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By: Travis Wayne 

DRACUT – In Beaver Brook Village, organizing began with mold. 

Beaver Brook Village is a restored textile mill named for the waterway that bisects the town, over which the complex’s tower looms, upstream and across the Merrimack River from Lowell. Now an apartment complex, the renovated mill was originally celebrated for its 47 units of affordable housing, first renting at $1000 to $1500 when opened in 2000. 

The landlords – TMI Property Management – have doubled that rent in the time since. 

As of August 2025, a majority (55%) of Lowell tenants were “rent-burdened,” or spending over 30% of their income on rent and utilities. Yet when tenants began to organize together in early 2026, rent only existed as the backdrop of the campaign that organically emerged. Tenants were motivated by how changes in living conditions impacted themselves and their neighbors’ lives when they decided to fight for a better home together – starting with mold.

Spores of Discontent

Something was wrong with the roof. 

No one could tell at first. Moisture that led to total dilapidation was endemic but its only visible evidence was seen in one unit. The reason, over time, became clear:  management had replaced many units’ flooring with vinyl. Vinyl flooring, a landlord special, can be used to hide mold effectively. 

Mold infestations can be dangerous. To the healthy, mold in the home can lead to low-level chronic inflammatory illness, nasal and sinus issues, and brain fog. Conditions can worsen with continued exposure. Concerningly, mold exposure can most negatively affect people with asthma, the pregnant, children, and the immunocompromised – including elders, of which many lived at Beaver Brook Village. 

For those most vulnerable, mold spores producing new organismic colonies can become real threats to memories, to familial connections, to lives and lifetimes due to quality of life and health impacts. Landlords can neglect tenants with little legal consequence, utilizing loopholes with name changes or LLC trades, to save costs as tenants with few resources lose even more.

As renters at Beaver Brook Village began to speak to one another, it became clear the problem was not isolated to one unit. 

Some neighbors admitted water damage; others were standoffish to any neighbors who knocked on their door. One tenant, whose partner was allegedly denied accommodation by the landlord, indicated he’d install every piece of equipment and charge TMI Property Management back. 

Even though “that’s spending money on the landlord’s property,” the renter shut the door on the tenant organizer that neighbored them. They kept coming to talk. Through that patient work, tenants came to understand their  neighbor’s dissatisfaction with the landlord’s response. Simultaneously, the dissatisfied resident came to trust tenant organizers’ sincerity enough to attend Tenant Association meetings and research ADA requirements for the building together with their neighbors.

What Can Grow With Mold?

As mold grew in countless units, one neighbor’s interest in the potential of collective action also did.

Mike R attended a training in the Merrimack Valley by the local Emergency Tenant Organizing Committee (ETOC) in December 2025, run by the Housing Working Group of Boston DSA. Local ETOC organizers adapted materials from the Housing Justice Commission (HJC), who are credited with catalyzing the creation of ten new citywide tenant unions and over 500 trained tenant organizers. He credited the training with giving him the tools to build the Organizing Committee of the Beaver Brook Village Tenant Association (BBVTA). According to residents, while many HJC projects nationally link tenants to citywide autonomous tenant unions (ATUs) affiliated with the Autonomous Tenant Union Network (ATUN), BBVTA is supported by Boston DSA directly.

Flyers went up and were taken down by management over and over again, which provided the four initial Organizing Committee members with talking points against management.

Between the first and second meeting, BBVTA started to track the pattern of mold and moisture reports. They canvassed and held one-on-one conversations with their neighbors at their doors together. Multiple tenants in line reported similar conditions, so tenants were able to figure out a specific section of the roof was a potential source of mold. They had to take the issue of mold more systematically. 

According to Mike R in conversation with Working Mass, “we would all call the Board of Health to get an inspector on the landlord, as individuals, coordinated together.” This made the inspection process collective, too.

Within and Beyond Property Limits

The Organizing Committee agendized other discussion issues as the Beaver Brook Village Tenant Association meetings became larger spaces for tenants to talk about struggles they experienced in their homes. One of the first occasions for response to collective issues beyond mold was during a Nor’easter, which strangled the coast while stranding and endangering residents, particularly elders who relied on the sidewalk. For the first winter ever, residents could respond collectively:

During the first snowstorm, it shut down all the sidewalks, right? And they wouldn’t clear the sidewalks. After the landlord ignored the ticket I submitted, another tenant submitted another. Only once we coordinated did the landlord do something just an hour later.

