranks are still growing fast.

Read on to see what we’ve been up to… and learn what’s coming next!

February Highlights

We started off the month with members braving the cold to kickoff the canvassing efforts to re-elect PDSA member Richie Floyd to St. Pete City Council. This is a critical project of our Electoral Committee, and although it’s only been a couple of weeks, we’re already well on the way to collecting enough petition signatures to secure Richie’s spot on the ballot (rather than buying ballot access, as most candidates do).

The Ecosocialist Working Group continued to advance our ongoing Dump Duke campaign, with organizers facing off against a representative from Duke Energy’s dark-money front group, to argue the merits of public power.

Our Education-Social Working Group hosted Capitalism vs. Socialism, the latest installment of our core training on the basics of organizing with DSA. In the session, which attracted nearly three dozen attendees (pretty good for a Friday night!), organizers explained why we believe that socialism is a superior system to capitalism, and how a socialist society compares to our existing capitalist one. And, our International Solidarity Working Group stayed busy, too, hosting a demonstration at the Chevron station on Sunset Point Road in Clearwater to protest Chevron’s complicity in the genocide in Gaza as part of the ongoing #StopFuelingGenocide campaign.

CAMPAIGN UPDATE: Re-Elect Richie Floyd

Our campaign to re-elect Richie Floyd to the St. Petersburg City Council is shifting into high gear!

Since launching the campaign last month, DSA members have doggedly showed up, weekend after weekend, braving both the cold and the heat to knock doors in District 8. While the campaign could simply buy ballot access, as most elected officials do, the members of our chapter agreed to take the same approach as we did with Richie’s first election campaign, doing it the grassroots way and collecting petition signatures to gain a spot on the ballot instead.

After just one month, we’ve already collected more than half of the 500 signatures needed! As of right now, the campaign is in good shape. But, we need to keep up the energy and get those signatures. This is a people-powered campaign, so let’s show the members of the capitalist class here in St. Pete what the people can do!

CAMPAIGN UPDATE: End 287(g)

Pinellas DSA, as a member organization of the Tampa Bay Immigrant Solidarity Network, hosted a public volunteer meeting on Saturday, February 21 at WonderWorks in Gulfport. Much like neighboring St. Petersburg, the Gulfport Police Department has signed a 287(g) agreement with ICE, volunteering their officers to work as deputized enforcers for the spear of the US regime’s fascist immigration policy. Our ongoing campaign aims to pressure local police departments in Pinellas County to end these agreements and to refuse to collaborate with ICE.

Following a presentation on local 287(g) agreements — including how they undermine public trust in law enforcement, drain public resources, fuel racial profiling, and erode due process — attendees went out to canvass neighborhoods across Gulfport, raise awareness about 287(g), and invite community members to sign petitions calling for an end to the city’s collaboration with ICE.

Our demand of local government officials is simple: No collaboration with fascism! No ICE in our streets!

CAMPAIGN UPDATE: Dump Duke

DSA members spearheading the Dump Duke campaign continue to pressure St. Pete officials to explore the feasibility of creating a publicly owned power utility in the city. We’re up against mounting resistance from dark-money groups funded by Duke Energy, including the Clearwater Energy Alliance and the St. Pete Energy Alliance. But, even with all the money Duke is throwing against us, we’ve got the people on our side!

Organizers with Dump Duke faced off against a representative from the Clearwater Energy Alliance as part the “Opposites Attract” debate series at Bayboro Brewing on February 9. We laid out a clear, practical case for public power — a publicly-owned municipal utility that puts reliability, affordability, and accountability ahead of corporate profit.

Dump Duke organizers also hit the streets at the Mezzo Market, speaking to St. Pete residents, asking their feelings about Duke Energy, and getting the word out that an alternative option is a real possibility!

If you haven’t already, make sure you sign the petition calling on city officials to fund a feasibility study on public power, and to begin negotiations with Duke Energy to end St. Pete’s relationship with the company. Also, if you’re interested in helping build support for public power, go to dumpdukefl.com to learn how you can get involved!

Upcoming Events

We have more than two dozen political events, working group meetings, and social outings scheduled in March. You can always view our full calendar of upcoming events, along with the most up-to-date times and locations, on our website: https://www.pinellasdsa.org/home.

