[[{“value”:”

Our 2026 spring edition, Issue 8, is DSA at 100k. To receive a bimonthly full copy of the magazine issue delivered to your door knowing your funds directly support the independent media we represent, you can subscribe here.

Working Mass is a project of union members and members of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) in Massachusetts and beyond. We cover strikes, new organizing, and contract campaigns, as well as labor strategy, the reform movement, and socialist politics.

History has changed. Welcome to Issue 8.

In 1912, the Socialist Party of America had grown to surpass 100,000 members. They held two congressional districts, mayoral seats, and countless council seats nationwide. That eve of the Great War was their peak.

For the first time since the SPA’s decline, DSA has reached the coveted milestone of 100,000 members. This is uncharted territory for U.S. organizers today. A mass organization of this magnitude has not been seen in generations of the socialist movement. In Massachusetts alone, thousands organize in five chapters: Boston, Worcester, Cape Cod, River Valley, and the Berkshires, membership rising across all of them, with party offices for members in Holyoke while organizers secure one in Boston to serve over thirteen neighborhood groups, many with memberships exceeding small chapters. There are socialists in workplaces and apartment complexes agitating tenants. There are socialists fighting in the streets and organizing rapid-response efforts against ICE. And there’s a pantheon of socialist officials, once again: hundreds of councilors, legislators, some mayors, while other comrades challenge our opposition for seats in the U.S. Congress to directly confront fascism and the imperialist war machine from the halls of power.

In this issue, we interview workers organizing for their first contract at breweries and dining halls; we follow carpenters fighting against bad developers; we witness marches against each successive war and invasion, from Venezuela to Iran to Cuba; we see labor’s continued work, alongside ICE watch, to muster the capabilities and unity needed to defend us. We review a deeply personal memoir about how one comrade became an organizer through revolution. She’s not the only one. Throughout the issue, DSA leaders share their personal stories of how they came into organization: as unionists, radicals, nurses, field directors, red diaper babies, and single moms involved in the first 100K Drive.

Together, we are a fighting organization.

It’s ours to choose what to do with it.

In Solidarity,

Travis Wayne

Issue 8 Contributors: Maritza S, Robin, Ben A, Tefa G, Jake S, Ezra S, Francesca M, Hayley B-B, Cerena E, Frederick Reiber, Megan Romer

How Did You Become An Organizer? (Part 1)

Tefa G, Chapter Co-Chair, Boston DSA:

I went to Labor Notes in 2018 [a national conference for union activists] and met people from DSA there. And then when AOC got elected in 2018, I decided that I wanted to continue to do this work, but I needed to do it somewhere where it is going to work. So I moved to New York City in 2019 and became a fully active member of NYC-DSA.

I believe in this organization because in organized strategic efforts. As a Marxist, I need a platform to organize people who are disorganized, so that we can actually do something. I believe in civil disobedience protests, but it is important to have a plan – knowing your long-term goals, being strategic about your messaging, knowing what the next step is going to be. What you are gonna get people to do next? Who are gonna be involved? What are the repercussions?

Ezra S, Political Education Chair, Worcester DSA:

I knew what socialism was, but never called myself a socialist. I joined DSA in the summer of 2020, in the midst of COVID and the George Floyd protests. After seeing how the Democrats sabotaged Bernie’s campaign, the failure of the privatized healthcare system, and deepening my understanding about the police force’s relationship with the capitalist state, I began to ascribe the socialist label to my own politics. After nearly eleven months in NYC-DSA, I left to join a Marxist-Leninist microsect called the People’s Revolutionary Party, since disbanded.

In 2024, I found myself returning to DSA: to Worcester DSA, specifically, after I had moved to Worcester for school. The genocide in Palestine had motivated me to want to do more and be more active, and I was especially deflated by Clark SJP’s refusal to hold an encampment. I found Worcester DSA through its statements on October 7th, which I thought were incredibly strong and principled, so I joined the chapter to give it another shot. Two years later, DSA has become my sole political home. I cannot believe there was a time in my life when I debated that fact.

