by Lauren B.

A cloudy, drizzly Saturday in Livingston County saw around 100 people gather in Geneseo to mark International Workers Day—a first of its kind in the county, despite the holiday being more than a century old. 

The May 3 rally was a collaboration of local DSA members and the newly-formed YDSA Chapter at SUNY Geneseo, whose campus is a short walk from the rally location on Main Street near an area known as the Village Park. Other participating groups included Genesee Valley Citizens for Peace, Genesee Valley Indivisible, and the 5 & 20 Alliance. 

The power of organized labor and the history of International Workers Day were the event’s focus. Standing atop a short stone wall, Organizer Chris Norton explained that because May Day “was a festival of celebration, it led to a rare day off work for peasants in the Middle Ages.” In 1890, Norton went on, “May 1^st was chosen…by workers around the world—in support of an 8-hour workday in … the United States of America.”

DSA Member Lauren Berger’s remarks also commented on the history of International Workers Day, “in commemoration of the Haymarket affair,” during what was, they said, “the Gilded Age—robber barons, poverty, dangerous job sites, no social safety net, violent racial inequality … the top 12 percent of people in the US owned 86 percent of the wealth. The bottom 44 percent of the people owned 1.2 percent of the wealth. Sound familiar?”

“One of the ways people fought back was through organizing,” Berger continued. Not just labor strikes, but “support networks … to make sure the strikers got fed, had shelter, and could get medical care … . They listened and learned from each other to understand how their struggles were bound together—and in doing so created a collective power.”

Attendees held signs and stood along the Main Street sidewalk, representing a wide range of ages and backgrounds but hailing mostly from towns in Livingston and the surrounding rural counties. Some signs indicated specific workers to support—including the Post Office and fired federal employees. Other signs read “Stand with labor,” “Bread yes, but roses too,” and, “A better world is possible.” 

Berger explained the reference—the 1912 Lawrence Textile Strike and the subsequent legend of a striking worker bearing a sign reading “Bread yes, but roses too,” meaning workers deserve not only the basic necessities of survival, but enough to be afforded dignity and joy. “We’re not outnumbered, just out-organized,” they said. “Our resistance, and our survival, stands a far better chance if we do it together.” 

Berger spoke about the ongoing Graduate Labor Union strike at the University of Rochester (linktr.ee/glu.ur), pointing to informational handouts on a table that grew damp in the intermittent sprinkles of rain. 

Norton led the group in a call and response, with a list of struggles fought and won by organized labor in the US, including, “If you like that kids go to school instead of work,” and “If you like safe working conditions,” and each meeting the echoing refrain, “Thank the Unions!”

Berger also read prior remarks from ROC DSA Member Rich Jurnack entitled “Manifesting the General Strike (rocdsa.org/blog/manifesting-the-general-strike).” As supporters honked their horns and the occasional disagreeing shout came from an opened driver window, Berger shared Jurnack’s retellings of two general strikes—the Palestinian-Arab Strike in 1936-39 and in Rochester in 1946. These instances and others prove, Jurnack wrote, “that we are in fact all essential workers, and they depend on us to make everything work. And if we stop working, their power goes away very fast.”

Referencing UAW President Shawn Fain’s moves for national contracts to simultaneously expire in his speech (originally delivered at the 2024 Chapter May Day Picnic), Jurnack wrote that May 1, 2028, “promises to be a moment where we as workers can come together and actually achieve the possibilities of a general strike. To achieve more politically and in the workplace than we’ve ever been able to before, at least since World War Two.”

Before concluding, the group sang “Solidarity Forever,” printed lyrics curling wet with the rain but well enough to read all six verses. As rally attendees departed many reported having learned something new, wondering aloud why this history isn’t commonly known. While this rally for International Workers Day might have been the first of its kind for Livingston County, it certainly won’t be the last. 

The post May Day rally brings out rural residents first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

On April 15, Border Patrol agents tackled a 27-year-old Salvadoran man to the pavement on Massachusetts Avenue in Portland. They zip-tied his limbs and threw him into the back of an unmarked vehicle. “It looked like someone getting kidnapped,” a witness told reporters. That’s because it was: a state-sponsored abduction, a spectacle of fear, and a message.