Health Justice Working Group Meeting

Monday, March 2 from 7:00–8:30pm at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). Meeting will be hosted in Wesley Room & virtually via Zoom.

Housing Working Group & St. Pete Tenants Joint Meeting

Tuesday, March 3 from 7:00–8:30pm at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). Discuss and take action on the housing crisis in St. Pete at this joint meeting between the St. Pete Tenants Union and Pinellas DSA.

Socialists in Office Working Group Meeting

Wednesday, March 4 from 6:30–8:00pm at Allendale UMC.

Run DSA: Glow in the Park 5k

Thursday, March 5 from 6:30–8:00pm at Allendale UMC. Join us in the Hybrid room for a basic training on protest marshalling.

Canvas for Richie Floyd

Saturday, March 7 from 10:30am–1:30pm at Gladden Park Recreation Center (3901 30th Ave N. in St. Petersburg). RSVP at richiefloyd.com/volunteer-rsvp.

Self-Managed Abortion Canvass

Saturday, March 7 from 2:30–4:00pm at the President Barack Obama Main Library (3745 9th Ave N. in St. Petersburg).

General Meeting & Social

Sunday, March 8 from 2:00–3:30pm at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). To be followed immediately after by the Socialist Social Hour, with food and (non-alcoholic) drinks provided!

International Solidary Working Group Meeting

Monday, March 9·from 6:30–8:00pm. This will be a virtual-only meeting. Zoom Link.

Book Study: Health Justice Now!

Tuesday, March 10 from 6:15–8:00pm at Allendale UMC. Join us to read and discuss Timothy Faust’s Health Justice Now: Single Payer and What Comes Next. We will be meet in-person in the Hybrid Room and via Zoom.

Bylaws Meeting

Wednesday, March 11 from 6:30–8:00pm. At Allendale UMC, in the Teresa Room.

Cuba: An American History Reading Group

Thursday, March 12 from 6:30–7:30pm at Allendale UMC. Meet us in the Wesley Room for our final discussion of Cuba: An American History.

North County Meeting & Social

Friday, March 13 from 6:30–9:30pm. Location TBD.

Canvas for Richie Floyd

Saturday, March 14 from 10:30am–1:30pm. Location TBD. RSVP at richiefloyd.com/volunteer-rsvp.

Safe Self-Managed Abortion Info Session

Sunday, March 15 from 11:00am-12:00pm at the President Barack Obama Main Library in St. Pete.

Boca Ciega Apartments Canvassing

Sunday, March 15 from 1:00–2:00pm. Canvass the Boca Ciega Apartments (3401 37th St S. in St. Petersburg) to inform and encourage tenants to attend a tenants meeting, where they can tackle the issues facing their property together!

Steering Committee Meeting

Sunday, March 15 from 7:00–8:30pm at Allendale UMC.

Fundraising Committee Meeting

Monday, March 16 from 6:30–8:00pm. Our chapter’s monthly fundraising check-in and brainstorming session at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). Will be hosted in the Hybrid Room, as well as virtually. Zoom link.

Electoral Committee Meeting

Wednesday, March 18 from 6:30–8:30pm. To be hosted at Allendale UMC in the Wesley Room.

Ecosocialist Working Group Meeting

Thursday, March 19 from 6:30–8:00pm. Hosted at Allendale UMC in the Hybrid Room.

Labor Committee Meeting

Friday, March 20 from 6:30–8:00pm at the Pinellas Classroom Teachers Association offices (650 Seminole Blvd. in Largo).

Canvas for Richie Floyd

Saturday, March 21 from 10:30am–1:30pm. Location TBD. RSVP at richiefloyd.com/volunteer-rsvp.

Dump Duke Social & Canvass

Sunday, March 22 from 10:30am-2:00pm at Dell Holmes Park (2741 22nd St S. in St. Petersburg).

International Solidarity Working Group Meeting

Monday, March 23 from 6:30–8:00pm. Meeting at Allendale UMC in the Hybrid Room.

Canvas for Richie Floyd

Saturday, March 28 21 from 10:30am–1:30pm. Location TBD, but RSVP at richiefloyd.com/volunteer-rsvp.

Pinellas DSA Orientation

Saturday, March 28 from 2:30–4:00pm. New member orientation hosted at Allendale UMC in the Hybrid Room.