Francesca M, National Political Committee

I’m a red diaper baby: I was born into a socialist family. My childhood memories are dotted with candle-lit marches against the Iraq War; my brother leading a rally against education cuts; falling asleep on a plastic chair at the back of the union hall during my dad’s Party meetings; the ’70s feminist chants I sang with my mum in the car. Yet as I entered adolescence, the contradictions between my home life, the goodness and intuitive correct-ness of my family’s beliefs, and the pervasive social consensus around me — the photographs of Che Guevara on our walls, and my best friend describing Cuba as a ‘dictatorship’ with a knowing look — caused me to live with a sort of split consciousness. If asked about my political identity, I choked.

I had to first experience politics before I could articulate my politics. High school catapulted me into the student movement: every government, it seemed, took a turn at slicing off a piece of the public education system, so there was always something to fight for. And so we did: student strikes, occupations of school buildings, assemblies, bus rides to national marches, picket lines, fundraisers, panel discussions. I participated in everything, and brought my friends along too, but I didn’t have the confidence, or the certainty yet, to lead anything. I was organized, but not organizing. I did, however, begin to claim ideas: I read Marx, and anarchist anthologies, and learnt to distinguish between radical and assimilatory kinds of feminism.

After a stint in Students for Justice in Palestine during grad school, the moment that turned me into an organizer in my own right was the May 2021 Unity Intifada triggered by the Sheikh Jarrah evictions and the 11 days war on Gaza. For two weeks, I had thought of nothing but the war and how to stop it. I took time off work, turned my house into a headquarters, learned to give speeches, rehearsed talking points, travelled to every rally, allowed my friends to bring me groceries and make me coffee and offer their couch, talked to a thousand people, painted banners in my backyard, cold-emailed journalists, yelled at other journalists, yelled at politicians, yelled at the sky and God and Joe Biden, and by the time a friend in Gaza sent me videos from the street celebrations of the ceasefire, I knew I was an irreversibly changed person.

Four months later, I joined DSA.

Articles Featured in Issue 8:

1. Lamplighter Brewers Win Union Vote, Becoming the First Union Brewery Statewide

2. Is the Labor Movement Growing or Shrinking? The Incredible Views of the AFL-CIO

3. Bad Blueprints: Worcester Building Trades Challenge Subsidies to Developers

How Did You Become An Organizer? (Part 2)

Hayley B.B., National Political Committee:

Growing up, my grandmother would reminisce about her organizing efforts in Southern California: walking side by side with the United Farm Workers, protecting women outside of Planned Parenthood, and mobilizing for the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment. I did not realize what this would mean to me years later as a 31 year-old socialist union organizer. She passed when I was a freshman in high school, long before I had the chance to ask her all the questions I now wish I could ask. Throughout high school during Obama’s presidency, I found myself angrier about ongoing political issues than my peers, but I never moved my anger to action beyond posting on social media. In 2016, while attending the University of Colorado Boulder, I yearned to get involved with the inspiring movement that was building around the Bernie Sanders campaign, but I never found a place on my campus to do this. I stumbled around working various low-wage jobs while attempting to “soul search” for a career path. When relatives suggested I do politics when I was consumed by the Kavanaugh trials, their suggestion was eye-opening to me. Within a few months, I was working for a Berniecrat legislator at the State Capitol, where I met Lorena Garcia, a current Colorado State Legislator, who in 2019, was running for the US Senate with a grassroots, socialist campaign endorsed by all four Colorado DSA chapters that took a major gamble and hired me as her full-time field director. I developed relationships with socialists all around the state. After the 2020 COVID shutdown ground her campaign to a halt, I plunged in and joined Denver DSA and was elected as electoral chair within months. In that same period, I led a successful organizing campaign with a fellow Denver DSA comrade to unionize the nonprofit we were working at under a Communication Workers of America (CWA) local. I’ve been a union member ever since and currently work as a union organizer for AFT-Oregon.