Eyidi Ambila, a man from the Democratic Republic of Congo, served a short sentence in Cumberland County Jail and has since been caged for over eight months by ICE with no new charges, no passport, and nowhere to be deported. This is not immigration enforcement—it’s indefinite detention and state-sanctioned cruelty. A federal judge ruled that Ambila can stay in the U.S. while appealing his deportation, acknowledging that returning him could mean arbitrary arrest, prolonged imprisonment, or torture. Let that sink in: the government admits deportation could lead to torture and still wants to deport him. He’s not a threat. He’s not a flight risk. He’s a living example of a system that dehumanizes, disappears, and discards. 

Marcos Henrique and Lucas Segobia, two skilled immigrant workers en route to a job in Maine, were abducted by ICE without charges. They were disappeared for over 36 hours and moved from one facility to another, while ICE lied to their families about their location. Jail staff refused responsibility. It was only after public pressure that officials finally tell their families where they were detained but the respite was brief, ICE, against their families wishes, moved them out of state.

These are not outliers. These are the cases that made it into the press. In April, documents obtained by the ACLU revealed that Cumberland County Jail was detaining 80 people for ICE, and Two Bridges Jail another 25. That’s over 100 people disappeared into the deportation pipeline with the full cooperation of local law enforcement. This is not policy failure—it’s policy success. It is not an accident—it is the infrastructure of repression being put to work to manage the turbulence of dying world.

We are living in the chaos of a collapsing order. Since the 1970s, the twin engines of neoliberal globalization and carceral expansion have reshaped United States: dismantling public institutions, deregulating capital, and replacing mass employment with mass policing, imprisonment, and deportation. What we are witnessing now is not an aberration but the terminal stage of this conjuncture—a world where crisis is met not with care or redistribution, but with cages and scapegoats. Immigration enforcement emerged to discipline labor, to create a hyper exploited strata of the labor market. Now it is being used by the Trump Administration to impose a blatantly fascist order.

To confront this reality, we start with a simple demand: End Cooperation Between Cumberland County Jail and ICE. And we understand that this demand is also a call to end suffering now, dismantle the deportation machine, and it opens the door to new solidarities and new ways of life.

The Event: Spectacle, Terror, and the Demand for Community Defense

The spectacle of forced removal is meant to terrify. It’s meant to be seen. It teaches entire communities to live in fear and sends a warning: no one is safe. The raids, the unmarked vans, the zip-ties—this is fascism in rehearsal. These moments are not isolated incidents; they are performances of state power. The goal is not merely removal. It is submission.

But for every spectacle of fear, we must respond with a celebration of solidarity. These bewildering, terrifying event demand community defense. They demand mutual aid. They demand we show up: outside jails, inside courtrooms, on the streets. The Trump Administration wants to fear going viral. Resistance must spread faster.

The Conjuncture: Neoliberalism, The Carceral State, and Crimmigration

Beneath the immediate spectacle is a broader structure of political economy. Over the last four decades, both parties have built the crimmigration regime—a fusion of carceral control and immigration enforcement designed to regulate the labor market and manage surplus populations. Reagan began immigrant detention. Clinton passed the laws that made mass deportation possible. Bush created ICE, consolidating immigration enforcement into a nationwide, federal police force. Obama used these tools to deport more people than any president in history. And Trump, despite all his gratuitous authoritarianism, has, in both terms, been unable to match the monthly deportation numbers of his democratic predecessors.

The system was not built to ensure justice. It was built to create a precarious workforce and a permanent underclass. It fabricates social order by dividing workers, criminalizing mobility, and treating migration as a security threat. The Trump administration is now using this bipartisan machinery to impose a more openly fascist order.

This is why ending ICE cooperation in Cumberland County matters. It’s not just a local demand. It’s a strike at on the pillars of the crimmigration system. It removes key logistical support. It complicates ICE’s ability to function. It interrupts the flow of bodies from street to cell to deportation. It is a lever of disruption—and it must be pulled.

The Longue Durée: Capitalism, Racial Division, and the Possibility of a New World

Zoom out further, and the contours of a deeper struggle emerge. The United States is a settler-colonial state founded on land theft, racial hierarchy, and labor exploitation. From slavery to Jim Crow to mass incarceration, from the reservation to the ghetto to the border, the same logics persist. Capitalism appropriates and exploits labor and then organizes abandonment. It produces surplus people: unemployed, unhoused, undocumented, untreated. It punishes these victims and twists and contorts their situations to make them appear as enemies to be contained, excluded, and expelled.