DSA Nature Walk

Sunday, March 29 from 10:30am-12:00pm. All this organizing can wear you out — refresh and recharge with comrades on a nature walk at Sawgrass Lake Park (7400 25th St N. in St. Petersburg)!

NOTE: All dates and times are subject to change, so check the website regularly for updates!

This past Saturday, a bill was passed by the Kansas Legislature, Kansas Senate Bill 244. This bill expands on SB 180 and hundreds of other anti-trans bills passed in state legislatures in recent years, explicitly targeting transgender people with the end goal of removing them from existence.

Overnight, Kansans were banned from participating in public life under threat of severe penalties. This is only the most recent egregious attack in a history of other laws excluding transgender people from school sports, depriving trans adolescents of healthcare, barring incarcerated trans people from gender-affirming care, and on and on. Depriving Kansans of drivers licenses that align with their gender identity forcibly outs these people as transgender. Using the bathroom associated with their sex assigned at birth would do the same, and put them at risk of being harassed or targeted for violence.

These laws put transgender people at immense risk any time they try to rent an apartment, get a job, open a bank account, access basic services and enjoy fundamental rights, as well as any time they are forced to interact with law enforcement.

The current administration has been remarkably clear about its stance on the existence of trans people in this country and has explicitly announced its intent to remove trans individuals from all facets of public life, and even the concept of gender non-conformity from existence.

These attacks are taking place at a time when ICE is actively spending billions of dollars in recruitment and to ramp up their detention capabilities, to intense push-back all across the nation. The number of transgender people detained by ICE has been increasing leading up to 2025, when ICE ceased recording data on transgender people in immigration detention and began practicing conversion “therapy”. All of this leads to a clear distinction that must be made, that the current administration is, and has been for over a year, engaging in genocide of trans Americans.

Being transgender is not a condition, to be cured or ruled illegal. Rochester DSA is horrified by these ongoing attacks on our trans comrades, neighbors, and siblings. An attack on one of us is an attack on all of us.

Rochester DSA continues to be proud to stand with the trans community, to welcome trans comrades into our ranks, and to recognize in the trans experience a universal struggle against the patriarchal gender binary, and for human freedom.

The post Steering Committee Statement on Kansas SB244 first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

Based on recent polling, it doesn’t look good for Gov. Janet Mills. Two new polls show her down by somewhere between seven and 38 points in her race for the Democratic nomination to unseat Sen. Susan Collins. And the poll showing her down seven, had her up ten a few months ago! 

At this point, the easiest call for a political pundit to make would be that the primary will go to Graham Platner, an incredibly on-point veteran turned populist oysterman.

And they would be right.

In truth, if Mills wants to save face, and save Democratic donors a lot of money, she should probably drop out. But, in truth, I don’t really believe she should. I think primaries are good. They are a testing/training ground for candidates, so everyone is better prepared for the big show in the fall.

And let’s be honest, Platner needs some testing. While I haven’t officially endorsed anyone yet, the Maine People’s Alliance, of which the Maine Beacon is a project, has endorsed Platner. Rightly so. His economic populist message, anti-ICE courage, and vociferous anti-war positions on Gaza and Iran, put him squarely in the lane where Democrats need to be for the good of our state and the nation. That said, his past statements about women, people of color, and rural voters are obviously problematic and could be huge liabilities in the general election. Having a robust primary will make sure voters have fully heard everything, so, if (when) he wins, nothing Collins’ says will be new information to voters.

Indeed, Mills’ strongest (and perhaps only) strength in the race is that she is already known and tested. It’s pretty much all her supporters are saying about her, and what she emphasizes the most on the campaign trail.

But being known and tested is simply not enough for most voters. Beating Collins is going to be very difficult regardless of who we pick (Collins is polling in basically the same low place as where she polled in 2020, before cruising to victory). To that end, we aren’t going to waste our vote on someone, if that person doesn’t, at a minimum, boldly address what we care about.

And this is where Mills has fallen woefully short. From guns to the environment to workers, and most especially around affordability and income inequality. Meanwhile Platner is putting forward a populist agenda that focuses on taxing the rich, expanding Medicare to all, providing affordable childcare for parents, protecting the rights of workers to organize, and raising the national minimum wage. That’s an agenda people can get behind.