Tenants that spoke with Working Mass emphasized that another major factor that infuriated them was the landlord charging fees for using communal space. The landlords charge $500 to use half the room for special events, for example, otherwise locking the common room space with authorization granted through the app of TMI Property Management itself. 

Both the whole community room and full kitchen were once free for the community. 

There was also a broader sense of instability among many tenants. Elders shared experiences from when the renovated mill was owned by its first landlords, who essentially foreclosed in 2012. Long-term tenants’ reports stood in stark contrast to the current ownership. The former owners emphasized then that “the tenants are not going to be affected whatsoever;” by the transition, but now, tenants’ ability to breathe and be stably housed is jeopardized by chronic mold infestation.

Tenants have plugged into broader struggles for housing justice in the region through BBVTA, as well. Beaver Brook Village tenants have begun discussing how to organize an eviction defense of the most vulnerable tenants in their region and have organized canvasses of their neighborhoods to win statewide rent control in 2026 – a campaign led by the Homes for All coalition.

BBVTA is not the first organized tenantry to take action on rent control. In other parts of the state, other Tenant Associations and unions have responded and acted for rent control in accordance with their memberships. For example, the citywide Easthampton Tenants Union (ETU) in Western Massachusetts organized through Spring 2026 for rent control only for its membership to vote to not support the legislative compromise that would add just cause protections in exchange for allowing landlords to raise rents in between individual tenancies, increasing the cap from 5% to 10%, and relegating it to opt-in from municipal bodies instead of the state itself.

The state’s Supreme Judicial Court swept in to end discussion on June 23. Even though 70% of Massachusetts residents favor rent control (or perhaps, because of that), the small number of unelected individuals that make up the court ruled that the ballot question was invalid. The Legislature, not the people who supported rent control and included the rising tenants’ movement, would decide. 

But even as forces from above intervene, tenants’ own consciousness and practice of their political agency grows with each day. At Beaver Brook Village, whether on questions of disaster relief or winning back community space or winning rent control, thinking collectively about politics was only possible once the Association itself was born. Tenants have to know each other to talk about the world to intervene in the world. In the words of Tracy Rosenthal and Leonardo Vilchis, founders of the country’s largest tenants’ union of dues-paying households: “under political agency, there is communal life.”

Pre-Majority Action to Save Lives 

In the labor movement, a pre-majority action (where less than 50% of the unit takes action) is rare compared to the slow process of building towards the milestone of 70% support in a union election. This is necessary to survive a fight with the boss with only 50%, and thus win an election free and clear. Labor unions solidify their victories through a bureaucratic process which eventually leads to a certified contract through the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). 

That is not the case in the U.S. tenants’ movement. For tenants in struggle, victories are far less likely to be certified or go through any kind of officially-mediated process. Terms are determined in every arena instead of by a process decided from on high. 

Tenants are more likely than workers to take pre-majority action. Even though the movement has given birth to multiple strategies stressing different levels of majority support, each of which is predicated on points of leverage and unlocks different tactics, the most pronounced strategic differences within the national tenants’ movement’s institutions. The Autonomous Tenants Union Network (ATUN) and the Tenant Union Federation (TUF) exist on questions of block-by-block and building-by-building organizing versus pressure campaigns on strategic landlords. Those differences loom larger than questions of majority support in the absence of any NLRB-like body adjudicating the union form.

Landlords’ strategic toolbox remains as unevenly consolidated as tenants. Some landlords under corporate ownership and slumlord vultures may have every dirty trick up their sleeve, but many landlords are wholly unfamiliar with the concept of the “tenants’ union” itself. They may adapt tactics used by other landlords; they may just as well not.

For example, in the LA Tenants Union, when facing an issue where landlords could attempt to localize to individual units, landlords offered the tenants of Los Mariachis individual deals out of their exploitive leases. L.A. tenant Irma Aguilar, then, said:

The owner wants to peel us off in small groups over time, rather than all at once.

TMI Property Management, meanwhile, did not utilize the strategy of individual unit divide-and-conquer. Instead, they absolved themselves of responsibility completely. When the inspector came in response to tenant pressure, TMI Property Management also attended the inspection – and attempted to to avoid responsibility of roof ownership. 