In 2022, I visited my grandmother’s home country of Slovakia for the first time to learn about my family history and visit her cousin, Martin Bútora, who still lives there. This cousin is a sociologist, writer, and professor. At the time, he was also an active advisor for Zuzana Čaputová, the first woman and youngest person ever elected to be Slovakia’s president as a member of the Progressive Slovakian Political Party. In 1948, as a teenager, he worked as a reporter when the Communist Party took over Slovakia and transitioned it into a Soviet satellite state. By November 1989, he co-founded Public Against Violence, the leading movement of the democratic revolution (The Velvet Revolution) in Slovakia, then served as the human rights advisor for a former president of Slovakia, was appointed the Slovak Ambassador to the United States from 1999 to 2003, and even ran for president of Slovakia in 2004. I spent each night during this trip gathering as much information as I possibly could from him about his own years of organizing experiences and his relationship to my grandmother, which he self-described as someone he wrote back and forth with frequently to discuss the politics of the world, and learn from each other’s organizing in their respective countries. Through our conversations I learned that throughout his lifetime, he had lived under almost every form of government, so I asked a simple question: “What form of government is the best?” He answered immediately, “Democratic socialism is the only form of government that will save our world.” This moment solidified everything for me and made me realize I didn’t come into socialism and organizing on my own; my grandmother has been leading me here the entire time. After my trip to Slovakia, I chanced upon my grandmother’s CWA union pamphlet. I never knew she was also a unionist herself, let alone the same union I first belonged to. This further crystallized what I already knew: my life path has roots much deeper than myself.

Cerena E, National Political Committee:

My parents were newly-immigrated Filipinos to NYC when my mom gave birth to me at the hospital where she worked. Their first jobs as US citizens were as nurses, with my mother being the first union nurse in my family. For most of my childhood, my parents never seemed to be in the same room at the same time unless we were on vacation with extended family. After my brother was born, I was raised nearly full-time by my godparents, both of whom were also nurses. The stories my elders would repeat to my brother and me sought to color my understanding of the world: according to them, by overcoming poverty through sheer grit and hard work, they raised me to embody their aspiration for a better life in the US. We moved to Houston in the summer before I began second grade, when my parents were able to afford a decent standard of living for my family on the combined salaries of two nurses.

To my parents’ chagrin, much of my adolescence was spent questioning whether hard work actually pays off in the real world. I dove into the nonprofit world, part with the naivete of an ambitious high school student authoring a college resume, and part out of the simmering rage I’ve come to associate with unabashed expressions of wealth in the US. I volunteered hundreds of hours at a local food bank, and fundraised, before quickly learning that nonprofits could never address the root of poverty. As long as there existed a class of wealthy donors who would sooner lift a finger to write a grant than confront the ugly economic system through which they enriched themselves, what good was my volunteer labor?

The absence of any competent opposition from the Democratic Party during Trump’s first term left me hopeless until I joined YDSA in my sophomore year of college at the University of Texas, Austin, nearly eight years ago to this day. Armed with clipboards, a YDSA banner, and a Bernie Sanders cardboard cutout, the students who took me on as a future socialist organizer raised my expectations of what we must demand of the world to change it. I joined my first union, the Texas State Employees Union (TSEU), as an undergraduate student worker. Unsurprisingly, my mentors in TSEU were also my mentors in DSA. From campaigns to protect students and university workers in the face of austerity during the COVID-19 pandemic, to electoral campaigns like Heidi Sloan’s run for Congress as an open democratic socialist in Central Texas, I saw myself and the people I organized with in Y/DSA transformed into working class champions of socialism. Now with over a year of experience working as a union nurse, just as my mother once was, and standing toe-to-toe against capitalism on a regular basis — the courage I feel to organize and fight for a just world would not be possible without the thousands of socialists I’m proud to call comrades in DSA.