But from within that hell, new worlds are being born.

Presente! Maine is showing us how. Their land and food sovereignty programs, mutual aid work, and wellness initiatives are rooted in the labor and leadership of Maine’s Latine immigrant communities—most of whom work in the very sectors propping up this state’s tourism and agricultural economies. This is not charity. It is not service. It is revolutionary infrastructure. It builds autonomy. It deepens solidarity. It models a different way to live—with the land, with each other, and beyond the violence of borders and bosses.

This campaign is part of that same struggle. It’s not just about removing ICE from our jails. It’s about removing ICE from our future so we can build something better, something more humane, something that can unite New and Old Mainers.

We Are Not Asking—We Are Organizing

Of course, movements that threaten power face opposition—not just from reactionaries, but from liberals who want to manage dissent. We see it already. Some prominent liberal immigration advocacy organizations oppose ending ICE cooperation with the Cumberland County Sherriff, arguing that keeping people detained in Maine in the state aids legal defense. But proximity is not justice. Marcos and Lucas were hidden for 36 hours. Their families were lied to. Eyidi has been held for months with no end in sight. The system is built on opacity and cruelty. Local detention doesn’t protect—it enables.

The point is not to make the system more efficient. The point is to make it impossible.

Real change doesn’t come from appealing to authority. It comes from disrupting business as usual. From making the status quo ungovernable. From forcing elites to choose between justice and disorder. This is how power concedes. This is how history shifts.

We are not asking for better policies. We are not asking for a seat at the table. We are organizing to break the table in half.

For Marcos and Lucas.
For Eyidi.
For every neighbor taken in silence.
For every worker forced into the shadows.
For every life destroyed, for family shattered by the perpetual police war in the name of security and order.

End ICE cooperation in Cumberland County.
Free them all.
Stop the deportation machine.

The post Stop Deportation Machine: End ICE Cooperation in Cumberland County appeared first on Pine & Roses.

by Rochester for Energy Democracy

Metro Justice and members of the Rochester for Energy Democracy (RED) Campaign and allies rallied and spoke to City Council Thursday evening at City Hall to highlight the seriousness of the recent RG&E Audit, the close ties of RG&E to the Chamber of Commerce, and current City leadership’s refusal to act on a Phase 1 study, using already reserved funds.  

“The audit shows dramatic security and compliance concerns and a lack of planning and leadership at the utility level. In the face of such glaring evidence, will City leaders continue to refuse to act?” asked LaWanda Shipman, Vice President, Federation of Social Workers and President of Metro Justice. “A Phase 1 study that covers the city and county does not cost more than what the City already said they’d cover, and if they actually want to move this forward, it’s the way to get the County on board. We serve the city residents who are most impacted by the abuses of RG&E’s multinational owners and by the City’s delay – we can’t wait any longer.”

The groups are calling on the City to allocate already reserved funds for a Phase 1 study on replacing RG&E with a public utility. 

“When we voted for Mayor Evans, Melendez and other council members, we were looking for champions for our community and they are failing. They say they want to build with the community – Well how do you have $500,000 and you don’t think enough of the citizens who are mostly the marginalized and poorest and working poor of this city, and you don’t think we’re worthy to have that study performed? It is now time for them to step up,” expressed Lentory Johnson of Generational Engagement Matters. 

“The audit showed that basically nothing – planning nor leadership, happens at the utility level – it’s all at the level of their national holding company, and leadership doesn’t even know what’s happening at the RG&E level or where money is going. That in this context City leadership in power including Malik Evans, Miguel Melendez and Mitch Gruber continue to refuse to act while Bob Duffy is paid over $240,000 a year to sit on RG&E’s parent company (Avangrid)’s board makes you wonder – who is delay on the study serving?” asked Dr. Michi Wenderlich, Metro Justice Campaign and Policy Coordinator. 

Metro Justice also has released a Public Power Report Card outlining what candidates in the upcoming Primary have committed City leadership on a study, and which have refused. Those identified as most committed to city leadership on a study include Mary Lupien, Stanley Martin, Chiara “Kee Kee” Smith, Kelly Cheatle, and Kevin Stewart.