We have not seen this from Mills, either in her language, or in her legislative agenda. Just the opposite in some cases, which is likely why she is so far behind. But as someone who has no small amount of power right now, Mills has the chance to get more popular by actually getting behind and pushing through an affordability agenda.  

The legislature is in session for about six more weeks. If Mills wants people to believe she’s got the goods, she should use her advantage as governor by submitting emergency legislation to impose a 4% tax on Maine millionaires, expand the inheritance tax on the same people, subsidize the ACA subsidies that expired for Maine families, match the state’s minimum wage to Portland’s ($19 by 2028), pay for every district to expand universal pre-K down to three year olds, put a cap on all rent increases tied to CPI, and push out a $250 million bond to build affordable housing.

If she does all that, or even some of it, it will be good for all of us. Win, lose, or draw the primary.

If not? Then I take it back. Just drop out and save us all the time.

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This story was originally published by The Beacon, a nonprofit and nonpartisan news organization. To get regular coverage from the Beacon, sign up for the free Beacon newsletter here.

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The right reforms can help the working class win transformational changes. These non-reformist reforms are a necessary step in the democratic road to socialism. 

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Graham Platner’s campaign in Maine’s 2026 Senate race has caused divided opinions among many of the state’s progressive and left wing voters, partly due to revelations around his former military contractor work, comments he made online in the past, and especially due to a totenkopf tattoo he received while serving in the Marines overseas. The tattoo is a design that was historically used by the Nazi SS, and has become a popular symbol with white supremacist circles. Platner has since had the tattoo removed and claims he did not know about the hateful history behind the design when we got it in the early 2000’s. However, it has left a good number of progressives and leftists struggling with whether they can support him or not, while he presents himself as a left populist fighting for a pro-working class platform.

Two contributors holding different opinions on the candidate, Rose DuBois and T. Sinclair, have agreed to share their conversation on the candidate’s acceptability and viability. Below is a transcript of their back-and-forth. 

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T. Sinclair

Before we get started, I want to clarify that in no way am I excusing Platner’s tattoo. It was a dumb thing to get when he was young and in the Marines, and a disgusting symbol of hatred. And, whether you believe him when he says he didn’t know what it represented when he got it, I think it’s important to consider that people grow and worldviews can change. Graham has shown in the last five years or so that he has evolved to genuinely hold progressive, working class values that support all people, no matter race, gender, or orientation; not just with his words, but also through his community work with Action Acadia. The Democratic field has a handful of declared candidates, but most agree that the nomination comes down to Platner or current Governor, Janet Mills. Given Mills’ centrist (and sometimes conservative) record on labor, criminal justice reform, and indigenous rights, coupled with her lower than average approval rating, I think Graham Platner is a win-win candidate with not only the best chances of beating Susan Collins in November, but also delivering on a true working class agenda. But I am interested in hearing your thoughts, Rose.

Rose DuBois

Up front I want to start by dismissing the various other “scandals” that have plagued Platner. There’s a lot of, I would argue, fairly bad faith criticisms of him that just don’t resonate with me, or with I think most Maine voters. Even the Reddit comments, while they did bother me, I also know how people talk online, and as you said, people can change. I found his apology video for the comments to be quite persuasive. Nor am I in favor of Janet Mills. I was incredibly excited when I found out someone was going to be challenging her for the nomination, and was a big supporter of Platner from day one. But having a Nazi tattoo—regardless of any context—should be a red line.

I’m willing to entertain his claim that he didn’t know what it was when he got it—fair enough, people do stupid shit. And if it had come out that he’d gotten one, but had it removed years ago, I’d maybe see it in a different light. But the idea that he didn’t know what it was until now, twenty years later, is completely ridiculous. We should absolutely extend grace to those who strive for redemption, but redemption requires remorse about one’s actions. Denial is the exact opposite, an attempt to escape responsibility.

But ultimately the specifics of shortcomings of a single person are less interesting to me than the wider context in which this is occurring. Even beyond the fascistic politics of Trump and MAGA, an open embrace of Nazism is becoming more widespread in our society. Admiration of Hitler, and belief in conspiracy theories and Holocaust denial are increasingly common aspects of right wing politics, particularly among young Republicans. By electing someone to congress with a Nazi tattoo, we are helping normalize this, something that is extremely dangerous. How can we, for example, attack Elon Musk for doing a Nazi salute, and paint his claim it was another gesture as an obvious lie, when we ourselves engage in the exact same practice of obfuscation for what is very clearly a Nazi symbol? It only serves to muddy the waters, and make it easier to get away with this sort of thing.