TMI Property Management punted responsibility to American Tower, which owned the roof ostensibly to provide wireless coverage. Since the case was “too complex to navigate sooner” as a result of the various managerial companies above tenants’ heads, TMI Property Management delayed three months, from February to May, citing American Tower as the reason for not complying with the inspection. Only under renewed pressure did the landlord agree to replace the roof.

The inspector wrote a letter to American Tower to pressure the company on behalf of tenants for the roof replacement, but provided an “unsatisfying answer” to requests to include mold testing in the inspection, according to tenant reports. One tenant expressed “cautious optimism,” while Mike R indicated in remarks to Working Mass that “as long as they’re operating in good faith, the Association is satisfied with keeping them accountable.”

Renting the “Dark Satanic Mills”

In some ways, Beaver Brook Village tenants share much in common with other tenants of textile mills scattered across rural and suburban New England. In neighboring Connecticut, in Putnam town where another one of the ruins of William Blake’s “dark satanic mills” has been renovated to house 82 units, the main force that eventually drove those Cargill Falls Mill tenants to rent strike was also environmental conditions. There, tests showed toxic lead and dust in 68 of 71 units tested that poisoned a toddler and led the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to investigate the site. 

As the Beaver Brook Village Tenant Association seeks to build from a pre-majority TA to a majority TA by engaging more and more neighbors in the collective process of organizing, they identified collectively the need to build a mutual aid strategy to slowly increase engagement across the apartment complex: “slow, respectful” spadework. According to Mike R:

We don’t want to become a service for people… but mutual aid, you know, gets trust. We are an organization that can deliver – and we need to prove that.

One Beaver Brook Village tenant, for example, faced unit damage she couldn’t afford to replace. The landlord agreed to repair her dishwasher, eventually following through, after other tenants encouraged her to report. The Organizing Committee also prioritized the development of reliable tech support for neighbors – desperately needed by elder tenants – offered in ‘office hours’ by volunteer residents. Tenants described how these office hours could cohere the beginning of a BBVTA grievance system.

BBVTA’s Organizing Committee has doubled in size since its first meeting half a year ago.

Even though tenant organizers at Beaver Brook Village have yet to cultivate the building-wide trust needed to sustain the kind of wildcat rent strike undertaken by the Cargill Tenants Union, BBVTA’s rise shows that many of industrial New England’s broken textile mills may be in a long evolution from sites of workplace struggle into sites of tenant struggle. 

How residents organize differently or similarly to the workers who once toiled in the rooms where residents now break bread, or between associations of residents of renovated mills separated by vast distances, remains in the hands of the tenants themselves to determine.

Travis Wayne is the managing editor of Working Mass, a member of the Greater Boston Tenants Union (GBTU), and a former organizer of the Triangle Tenant Union (TTU).

The post From Mold to Force: How Tenants of a Dracut Textile Mill Organized An Association appeared first on Working Mass.

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A national program is helping chapters open headquarters using a participatory selection process. Twenty chapters in every region benefited, and the program will expand to a new round of grants.

The post Building the Party, One Office at a Time appeared first on Democratic Left.

The Queens assemblymember built a career on AIPAC support and silence on Gaza. Now, facing a Palestinian American DSA challenger, he’s perfected the political choreography of looking left while leaning right.

The post The Art of the Dodge: Steven Raga Perfects the Politics of “Progressive Except for Palestine” appeared first on Democratic Left.

This is an opinion piece written collaboratively by the Immigrant Solidarity Working Group and was not voted on at a general membership meeting. Opinion pieces from sub-bodies do not reflect the opinions of all members and are not chapter approved statements.

It is with no stutter and no hesitation that Salt Lake DSA stands with the 15 defendants facing charges for anti-ICE organizing in Minneapolis. Their stance is part of a proud, long-standing tradition of resistance against law enforcement overreach in this country. Faced with the indiscriminate violence of this winter’s ICE/DHS activity in the Twin Cities, these neighbors banded together in an inspiring and powerful model. After these feral agents murdered two and celebrated their own impunity, the regime attempts to contort law and morality to punish their real enemy: our unwillingness to submit.

There is risk in taking a principled stance. It is in that spirit that we also condemn the charges faced by two former court clerks in Logan that allegedly helped individuals evade ICE agents at the courthouse. When faced with an opportunity to perform the moral, righteous act, these clerks took it—at their own personal risk. They acted against a vindictive and thoughtless regime intent on tearing apart families, and for that we salute them.