4. Losing Your Whole World To Win a World – A Review of Defiance by Loubna Mrie

5. Emmanuel College Dining Hall Workers Win First Contract with UNITE HERE Local 26

6. Boston Labor Unites to Face ICE As Minneapolis Leads First General Strike in 80 Years

How Did You Become An Organizer? (Part 3)

Megan Romer, National Co-Chair:

My first official title in DSA was 100K Captain, during the original 2021 100K Drive. I’d started organizing with my local chapter, Southwest Louisiana DSA, a little over a year before, but knew quickly that I had a lot of catching up to do — though I had been in activist spaces before, becoming an organizer (and becoming a socialist in any meaningful way) was new to me. My job for the first several months: snacks. (Self-imposed.) In that year, because of my comrades, I’d gone from a wobbly “Elizabeth Warren is probably the compromise choice we need” voter to a full-time Bernie 2020 super-volunteer, helped my chapter pivot to digital organizing during the pandemic, and worked on the leadership team of our chapter’s massive mutual aid response to Hurricanes Laura and Delta.

When the 100K Drive rolled around, my chapter’s leadership team, exhausted from our ongoing hurricane response, asked if I’d be willing to be the 100K Captain, our chapter’s lead for recruiting efforts, and I nervously accepted — I wasn’t sure I was ready for a formal position, but I stepped in. Our little bayou-side chapter grew by nearly double during that drive, solidifying a Top 3 spot on the chapter leaderboard and the legendary pink prize hat for several of our members. We had a distinct advantage, in that we were actively working on a campaign that was extremely easy to tap people into in the short term. Where we struggled was, of course, retention.

No chapter in the country figured out the magic potion that retained members through the Biden presidency. With Trump out of office and the daily news “back to normal” (such as it was), combined with the long tail of pandemic lockdowns, our numbers dwindled — we didn’t get all the way to 100K during that drive. It took years of rebuilding, combined with obvious external political conditions (some of which were of DSA’s own making, like the Mamdani campaign) to finally hit that big number, but we did. And now we’re here, we made it! But the work isn’t done. A DSA that is able to stop massive wars, shut down the supply chain to demand working class rights, protect our most vulnerable, and build a real democracy? That’s a DSA in the millions, and those millions need to be activated, trained, and ready to take on that fight.

We still haven’t solved the equation of retention, but when I look back at my own arc – just a regular slightly weird and artsy working-class mom who went from left-lib to communist through the social practice of collective organizing and collective learning. The question of how to pull people into that social practice — to make folks feel empowered about organizing and enthusiastic about learning both skills and theory — is one I’m still working on but which I try to bring back to my own experience. You are probably also working on this question – how to make DSA stick – and I’m so glad to be in this organization to work on it together. To the next 100K!

The post Announcing Issue 8: DSA at 100K appeared first on Working Mass.

“}]] 

MD-DSA 4th Annual Convention Shows a Strong, Ideologically Diverse Chapter Organizing Together for Power

By Lila B.

At this year’s annual convention, over 200 members of Metro Detroit DSA took the time to deliberate, debate, and vote on a variety of key chapter decisions.

As a big tent organization, our convention is one of the most valuable opportunities for members of varying tendencies to come together and decide collectively how we move forward as a chapter for the next year.

Through consensus resolutions, we agreed: to prioritize educating the millions of working class people open to democratic socialism about the core tenets of our movement, to build our chapter to 2,000 members by our 2027 annual convention, to re-affirm the Socialist in Office committee’s valuable work in coordinating with our elected officials, to establish a new Mobilization Working Group, and more.

We also strengthened our administrative functions by dividing the secretary role into separate administrative and communications roles. This creates more manageable, sustainable workloads for tasks that support the entirety of the chapter without putting an undue burden on any one member.

As a proud member of the Groundwork caucus, I wanted to share a few key takeaways from convention for the broader membership to consider.

We agreed to address structural issues in the chapter with the Unity in Action commission

One of the most exciting votes was the decision to approve the Unity in Action resolution.