James Bearden, Third Act Rochester added: “Rochester Third Act Elders are part of a national community of Americans over sixty determined to use our generational power to face the existential crises of climate change and democracy threat. RG&E has for decades put profit before community interest. In 1975 Genesee Valley People’s Power Coalition challenged a RG&E proposed rate got the Public Service Commission to reduce the rate increase. Of course that was not the end of the story, RG&E has long been a bad actor. By 1980 GVPPC began to advocate for the city to fund a feasibility study on municipal power. Some of us were active in GVPPC and we have not changed our minds. We believe that a public utility company would provide more and better jobs for people living in Rochester, better service, lower energy costs, and community first policies. We urge Rochester City Council to put aside political differences and fund the preliminary study. Let’s find out if we can all work together to improve the lives of people in our community.”

The post Rochester for Energy Democracy calls out RG&E Audit and connection to Chamber of Commerce in Rally and Speak to Council, calling on City to Fund a study with reserved funds in June budget first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

I was on the street outside the Minneapolis VA Hospital, a truly giant facility that tends to the health of tens of thousands of military veterans each year.  The occasion was a demonstration sponsored by the two American Federation of Government Employees locals that represent thousands of workers at the hospital. The motivator for the […]

Authors: Jesse D, Aiden S, Jesse J (Electoral Working Group leadership)

The city of Portland is six months into its grand experiment in a new form of government. Portland City Council’s expansion and the multi-member geographic districts are providing new horizons of political action for the socialist movement and the city’s broader progressive milieu.  When thinking about our relationship with the new system, we find it important to refer to the past – in order to understand the present and to fight for a better future. 

Historically, candidates elected by people-powered movements to Portland city council have had short shelf lives. Their elections came as shocks to the establishment, who then fought to claw back those seats for the capitalist interests which dominate our city: the developers, the metro chamber, and their intersection in the Democratic Party of Oregon. For example, Commissioners Chloe Eudaly (elected 2016) and Jo Ann Hardesty (elected 2018), were identified by the establishment as part of the left. They both served single terms and then faced well-funded and aggressive opposition in their second elections, resulting in losses in 2020 and 2022 respectively. 

The second round of elections under the new system will fall first in Districts 3 & 4, where three DSA members are going to be up for re-election. It is imperative that we create a vigorous campaign plan to maintain our socialists in office. It is in the interest of all chapter members, and the city at large, that we succeed in that plan in 2026.

If you believe in our councilors’ mission – building a city that works for everyone, and not just the rich – consider these actions to get involved in defending our mandate:

1: Commit your time to the Electoral Working Group, which meets every third Thursday (find our next meeting on the chapter calendar here)

• Train with other members on how to run an electoral campaign, how to launch a canvass, how to be an effective canvasser, and fight for the candidacies of our DSA councilors on the front line!
• Attend the National Electoral Commission‘s upcoming “Electoral Academy” training series. This series is filled with important nuts-and-bolts trainings addressing all aspects of campaign work.
• Make an outreach plan for your non-DSA network: Highlight the work of our councilors to your non-DSA friends, coworkers, and family members. Encourage them to commit to donating to our Socialists in Office re-election campaigns or to canvass when we launch our field campaigns. Watch and listen for updates on these campaigns in chapter general meetings, Electoral Working Group meetings, and via direct communications (texts, emails, etc.).

2: Help prepare the chapter for a vigorous campaign

• Make the jump to solidarity dues to fund the chapter’s work between campaigns.
• Are your friends stoked about socialists on city council? Ask them to join the chapter!
• Keep up the good work in your Working Groups, Committees, and caucuses. We’re not just running on our councilors’ achievements but everything we do as a chapter!

3: Keep active with the chapter’s interventions at city hall

• We’ve seen greater group cohesion in our Socialist bloc when the chapter is organizing and mobilizing around our councilors’ legislative priorities.
• Bolster working groups’ policy priorities in the chapter (Renter’s bill of Rights, Family Agenda, public power etc.).

The post A Call to Action to Prepare for the 2026 Elections appeared first on Portland DSA.

By Nick Lavin

SOMERVILLE, MA — Just outside the Somerville Farmers Market, two Somerville for Palestine organizers – Lauren and Hala – lead a training for a dozen canvassers prepared and ready to engage people in the street. The group is gearing up to collect signatures for a ballot question demanding the city divest from from Palestinian occupation and genocide.