It is not enough to point out the blatant hypocrisy of the Trump regime, as it is not only painfully obvious, it is expected and routine. They decry the “weaponization” of the law while also rewarding loyalist felons with pardons. The hypocrisy and double-dealing are markers of a system in a permanent tailspin. Trump and his cronies find themselves in the criminal trough of our economic system, resorting to merely demanding submission and collecting bribes. They are rapidly running out of distractions, and soon, the lid will tighten yet further.

As the administration criminalizes dissent in America, we implore all Utahns: do not consider yourself exempt from this assault on your civil liberties. Stand with us, or stand beside us, but at least stand up and be seen in opposition to this continued erosion of freedoms. In this capitalist system, law is merely a weapon in the hands of the powerful, completely divorced from morality and righteousness. As a weapon of the powerful, once you stand crosswise to their goals, the law will be used to hammer you back into place. It is time for us to seize the hammer.

We know we stand firmly on the right side of history, because between solidarity and hate, we will always choose the former.  In time, we will win; the only question is, for how long will we all need to suffer until we can put an end to this madness? How many of us will be caught up in the gears? When the working class has unified to fight this fight together, we will no longer have to wonder. We will have already won.

The post Solidarity is Not a Crime first appeared on Salt Lake DSA.

The Class podcast interviews an organizer on the importance of bringing a political vision to the pushback against AI data centers.

The post Portland DSA Organizes Against Data Centers appeared first on Democratic Left.

Ahead of Tuesday's elections Democratic Left has published interview with ten DSA candidates on the ballot in New York City.

The post Meet NYC DSA’s 2026 Slate appeared first on Democratic Left.

U.S. Rep. Adriano Espaillat has failed his district as his constituents are priced out. His opponent represents a real challenge to the displacement crisis.

The post Darializa Avila Chevalier Represents the Future of her District appeared first on Democratic Left.

Foreign atrocities and domestic repression share a common racist logic. Movements that recognize the connection may be best positioned to resist both.

The post Trump’s Wars, Foreign and Domestic, Extend a Long Imperial History appeared first on Democratic Left.

The private jets, limousines, and tanned vacationers coursing through Atlantic Aviation’s exclusive lot mask a grim reality. Every Tuesday and Friday, the private company facilitates the transportation of residents detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in and out of Las Vegas. They sometimes come, and sometimes go, chained at the wrists, waist, and feet, shuffling single file between white caged-windowed buses and unmarked aircraft supplied by major commercial airlines.

Taylor Swift’s $54M Falcon 7X

Canadair Jet ICE plane by @buffysphotography

The members of Las Vegas Democratic Socialists of America (LVDSA) demand that Atlantic Aviation terminate contracts with DHS and immediately end its participation in these flights. With support from the Habeas Flight Watch Network, LVDSA’s Abolish ICE Campaign is taking steps to ensure they do. LVDSA is conducting habeas flight watches and hosting a National Day of Protest against Atlantic Aviation on June 27th.

Located at Harry Reid International Airport, Atlantic Aviation reserves its runways and hangars for the luxury jet set. No doubt, the private company enjoyed a boost in positive press when Taylor Swift chose to park her private jet at Atlantic upon breezing into town to celebrate Travis Kelce’s Super Bowl LVII victory. Today, the company promises to whisk World Cup spectators to games in style, offering gourmet in-flight dining and wrap-around concierge services. Unsurprisingly, it does not flaunt its frequent flying of ICE victims among its first-class services.

While Atlantic Aviation caters to celebrities and sports pros to rake in profits, they are also fattening their bottom line on the injustices our neighbors suffer. People are rounded up based on their skin color, language, and clothing, exploited by the city’s shady 287(g) agreement, and targeted by Flock AI mass-surveillance technology. Denied due process, they are deliberately displaced in the expanding network of concentration camps and the routes that connect them. We are taking action for the victims, their families, and the attorneys who are unable to secure their clients’ habeas rights.

A team of flight watchers from LVDSA and the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL) meets outside Atlantic’s runways with cameras, documenting the arrival and departure of ICE victims. The goal is to capture footage of the individuals getting on and off buses and planes— their faces, clothing, and shoes—so that their families and lawyers might find them. A Habeas Flight Watch Network volunteer flight dispatcher keeps the team notified of the ETAs for Las Vegas-bound ICE flights, and, just like commercial flights, these schedules are subject to frustrating last-minute changes.