The debate and deliberation around this specific proposal ended up taking far more time than for any other resolution at this year’s convention. That’s because we, as a chapter, took the time to make compromises in real-time, incorporating feedback from a member on the floor to remove some language from the resolution. I found it to be a commendable example of comrades working together across tendencies to build consensus.

This cross-tendency collaboration resulted in an amended resolution that the majority of members felt confident enough to vote YES on.

The passage of the Unity in Action resolution underlines that as an organization, we agree that there are indeed a variety of serious infrastructural challenges facing our rapidly growing chapter necessitating further inquiry, deliberation and proposals. By adopting the Unity in Action Commission, we collectively agreed to create a democratically-elected commission dedicated to shoring up the infrastructure that we desperately need to keep scaling the fight to win socialism in our lifetime. Ultimately it will take all of us, across tendency and caucus, to build MD-DSA into the mass socialist party that can speak to the millions of working people now open to our politics.

It’s critical to note that if we’re serious about addressing these structural issues, we will need buy-in, input and compromise from every ideological tendency in the chapter. Moving forward, it’s important that we take this mandate from convention seriously and continue working across our differences to build up every corner of our organization.

We agreed that our chapter must strengthen a broad array of work including labor, political education, electoralism and more

Walking out of convention, it was also clear to me that the majority of our chapter agrees that every part of our work is of vital importance, from labor and political education to electoralism and ecosocialism — which is why we all feel so strongly about how these groups should be structured.

The debate surrounding the political education resolutions in particular underlined the broad desire of our membership to see a strong political education program in our chapter. We all want new and long-time members alike to feel confident thinking through robust critical analyses of both our current political moment and the history that brought us here.

Where Groundwork differs in opinion from other caucuses and the Democracy Coalition is that we believe strongly in building a party capable of recruiting and engaging the masses. Our vision for the chapter is one that meets people where they are, that makes every corner of our organization as accessible as possible, and that unequivocally believes in every new members’ ability to be active and engaged from the first day they join the organization.

Whether it’s voting on chapter and committee decisions or joining the work, we believe that simply by virtue of being in DSA, every member is more than capable of engaging in our chapter regardless of when they joined, what meetings they’ve attended or what theory they’ve read.

We look to each and every member and say: we trust you with the work and we trust you to have a say in our democracy. That’s why I’m ultimately excited to get to work and support everything the convention passed on 4/11.

We agreed that steering committee should be empowered to make administrative decisions and that real democracy means having the option to re-elect leaders

I was also happy to see that the resolutions focused on taking decision making power away from our elected leadership and depriving our organization of institutional knowledge by imposing term limits were both voted down.

Our members affirmed at convention that they want to leave the administrative work to the folks tasked with doing it so that we may focus on doing the important work of winning socialism in Detroit.

Likewise, members recognized that real democracy means having more options, not less, in any given leadership election. Members were savvy to the fact that we don’t need term limits because nobody gets on the steering committee (or stays there) without our consent.

Members want a Metro Detroit DSA for the masses

The UIA commission and the campaign proposals on the consent agenda are all meaningful steps forward toward building a mass movement and a party for Metro Detroit DSA. Next year, I hope to see even more proposals around campaigns that bring as many working class people across Metro Detroit into the fold.

Our internal work is important, but it’s clear that despite our differences, a vision of centering ambitious, external-facing campaigns is resonating with members across a variety of tendencies. Members across the organization are here to build a chapter for the masses, not the few. To create a chapter for not just the already converted, but for a true mass movement to win socialism in Metro Detroit.

Everybody in, nobody out!

MD-DSA 4th Annual Convention Shows a Strong, Ideologically Diverse Chapter Organizing Together for… was originally published in The Detroit Socialist on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

A union can democratize your workplace, protecting you against at-will employment, ensuring just cause, and raising standards for all workers.

The post Your boss is lying when he says unions are no longer necessary appeared first on EWOC.

DSA has become an important vehicle for climate politics. A new book uses the campaign for a New York state climate law as a lens for understanding the organization and its approach to the crisis.