And while attempts to depict any support for Palestine as being inherently antisemitic are preposterous, it’s unfortunately the case that antisemitism is also a growing problem on the left as well. What will it mean when the most pro-Palestinian member of the Senate (which I believe Platner would be) is also someone with a tattoo of the unit that was responsible to administering the death camps. It doesn’t take a political genius to see how this will get used by pro-Israeli figures and organizations in our politics. 

T. Sinclair

I see where you’re coming from, and I completely understand the concern with a member of Congress who formerly had a Nazi symbol tattoo (he has since covered it up) serving as a representative of the left, and how AIPAC would use that in ad campaigns. There is no doubt antisemitism is on the rise; people on the left who rightly call out the state of Israel’s genocide in Gaza and apartheid policies have made clear time and time again that their criticisms are of a nation-state, not Judaism or Jewish people, but even in some far reaches of the left (and pretty blatantly on the right) antisemitism has crept in and must be combatted. I don’t think Platner is in those far reaches of the left though, and rather stands firmly with 99% of progressives and leftists who abhor all racism and ethnic hatred. 

While I take him at face value that he didn’t know it was a Nazi tattoo (his wife and her family are Jewish and he claims they never raised concerns about it, and he passed federal screenings for gang/hate tattoos), let’s assume for a second that he at least had an inkling. I can see that causing voters to take a great pause and really inspect his politics. When you do that, what you find is a man who had mental health trauma from multiple tours in active war zones, came home and sought treatment for it, realized how messed up it is that working families can’t afford basic healthcare (or housing, or childcare, etc.), saw that the system was deeply flawed and got involved with local community organizing for progressive causes. 

Facing the given situation, MAGA and Trump 2.0, which is kidnapping people off our streets to extra-judicially deport, initiating illegal violence overseas, attacking the rights of our LGBTQ neighbors, flagrantly bypassing Congress and taking over agencies like the Federal Reserve, FTC, FCC, and FBI to favor Trump’s personal interests, it is not only paramount but existential to elect people to federal office who stand ready to oppose this right-wing “soft coup.” We have a chance here to kick out the conservative Sen. Susan Collins and replace her with a progressive. In my opinion, the good that Platner offers outweighs his bad misdeeds, like getting a terrible tattoo with his Marine buddies 20 years ago. To be honest with you, his choice to join the Marines during the Iraq War, or his short stint with a private military contractor should be bigger issues; but, most voters are fine with that. Is your issue the message that electing him would send, because of his tattoo, or is there reason to believe he wouldn’t be a good advocate for positive change?

Rose DuBois

I wouldn’t be so quick to dismiss the idea that Platner himself isn’t at least adjacent to the sort of online spaces that are helping conspiratorial thinking proliferate. His Twitter account recently agreeingly quote tweeted the neo-Nazi Stew Peters (before quickly deleting), and in January he did an interview with Nate Cornacchia, a YouTuber who has spread antisemitic conspiracies (as well as racist anti-Somali ones that led to the ICE surge first in Minneapolis and then in Maine), with Platner saying he is a long time fan. Now sure, we can probably come up with explanations for these sorts of things—it’s pretty much impossible to open Twitter and not see the posts of far right users for example. But it’s one thing if it’s a one off event, it’s another entirely when there’s a growing pattern. I would find the defenses of him far more credible if he did not keep dabbling with the promoters of these kinds of conspiracies. If he’s so serious about affirming his anti-fascist commitments to us, why does this keep happening? At minimum it shows poor judgement and a bit of a cavalier attitude towards bigotry.

There’s been a concentrated effort to paint any concern about the tattoo as being “establishment,” or similar, and I find this to be quite insidious. The fact that the response is to become quite defensive is itself a red flag. People should be outraged that he had it! I mean in many countries having such a tattoo is a crime, and one that can incur jail time, it’s no light thing we can just walk past. If the circumstances were remotely any different, everyone on the left would be crying for a cordon sanitaire against him, but because it’s “our guy” suddenly it’s no big deal to have a Nazi tattoo. The way it’s being downplayed is incredibly discomforting.