“While I’m frustrated the City Council voted not to divest, I’m proud so many people are doing the hard work to make this petition happen,” said Andrew, a Somerville resident and canvasser for the campaign.

Despite heavy rain all of the past twelve weekends, Somerville for Palestine has hit the streets hard since their ballot question campaign began a couple months ago after Somerville residents nearly overwhelmed City Hall in support of city divestment, only to be struck down by council. The campaign has collected well over 2,000 verified signatures for their petition calling for Somerville to “end all current city business and prohibit future city investments and contracts with companies… that sustain Israel’s apartheid, genocide, and illegal occupation of Palestine.” In order to get on the ballot, the campaign must collect verified signatures from 10% of the voting population. That’s 5200 certified signatures in total that are necessary, which means Somerville for Palestine has collected around 38% of the signatures needed so far to obtain ballot access.

Fundamental to the ballot campaign is an intensive canvassing operation that organizers hope will develop new pro-Palestine organizers and deepen support for the movement in Somerville. “We’re aiming for 10,000 signatures, that’s 10,000 conversations about Palestine in Somerville,” says Lauren, a Jewish pro-Palestine Somerville organizer. 

For many canvassers, the latest news from Gaza underlines the urgency of their work. Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, with firm backing from American allies, is systematically starving Gaza by blockading international aid. The entire 2.1 million population faces famine.

While pro-Palestine organizers had hoped national and international pressure on the American government to suspend weapons shipments would force an end to the war, the election of Trump in 2024 foreclosed the possibility of an end to the catastrophe. President Trump wholeheartedly supports Israel’s siege, explaining his vision for Gaza with an AI-generated video transforming the Palestinian territory into a luxury resort while outlining a plan for the ethnic cleansing of its population.

Many organizations like Somerville for Palestine have responded to this changing political terrain by orienting to local petitions to consolidate a pro-Palestine constituency in the town while continuing to build the national movement for BDS (boycott, divestment, and sanctions), operating on both levels through concerted campaigns. Just as Somerville was the first town in Massachusetts to pass a ceasefire resolution in early 2024, a movement which quickly spread like a wildfire across the state and country, organizers hope momentum for municipal divestment in Somerville will encourage similar efforts while preparing the groundwork for continued state and national pressure.

Hala, a Palestinian and longtime Somerville resident, is motivated by the overwhelmingly positive reaction to the petition from the community and hopes their work will inspire people elsewhere.

As the song says at Somerville High, Somerville leads the way, so Somerville for Palestine is leading the way on divestment.

Somerville for Palestine has had a lot of success in organizing coalitional support to harness to achieve the ballot measure and build a municipal base for Palestine. Their weekly canvasses, jointly organized with groups like Allston/Brighton for Palestine and Boston DSA, bring people from all across the Boston area to talk about Palestine, ceasefire, and divestment with Somerville residents.

Immigration, Palestine, and Civil Rights

Somerville for Palestine’s divestment campaign comes as Trump cracks down on civil rights. Just two months ago, Somerville’s own Rümeysa Öztürk was kidnapped by Trump’s ICE officers for writing an op-ed about divesting her university from Israel. Then too, Somerville for Palestine members were out in force protesting the decision and demanding her release.

Öztürk’s arrest also ignited fury from the labor movement: as a Tufts graduate student and member of SEIU 509, her arrest garnered immediate reactions from unions across the state and country demanding her release. 

While unions were on the frontline in the fight for a ceasefire and arms embargo under Biden, pro-Palestine labor activists are still finding their footing on the shifting terrain under Trump. For DSA’s National Labor Commission, the focus remains squarely on an arms embargo; but rather than targeting federal officials, union activists are plunging headfirst into organizing pressure against local governments to prevent weapons shipments through their ports and transportation hubs.

In Somerville, it is crunch time for the divestment ballot question: with about three months left to collect the needed 5,200 signatures, Somerville for Palestine needs all hands on deck to get across the threshold to be on the ballot this fall. To support Somerville for Palestine’s efforts, you can sign up for a canvass at tinyurl.com/canvass4s4p.

Nick Lavin is a Boston Public Schools paraprofessional and a member of the Boston Teachers Union.

CORRECTION: A previous version of this story indicated there were 5500 signatures necessary to obtain ballot access, when the number is actually 5200.

The post Somerville Fights for Palestine appeared first on Working Mass.