Friday, June 12th, is no exception. At 6:44 am, our Las Vegas flight watch team receives an ETA from the dispatch: today’s flight arrives from Fort Hood via Reno on a Canadair CRJ-200 operated by Air Wisconsin; it’s scheduled to land at 12:22 pm. We set up early in case the plane arrives ahead of schedule, which happens. Stationed outside the Atlantic Aviation fence with cameras and tripods, we learn the flight is delayed until 12:51, then 1:13. It is now over 100 degrees.

Buffy Taylor, a member of PSL, sighs and walks under a tiny tree in the lot’s perimeter for a sliver of shade.  She’d arrived on her bike, a duffel bag containing several ice-cold water bottles and her Canon T7 strapped over her shoulder. “I’ve been tracking and photographing planes for years as a hobby, and I figured I could help people find their family or friends and expose the illegal actions of the government,” she explains. “Put my skills to good use.” By the time the team receives their final status update – ETA 1:21 pm – their phones are overheating, and Taylor’s waters are hot to the touch.

As with other Las Vegas ICE-related activity, the arrival of the ICE plane is quiet and understated. Our team learns it has touched down on Atlantic Aviation’s Runway 19, the same one used to welcome visiting celebrities. Moments later, a dull gray aircraft, serial number N455AW, devoid of any colors or logos except a tiny US flag, rolls toward us before turning slightly to let a taxiing private jet by. We can’t believe our luck– we now have a clear view of the plane’s stairway, the white prison bus, and the stretch of pavement between them.

When its doors open, four men in neon vests spring to action, neatly setting about 20 bright orange bundles in a row on the ground.  “Prison jump suits?” I ask Taylor.

“Nope, their personal belongings.”

Uncertain whether people are held prisoner on the plane, on the bus, or both, and seeing no movement from either, we focus on the four yellow-vested staff bustling about, bounding up and down the airplane stairs. Are they Atlantic ground crew? ICE agents? They eventually form an assembly line between the bus door and the plane’s stairway. Finally, the victims step off the bus, stooped and resigned, shackled at the wrists and feet, a long chain linking them at the waist.

Taylor abandons her tripod and darts around on foot, zooming in on captives, as I dictate a physical description of each man boarding the plane after he is frisked from head to toe. Twenty-two in all, mostly young, 20s and 30s, though one man appears to be old, perhaps in his 70s. Once the last has boarded, a pilot inspects the plane’s exterior as the caged-windowed bus slowly drives off the tarmac. We wonder about the victims, whether they’ve eaten or used the bathroom, and what they must be thinking.

As we spot the white bus exiting Atlantic’s parking lot, Taylor sprints, zigzagging through parked cars, and snaps photos of the bus’s driver and license plate. “It’s astonishing how many people have to be complicit for this to happen,” observes Audrey Hines, a co-steward for LVDSA’s Abolish ICE Campaign.

Not all habeas flight watches are this successful. Some sessions have yielded pictures of the plane or bus—still helpful—but no people. Other times, planes and utility vehicles have arrived unexpectedly, suddenly blocking the view. Organizers leave hot and exhausted, but determined to catch useful images on the next one. “Each new flight watch has the potential to help even one person, help one family be reunited, so it is so worth it,” says Hines.

“Even if we don’t have the best shot, we keep trying— you kind of feel like a spy,” adds 19-year-old Mikey LaFrambois, a lead organizer in UNLV’s Young Democratic Socialists of America.

Hopefully, these ICE flight watches won’t last too long. On Saturday, June 27th, at 6 pm, LVDSA is joining the National Day of Protest against Atlantic Aviation and other airlines abetting ICE activity. We are hosting a protest outside Atlantic Aviation, in a united demand that they cancel their contracts with DHS and the federal government. We stand in solidarity with cities around the country that are speaking up. We salute Dallas, a World Cup host city whose organizers and faith leaders are taking Atlantic Aviation to task for courting wealthy ticket holders while preying on the powerless. As Rev. Neil Thomas, lead pastor of Cathedral of Hope, noted on June 10, 2026:

As people arrive for the World Cup and other major events, we will proudly showcase our city as a place of hospitality and opportunity. Yet, at the very same time, through these very same airports, on these very same streets, within sight of celebrations, immigrant members of our community are being removed from their homes and families. This contradiction forces us to ask difficult but necessary questions about who we are as a city.