The post Feel the Burn appeared first on Democratic Left.

The author of "Let the Record Show: A Political History of ACT UP New York, 1987-1993" discusses how her theory of an “Inside/Outside” strategy applies to the Mamdani era.

The post Let the Record Show: Democratic Left Interviews Sarah Schulman appeared first on Democratic Left.

by Niko J-F

Why You Should Join Us For International Workers’ Day in 2026

May Day Rally Friday, May 1 at Public Square, 4pm

As capitalism developed in the U.S.A, workers were put in grueling industrial conditions, and organized into unions to try to change them. By the late 1800s, workers were organizing to demand an 8 hour work day, facing violent repression from their bosses and the government. In May 1884, at Haymarket Square in Chicago, one particularly violent act of repression shocked the world. The struggle of these workers, and all workers across the world, has since then been celebrated on May 1st as International Workers’ Day.

By the early 1900s, workers across the world were growing in their organization and political consciousness. In the U.S.A., the Socialist Party was the largest political organization advocating for the working class, reaching over 110,000 members at its peak, and drawing over 900,000 votes in the 1912 election. In Cleveland, the Socialist Party grew dramatically throughout the 1910s. They consistently advocated for more worker organization in labor unions and against state repression, war and imperialism.

The Socialist Party in Cleveland regularly celebrated May Day, with the largest such celebration in 1919. Over 30,000 workers marched through the streets, including many in the International Workers of the World, and the American Federation of Labor. Their celebration was met with violent repression. Several workers were killed, over 100 were arrested and injured, and the Socialist Party headquarters were ransacked. In Cleveland and throughout the country, this reaction would become commonplace as the Socialist Party and the working class became increasingly organized, and strongly advocated against the U.S.A’s imperialism and wars abroad.

In 2026, we continue to organize around May Day to honor the histories of those that came before us, and continue their struggle for a better world. Today, we see our government increase its violent repression, including subjugation of immigrants and trans people in the U.S.A, genocide in Palestine, and imperalist aggression from Venezuela to Iran. To stop this oppression, and the everyday exploitation of capitalism, workers must be organized. This May Day is just one action to organize around, demonstrating our unity, calling for ICE out, an end for War, and worker power!

Solidarity, forever!

Link to more May Day Photos: https://clevelandhistorical.org/items/show/28

The post Why May Day? appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

Recommend Joe Gerard for Congress OH-03

In Ohio’s heavily gerrymandered congressional map OH-03 should be a seat that represents the district’s strong leftward tilt but it is instead represented by Joyce Beatty, a donor captured Democrat, funder of Israel, and champion of deregulation. She is being challenged by Joe Gerard. In meeting with Joe our chapter found we are aligned on opposing and abolishing ICE, stopping wars abroad, and championing labor rights. While our chapter is generally skeptical of self funded campaigns, Joe’s challenge to big donor’s power over elections is welcome. Though we tend not to offer full endorsements to non-socialist and non-member candidates, the recommendation here is clear: Joe would be a substantial improvement in representation for Central Ohio’s working class in the US House of Representatives.

Recommend YES on Issue 5

Issue 5 is a move to amend the Columbus City Charter with The Community Crisis Response Amendment. The amendment creates a system to provide non-police based emergency response. This would provide an alternative to frequently violent and potentially escalatory police responses to non-violent crises. Additionally this would be done without adding additional funding for the police. The amendment is supported by a wide range of local organizers, labor, and progressive organizations. A vote of YES would be recommended as any move away from the existing violent and militarized policing status-quo is a good move.

Does DSA have a supporter ceiling? A discussion of how large DSA could grow in the United States.

The post How High is the Sky? appeared first on Democratic Left.

Who wins and who loses when Trump's America goes to war?

The post War, Forever and a Day appeared first on Democratic Left.

By Chris W.