By: Liam Noble

BOSTON, MA – In early May, a supermajority of the 70 Blank Street Coffee employees in the Boston area filed for voluntary recognition from management as members of the New England Joint Board (NEJB). Their motivating factors were a desire for better wages, better schedule accommodations, better training, safety protections, and adherence to just cause discipline. 

Blank Street workers operate the shops in shifts of two to three baristas, one on the machine and one on the point-of-sale. The myriad of tasks to keep the store running (opening, cleaning, customer service, heating the food, tracking down the perennially absent manager, etc) fall to the couple of baristas. This fits neatly into that holy scripture of neoliberalism: workers do as many simultaneous jobs as possible for as little pay as warranted, for as little pay as possible.

Besides wages accounting for the sheer amount of labor done, employee safety is the biggest common reason given for organizing. 

One worker, who wishes to remain anonymous, told Working Mass that their location had a broken A/C that caused the shop to heat up to 90 degrees. While the employees labored behind the counter in brutal heat, management was vague and uncommunicative about repairs. No one seemed to care. The owners were simply unwilling to invest in keeping their employees safe, viewing quitting for burnout as merely normal employee turnover.

Coffee from Big Tech

To some extent, it’s no wonder the business model has led to both paltry pay and safety concerns. Blank Street was founded by two tech guys in Brooklyn who, after a couple failed schemes to attract the largesse of venture capitalists, aimed to automate the cafe experience into a push-button assembly line. This model has been used to justify slimming down staffing, minimalist accommodations, and a small floor space. This is not a social site. Blank Street is geared towards getting customers in, then back out again. Time is money, and quicker turnaround equals more money.

Blank Street is a company subsidized by big-name finance: Tiger Global, among others. Blank Street has money to burn in its quest to corner the market (seven locations in Boston, and thirty-six in NYC). Blank Street attracted $113.8M in funding from venture capitalists that pushed for rapid expansion across the East Coast and United Kingdom, rewarding the business model for harming workers’ livelihoods and access to healthy workplace conditions. 

Meanwhile, the boss remains difficult to access let alone march on with demands: there are only three managers between seven locations. 

Working for the Man, Working for the Machine

Blank Street is not so much focused around the process of coffee-making as around a single, finicky, over-engineered, touch-screen, all-in-one espresso robot that’s very expensive and prone to faults: the Eversys espresso machine. When the machine breaks down, everything stops. If the Wi-Fi goes down, espresso can’t be made. Cries for help on how to repair the Eversys, by both managers and baristas, are frequent posts on Reddit coffeeshop forums. Everybody tries to avoid the costly technician, who inevitably comes swaggering in with a heavy toolkit and a big invoice. In one Reddit post, a user begged for solutions for their machine needing to be torn-down and cleaned after every other use. The fix: change the time/date on the machine’s clock to before 2024. A y2k style bug in deficient software turned out to be the culprit. 

Our anonymous employee had this to say about the Eversys, following a thoughtful pause: “Could be better. It tries to clean itself every ten minutes and we have no control over that. It interrupts training and makes everything more difficult. There’s a problem where sometimes the steam wand won’t shut off, and it’s dangerous to team members and customers.” Most forbodingly, they reported:

The machine has burned people before.

Software issues plague the machine. Nobody in the store is qualified to fix the Eversys; the manager has to call the local service organization. But remember – since the managers are on-call, workers must play a game of telephone tag to reach one of the only three managers in the Boston area to access critical equipment that are needed to do their jobs. Even with preventative maintenance, the machines start breaking down about a year into use (exactly as you’d want from a machine with a $20k price sticker).

That’s a recipe for employee frustration— especially when it’s just a couple of you in a cramped and hot shop trying to tell the teeth-gnashing, convenience-addicted customers that your espresso machine that’s somehow also an iPad is broken, but at least you can still do matcha.

Coffee with Dignity

I popped down to the Harvard Square Blank Street in May and there was a line out the door. Five minutes later, I had a cappuccino in my hand. The business is built for speed, workers go fast. Everything is like clockwork. Just like any other “fast-café,” but faster. I wondered how the baristas had time for any of the other responsibilities management saddled them with, that they weren’t being compensated for. The speed of the workers, and the rhythms they followed, reminded me of working retail during a holiday rush. Everything turns into a well rehearsed blur of muscle memory. Brains tick with the rhythm of the machine, and all behind the counter are a harmonious One— except the customer who remains a precarious Other.