I also think everyone is overbaking the idea that this won’t have any negative impacts on his electability. What happens come November when every Republican PAC puts millions behind “Graham Platner is a Nazi” ads? Collins is able to win primarily because she overperforms in Southern Maine, largely in the Portland suburbs and the Midcoast—places that used to be more Republican leaning decades ago. I’m not totally convinced that such hits are going to do zero damage among these kinds of split ticket voters.

I am glad that Platner has been able to move on from the dark place he was in after returning from the Middle East, and that he’s been able to channel that into becoming a community organizer. But that doesn’t mean he needs to be a senator. There are 1.4 million people in Maine, many of whom hold similar progressive values, and I would bet that basically none of them have Nazi tattoos. He’s not somehow singularly equipped for the job. I mean a year ago nobody had heard of him! His entire public profile was conjured up by out of state political consultants last summer! It almost feels like an inversion of the “not me, us” framing of the Bernie years, where somehow only this one man can lead our movement and save us, and the movement is treated as nothing without him.

I think if he actually cared about opposing fascism he would have dropped out. There’s no reason why, if he genuinely espouses the values he claims to hold, he couldn’t continue to fight for them as an organizer locally. I would not have become as skeptical of him as I am if he had done the honorable thing and stepped aside. We could’ve gotten behind someone else.

T. Sinclair

The more we chat, the more I think I’m understanding where we basically disagree, which I’ll get to in a second. While you have doubts about his electability vs. Collins, I would point to the most recent poll out of UNH that has him up by 38 points over Mills in the Democratic primary. While I agree with you that it would be a tight race against Collins, he clearly has the best shot for Democrats from a polling perspective come November. Admit it, if it’s Mills v. Collins, Collins wins by a mile. 

As for his interview with Nate Cornacchia, we both know Platner’s team has made it a priority to reach out to all voters, including those who voted for Trump out of frustration and attempt to bring them over to a working class agenda that isn’t hateful. When one is trying their best to reach audiences that don’t often hear a progressive populist message, one necessarily has to utilize some conservative media platforms. That’s just the name of the game, ugly as it is. Though, I wouldn’t be surprised if his team might end up looking back on some of those decisions and feel sheepish about them.

So, finally, my thoughts on what I see as our basic difference. You are putting your principles first, believing the tattoo is disqualifying due to the symbol’s terrible past (and him keeping it for so long), his campaign team’s bad media platforming, plus a few other times when he made discomforting online comments. You interpret these as red lines based on your principles, so you cannot support him. I respect that. This is my position: pragmatic strategy should come first. We have to take back power. I have written on my belief in revolutionary forgiveness before, and I am more willing to forgive past decisions of candidates if they show that they’ve grown and matured, which I believe Platner has. I also believe in the importance of progressive working class representatives winning office (especially in this time of existential political crisis).

In my opinion, Platner clearly offers the most pro-working families agenda; one that is pro-LGBTQ, pro-labor, pro-choice, anti-racist, anti-fascist, and anti-war. Plus, he is the most electable. So, in that regard, you could say I am prioritizing pragmatism. And I hear you on the concern that he doesn’t have that same “mass movement” feel Bernie offered, but I would also like to point out how well attended his series of town hall meetings have been, how Bernie endorses him, and that maybe sometimes it just takes an unexpected spark to light a larger fire. Maybe he was hand-picked by some labor-friendly political head hunters, I don’t know, and I honestly don’t care. What I care about is replacing Collins with someone who represents working and marginalized folks’ rights and needs in the halls of power. 

As you go into your final thoughts, those are basically mine. This is where we are, and as politically-minded people we ought to look at the terrain and tools we have in front of us, not wish for ones that don’t exist. And, to be honest, I think Platner’s platform is about as good as we could have hoped for in this given time. There’s no changing horses now, even if we wanted to. Unless you think the unpopular Mills or some other dark horse is the way to go. But for me, Platner gives us the best shot at claiming a Senate seat with a truly progressive, working class person, blemishes and all. I really appreciated this chat though, it let me think through a lot and I look forward to your final thoughts.

Rose DuBois

I absolutely would not make a judgement call on an election based on a single poll from one pollster three months before the primary, and eight before the general (though I do tend to agree that Platner is ahead in the primary). Polls aren’t definitive, they’re snapshots, and how voters are feeling can and do change over the course of a campaign. In Texas’s Democratic primary, much of the early polling showed Crockett well ahead of Talarico, a trend that did not continue closer to election day (or ultimately the results). The UNH poll also has some questionable methodology, and other polls also show both a much closer primary and general.