Atlantic Aviation caters to the indulgences and excesses of billionaires while actively participating in and profiting from the crimes against our neighbors. All professional athletes, celebrities, and customers using Atlantic Aviation’s services are part of the problem. Pilots transporting victims of ICE arrests, ground staff loading cargo —all are agents in perpetuating this nightmare.

In solidarity with local immigrant rights efforts, we urge readers to demand that Atlantic Aviation terminate these inhumane flights. This company will be held accountable for its actions.

By Jill Glass, LVDSA Abolish ICE Campaign Co-Steward

Images by Buffy Taylor @buffysphotographs 

References

American Civil Liberties Union of Nevada. (2026, April 8). ACLU of Nevada files notice of appeal to continue challenge of LVMPD 287(g) agreement with ICE. https://www.aclunv.org/press-releases/aclu-of-nevada-files-notice-of-appeal-to-continue-challenge-of-lvmpd-287g-agreement-with-ice/

American Civil Liberties Union of Wisconsin. (2026, April 2). Racial profiling rampant after Supreme Court ruling. https://www.aclu-wi.org/news/racial-profiling-rampant-after-supreme-court-ruling/

Atlantic Aviation. (2026, June). World Cup. https://www.atlanticaviation.com/world-cup/

Balas, R. (2026, January 17). Inside Taylor Swift’s $54M Dassault Falcon 7X: 2026 Eras Tour & flight tracking controversy. The Flying Engineer. https://theflyingengineer.com/taylor-swifts-private-jet-inside-look/

Immigration Policy Tracking Project. (2025, April 8). Reported: ICE contracts with commercial airlines to facilitate deportation flights. https://immpolicytracking.org/policies/reported-ice-contracts-with-commercial-airlines-to-facilitate-deportation-flights/

Instagram. (2025). Post by @habeasflightwatch [Instagram post]. https://www.instagram.com/p/DYXLGP7AI7E/

Lexington Alarm. (2026). Habeas Flight Watch. https://lexingtonalarm.org/habeas-flight-watch/

Schilken, C. (2024, February 9). Will Taylor Swift be able to park a private jet for Super Bowl? Vegas airports are full. Los Angeles Times. https://www.latimes.com/sports/story/2024-02-09/super-bowl-private-jets-parking-las-vegas-airports-49ers-chiefs-taylor-swift

Velotta, R. N. (2016, May 18). Jet Suite to offer luxury travel between California and Las Vegas. Las Vegas Review-Journal. https://www.reviewjournal.com/business/jet-suite-to-offer-luxury-travel-between-california-and-las-vegas/

ICE takes 240 from Clark County jail under new pact; ACLU fights deal. (2026, March 11). Las Vegas Review-Journal. https://www.reviewjournal.com/local/local-las-vegas/ice-takes-240-from-clark-county-jail-under-new-pact-aclu-fights-deal-372339

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By: Chris Brady

SOMERVILLE – On May 20, Somerville Mayor Jake Wilson joined the Greater Boston Labor Council (GBLC) for their municipal legislative breakfast at the Somerville Armory. There, he gave a speech supporting unions. 

Somerville worker Kate Bossingham testified during a May 28 City Council meeting that after the breakfast, which was presumably paid for with GBLC workers’ union dues, Wilson returned to City Hall to join a layoffs meeting with members of Somerville Workers United (SWU). According to Bossingham, two days later, Wilson notified the City that layoffs had been completed. Thirteen workers were laid off, a majority of which came from the city’s Health and Human Services Department, while sixteen vacant roles were cut.

Two unions stand as both survivor and bulwark of resistance against the mayor’s austerity. Somerville city workers are split in representation between Somerville Municipal Employees Union (SMEU) and recently organized Somerville Workers United (SWU) – AFSCME 93. Both unions are fighting for contracts with SWU fights for management recognition. Even as the mayor cuts union workers, the city has enlisted former Massachusetts AFL-CIO President Steve Tolman to assist with negotiations.

“I cannot say strongly enough that we cut positions, not people,” Wilson said in a statement, citing a $5.4 million budget deficit for the move.