In contrast to management and its machine, the workers expressed that their motivating goal is being able to look out for each other.

There’s a strong sense of pride and security that comes with belonging to a good union shop. For baristas, that entails needed benefits— Boston is an expensive city, and the cost of living keeps rising. Housing alone is 119% higher than the US average. While tenant unions fight against rent, workers fight for better pay to battle the crushing weight euphemistically called the “cost of living.” And the workers in Boston are not alone, as Blank Street Coffee workers ratified their contract earlier this year after beginning a campaign in 2023.

Emma Delaney and others at the NEJB are helping the baristas in Boston to win.

Delaney is a NEJB organizer for the Blank Street unionization campaign, but comes from a proud history of barista organizing predating the NEJB. Emma was employed at Pavement Coffee, and helped lead the initial unionization effort in 2021. Pavement was the first coffee shop contract won in New England, followed by 1369, Blue Bottle, Diesel, Bloc and Forge. Now, the NEJB helping workers across the city accomplish the same in their own workplaces. 

Now the union is confident, and preparing for negotiations that will follow member ratification. “We want the vote to speak for itself,” Delaney said. 

Our anonymous Blank Street worker was cheerful about the prospects of belonging to a union shop.

We’re all pretty excited. We’re going forward feeling positive and want to keep spreading the word. We have a great team, and just want a safe work environment. We’re going to be able to look out for each other, now.

Liam Noble is a writer, photographer, and a member of Boston DSA. Find his substack here: liamnoble.substack.com

The post Baristas Versus the Machine: Boston Workers of Blank Street Coffee File for a Union appeared first on Working Mass.

by Jack Mottley

Hello to you all, and thank you for coming out today to show support and solidarity for your own, and other student’s, right to express discontent with the policies and practices of a government halfway around the world, and also the government here in the United States, and here at the University of Rochester. 

I came to the University of Rochester in 1986, before most of you were born, and saw students then having demonstrations and an encampment calling for the end of apartheid in South Africa. The University later claimed to be proud that students, working closely with the community here in Rochester, persuaded Kodak to become one of the first multinational corporations to participate in the boycott of the then-government of South Africa, eventually leading to the fall of that government and the abolition of apartheid there.  

All of this was in direct opposition to the wishes of the US  government, until politicians realized that acting humanely  toward your fellow human beings was actually popular among voters, and then you could not fight them off with sticks as they jumped in and took credit for it themselves. They even passed  laws that made it illegal for the US to sell arms to countries that  were probably going to use those arms to violate the human  rights of their own residents. Laws that those same lawmakers (or their successors) now simply ignore. 

At that time, here at UR Campus Security, or whatever they called  themselves at the time, were unarmed, and relatively well behaved. They respected the right of community members to  express opinions and present arguments, sometimes in  different and “unapproved” ways, even when the Board of  Trustees did not enjoy it.

Move forward some years, and the Department of Public Safety became a “sworn force” in 2013, meaning they can make arrests and file charges against individuals. And even against massive  opposition on campus some officers were allowed to carry guns  beginning in 2016. By 2020, over 200 people a year were being  criminalized by UR DPS, mostly around the Emergency  Department at the Medical Center, responding to people during  times of crisis with force and incarceration. 

That approach to the community has carried over to the River  Campus. When there were protests here over the illegal  collective punishment of all the people who lived in Gaza by the  Israeli government for an illegal act committed by a few Gazans in Israel, the Administration here at UR retreated behind a wall of  “security” rather than engage in conversation or healing.  

Any support for the Palestinian people, who are being murdered in  huge numbers every day, is denounced as “terrorism” and “antisemitism”. 

Any criticism of the actions of the government of Israel is denounced as “antisemitism”. Criticism of a government’s  actions is not an ad hominem attack on the supporters of the  COUNTRY: those who opposed America’s war in Vietnam were  not “anti-American” or “anti-democratic”, they were in reality  more pro-democracy than those who favored the war. “My  country right or wrong” is the chant of Fascists, not (small dee)  democrats. 

As you all know, this rush to condemn was nothing unique to the University of Rochester. Boards of Trustees and government officials hounded and destroyed presidents of universities for being too “soft” on “antisemitism” and “terrorism”, and even called them (here’s where Boomers gasp and clutch their pearls) “socialists” and “communists”. 