I’d grant that it’s fair to conclude that were the election to be held right now, like this minute, before any real campaigning (on which millions and millions of dollars will be spent), Platner likely has an edge over Mills in terms of beating Collins. But there’s no certainty that that will be the case come November, and I do not think that the maximum damage the Republican campaign machine can do to a candidate like Platner has necessarily been priced into polling yet. I also have zero trust that there aren’t more skeletons in the closet.

I would push back on the idea that were Mills to be the nominee, she is fated to lose. I’ve been fairly bullish on Collins going down this Fall since election day 2024, regardless of who we put against her. We certainly want to ensure that we have the best candidate for the job, but I’m skeptical that taking her down is going to come from a magic trick of a candidate, and more so the basic fundamentals of how Maine’s electorate is changing, the difference in environment between 2020 and 2026, and the profound unpopularity of the current administration in a midterm year. Even when I was excited about Platner I felt that way! The point in my mind was never to find a perfect candidate, but to get the best possible senator. Now that’s certainly not to say I think Mills would be a good nominee, or a good senator—I do not. She has become quite unpopular, she is far too old, and her politics are not remotely suited for the political moment. I’m not arguing for Mills, I’m arguing against Platner.

Responding to your point about the interview, I want to contrast it with the hubbub years ago when Bernie appeared on Joe Rogan. That feels quite different to me, and it was fine for him to do, as you said, in the interest of contesting voters. But the huge glaring difference is that Bernie did not have a giant Nazi tattoo on his chest. Sure, you can make a mistake and apologize for it, but words are cheap, and if you go back and continue to make the same mistake again, you’re making it pretty clear how sincere you are. Since the revelation of the tattoo, he’s done nothing to disabuse us of the notion that he’s still mixed up in circles where antisemitism and right wing conspiracies are common. And if he’s going to be influenced by that sort of thinking, I absolutely do not want him in any position of political power period.

I’d also like to point out that contrary to what the narrative is, Platner’s base very much is not the working class that exists outside of the progressive bubble. It’s more or less the exact same coalition we’re seeing from insurgent candidates elsewhere across the “democratic tea party” moment—combining the classic Bernie base of young and well educated downwardly mobile professionals with middle class suburbanites. Mills does notably better in polling in CD2 and Northern Maine than Platner does, and Platner’s strongest income bracket by far are people making over $100k. And I would be remiss not to point out how incredibly gendered this whole thing is as well.

Which ultimately brings me to your concluding point about principals vs pragmatism, to which I could not disagree with more forcefully. You’re framing this as a blemish that can be looked past in the name of the policies he might support, a bump in the road you feel comfortable ignoring while I do not, completely missing that my central objection to him is that the normalization of Nazism has very real consequences. Yes, I certainly hold anti-fascist principles, and these principles do guide my thinking, but these aren’t coming from abstractions, but a quite concrete and deadly serious reality. 

Nazism is an ideology of death and its continued growth in our society puts me under direct threat. The Nazis persecuted and murdered trans people in the camps, and you can absolutely bet that the current crop of groypers and neo-Nazis that increasingly make up the lower echelons of the Republican Party, given power, would do the same again. Twenty years ago, even having a hint of Nazi connection would end your political career, but the norms around this have become much thinner, and they are breaking. Every little thing that chips away at them makes Nazism a more acceptable part of our political life, and you can be certain that electing someone with an SS tattoo to congress is taking a huge sledgehammer at these norms. Whether intentional or not, it makes it easier for the sort of hatred to spread unabated that puts marginalized people in harm’s way.

What’s in Platner’s heart, whether he’s an anti-fascist or an antisemite, a progressive populist or a secret Nazi, is ultimately immaterial to the problem here. What policies he would or would not support are equally irrelevant to my perspective on him. It’s that his election in and of itself is a danger because of the tattoo, and one many people are brushing past and taking far too lightly.

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We would like to thank our contributors, T. Sinclair and Rose DuBois for agreeing to partake in such an important conversation. Pine & Roses will continue its coverage of the Maine 2026 races throughout the year. 

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