A big advantage that the right and forces of reaction have compared to us on the left is that they are defending a system that already exists. There’s not much for them to disagree over, at least not ideologically. We on the socialist left, on the other hand, are trying to build an entirely different kind of society. There are many different ideas of what socialism means and what a socialist society will look like. Ideally, DSA would be united with a clear vision of the socialist society we want to create and firm tactical and strategic plans to get there. We are not at that level of development yet. How do we get there?

I was impressed with the conduct of the chapter at convention. Considering the endless Slack arguments in the weeks leading up to it, I and other comrades I talked to were anticipating an extremely contentious Saturday. Even though there were raised voices at times, all of the arguments were political. I didn’t hear anyone’s character impugned or socialist bona fides questioned. It was even more impressive considering how few times I’ve seen real substantive debates, the kind that draw out the political fault lines within the chapter, happen in my time in DSA (just one time since I joined last June, when there was an amendment on the resolution to endorse the Michigan for the Many campaign).

The lack of debate at General Meetings might have appeared to newer members to show that there was a great deal of ideological unity in the chapter, and the disappearance of that illusion might have come with some shock. If you follow the goings-on at the national conventions, you know that there are a very wide array of tendencies, represented by an even wider array of caucuses. We got a short, though probably not exhaustive, list of the caucuses represented in the chapter at convention after a point-of-information from a comrade. To the newer member, it may seem like they’ve joined an organization of organizations rather than an organization of organizers.

Perhaps even more alarming to them, was the clear divide between Groundwork and the Democracy Coalition. If you were to look at both of their respective voting guides again (don’t worry, I looked so you don’t have to), neither side won everything they wanted. If one side had, I suppose that would be a type of unity, though it would be a shame if the winner would assume they had total control of the direction of the chapter, disregarding the margins they actually won. In the “big tent” of the DSA, the “big tent” meaning that DSA contains any and all tendencies of the anti-capitalist left, there isn’t going to be ideological unity.

The most unified way to move forward is to deliberate and decide our course democratically, so that all sides can make their case to the body they’re in front of, so that both the winning and losing sides will respect the decision that’s made. The way we get to a more unified chapter is through having these types of deliberative assemblies more often.

I think a big reason for the tensions on Slack leading up to the convention is the lack of a public forum for these various views to be heard. Importantly: these need to be in-person forums. It’s much easier to be short with someone or misinterpret tone when things are being hashed out online rather than in person, and having an audience adds additional social pressure to make sure everyone is on their best behavior. While I agree with comrade Ian A.M. that one-on-ones are great and necessary for our organization and rebuilding a sense of camaraderie between the different factions, the best way to build unity is to continue these debates on the floor of the new General Meeting.

It’s my hope now, as it was when I was writing the amendment to R8 to create the new General Meeting structure, that the half hour of time dedicated to debate in the new General Meeting format will be a place where we can regularly exercise our deliberative muscles and collectively develop politically while we try to steer MDDSA. All the amendments, motions and counter-motions that can occur on the debate floor under Robert’s Rules may seem onerous, and there was a point during the afternoon session of the convention where I was feeling ready to get the whole thing over with, but continued practice will help to smooth out our processes.

These debates aren’t just rhetorical exercises, though. The point is to collectively decide on a plan of action, implement it out in the real world, and then evaluate its efficacy. Then the process starts over; we deliberate over a new course of action, vote on it, implement it, and evaluate it. This is how we achieve unity, by respect for democratic decision-making.

Coming out of convention, I actually see a lot of unity in our chapter. We’re unified behind two new campaigns: No Appetite for Apartheid and Organizing Amazon. We have a new Mobilization Working Group. All three of these will carry our work out into the world after spending a bit too much time concerned with internal organization.

Democracy may look like chaos, but it’s actually the source of our strength. Democracy and organizing create our unity, not bylaws amendments or an omerta on discussing factional differences. I look forward to continuing our deliberations and organizing in the next year with all my comrades.

Chris W. is a law student and an uncaucused member of the Democracy Coalition.

How to Live in a Big Tent was originally published in The Detroit Socialist on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.