The mayor may cut positions, but it was people with positions who lost their jobs: stability, future, even food on the table.

“We don’t disappear on people” – until we do

Emily Mayernik, a licensed mental health counselor for the city, was in one of those positions cut by the mayor’s decree. In that role, Mayernik indicated to Working Mass, she provided support and community programming to children and families in the social services team. 

“I worked with immigrant families. I worked with people experiencing major mental health concerns,” said Mayernik. “I worked with vulnerable people.”

Mayernik was a SMEU member. The process for layoffs, as she understood, was that the city must notify the union before a layoff of a bargaining unit member. A negotiation process would follow; staffing cuts generally adhere to processes outlined in the collective bargaining agreement (CBA).

According to Mayernik, normal procedure was not followed. The city laid off an SMEU colleague on May 20 and notified SMEU only on May 21, the day after, while at the same time informing the union that Mayernik would be laid off the next day. Mayernik reports that SMEU sent a cease and desist letter to the city – which was ignored. 

Mayernik was informed on Thursday morning to report to HR that afternoon, where she was dismissed. Despite her requests for time to close out her work, Mayernik said she was forced to go home immediately after that meeting, even though she still had active cases and patients relying on her.

“This is really unethical,” Mayernik said, arguing that the goodbye process is essential given the vulnerable populations that she served. 

“We don’t disappear on people. That’s not acceptable behavior.”

She clarified that she did not object to the layoff itself, but specifically the rushed process and norm-breaking ‘ghosting’ that is tantamount to malpractice in her profession. Mayernik believes this endangered some of Somerville’s most vulnerable people.

 “I just disappeared.”

Equity professionals were also caught in the mayor’s crosshairs. Luis Q, previously a Strategic Planning and Equity Manager with the city and a worker-organizer with SWU hired during the administration of Ballantyne, was among the laid off. It is unclear if his occupation, with DEI initiatives entering the culture war, or work with SWU contributed to his layoff.

SWU not yet recognized

Back at the breakfast of the Greater Boston Labor Council, according to Somerville sustainability planner Josh Eckert-Lee, the mayor told a SWU organizer he was “excited to meet with [them].”

Wilson had ignored the previous two requests to meet with SWU, effectively dodging requests for voluntary recognition of the nascent union. Later that same day, Wilson initiated layoffs, which included three organizing committee or core organizers of SWU. 

Eckert-Lee argued that “a fair amount of these layoffs could absolutely be seen as retaliatory.” 

Somerville City Council voted unanimously to recommend endorsing voluntary recognition of SWU at the May 28 meeting.

Eckert-Lee believes that Wilson enjoys the clout associated with speaking highly of labor, but “when it comes time to walk the walk,” the mayor found it easier to cut people, particularly those with more ‘controversial’ roles like Luis’s. 

In a statement to Working Mass, Wilson said he met with SWU in late May. The mayor cited competing union petitions filed with the Massachusetts Department of Labor Relations (DLR) as the reason he has not yet granted voluntary recognition:

There are currently open petitions filed with the DLR by two unions claiming the right to represent some of the positions involved here. In this situation, we’re required by law to remain neutral as to which union should ultimately represent these employees.

Wilson added that once the DLR resolves the representation questions, meaning SMEU and SWU, the city will engage with workers and their designated representative. Eckert-Lee indicated, regarding the DLR decision, that “this is all new and being actively sorted.”

But the request for the Mayor to meet with workers remains.

The mayor’s comments neglect that his administration has agency outside of deferring to legal bureaucratic institutions, or that it is fairly common for workers to dual-card across multiple unions, meaning a focus on this distinction is avoidance of actual action – like voluntary recognition.

Eckert-Lee said:

We’re organizing because we want to serve the city well. It becomes much harder to do that when we have no agency in advocating for ourselves.

There will be more layoffs in three months, workers believe. In the coming weeks of budget management, and coming days of negotiations with SWU, the mayor has a choice. Will Jake Wilson continue to smile at one labor crowd while cutting the other? Will Jake Wilson actually support the workers he champions to the GBLC or continue his anti-labor austerity till held accountable? 

Chris Brady is a member of Boston DSA and an editor of Working Mass.

The post The Wilson Cuts: Somerville Mayor Lays Off Union Organizers, ‘Disappears’ Mental Health Counselors appeared first on Working Mass.

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