Slightly to their credit, the Administration here at UR did not call in the Rochester Police Department to violently crush the encampment and protests. Despite attempts by the UR  Department of Public Safety to goad protesters into violent  response, and in spite of lies being told to the community and  on social media, we succeeded in holding the longest-lived  encampment in the US! 

To their dis-credit, when things were winding down and most  students had left campus the UR Administration gave control of  dismantling the encampment over to the Department of Public  Safety, who proceeded to destroy virtually every personal article  they could lay their hands on in the encampment. Tents,  sleeping bags, cell phones, laptops, driver’s licenses, UR ID cards, medicines, even prayer shawls, were deemed “dangerous  materials”, put into dumpsters, and shipped off to landfills at  breathtaking speed. UR was the only University in the US that  did not at least try to return personal property to students, but  instead intentionally and maliciously destroyed it. 

Last summer, here at UR and across the country, University  administrations moved to consolidate control of their campuses  and to destroy the “rampant antisemitism and terrorism that  had been thriving there”.  

Specifically here at UR, the Administration created the  “Demonstrations, Vigils, and Peaceful Protests Policy” or DVPP,  that criminalizes behavior that the Administration does not like  EVEN IF THERE IS NOT A SINGLE COMPLAINT BY A SINGLE  PERSON.  

Further, the Administration created a “Camping Policy” that, simply  put, bans any encampment from happening again, ever. And it  includes a clause that all personal property seized when  enforcing the camping ban can be destroyed at the DPS’s  discretion. 

These policies were put in place with no discussion, no deliberation,  and no input from faculty or students, except for a few select  individuals who were bullied into acquiescence.

When an infraction of these policies occurs (which the  Administration and DPS get to decide using unknown criteria)  how do they know who to “charge”? There are at least 1600 security cameras all over this campus, so DPS “investigators” sit at a computer and search through recorded videos from all over  campus, making “timelines” of the “crime”, selecting the most  “incriminating” pictures, culling “incriminating evidence” from social media, and then putting it all together into a “dossier”.  

They also send sworn officers (with guns on their hips) out to  interrogate the “perps”, using all the good police tactics of  intimidation, all the way up to threatening students with arrest.  For a foreign student this could mean automatic loss of a  student visa and deportation just for having come to the  attention of a sworn officer. All this time the DPS Officers are  collecting evidence for possible use in CRIMINAL cases, but  without the presence of a lawyer or even an advisor. 

I have been a faculty advisor in two “hearings” since the  encampment was destroyed, and have talked to faculty who  were involved in others. The pattern in all is the same: The  “charges” presented to the University for adjudication have no complaints, no “victims”, just “violation of policy”. None of the  interrogations are mentioned, no potential criminal charges are  revealed, no mention of or opportunity to confront the  “accuser”. 

We have also learned that UR Department of Public Safety  collaborates with and engages with other law enforcement  agencies, all the way up to the FBI. We do not know if they have  collaborated with ICE yet, though the head of DPS appears to  believe that if ICE comes here then their administrative warrants will have to be obeyed.  

So far, I have not heard any assurance that the University  Administration will withhold information demanded by ICE or  any other federal agency, even if that request has no basis. The 

University’s stance seems to be one of pre-emptive appeasement, which, as we have seen with Columbia  University, does not work when facing bullies. 

The University of Rochester has abandoned all pretense of  academic freedom, of being allowed to express ideas that make  some people happy, some people thoughtful, some people uncomfortable, and some people apoplectic.  

They have, as their supporters, the very people who want to destroy  all universities, since colleges and universities tend to be places  where people with wide ranges of ideas get together to discuss  and criticize and expose the good and the bad sides of them all. Universities try to make the world “Ever Better”. 

Those who live by telling lies do not like that. They do not like people  to have facts with which to challenge their lies, or to disturb their  belief in their own “stable genius”.  

What can you do? You cannot know whether the UR Administration will defend your rights when the government comes after you. None of us can. We can only watch how the Administration acts BEFORE the government comes for us, when they come for others, and try to goad our Administration into doing the RIGHT things, instead of the “legal” things. You are here today, expressing your fears and concerns, and you should continue to participate in rallies and protests like this. You can write to the Campus Times. You can e-mail the President of the University. You can e-mail the people who are probably already asking you for donations and tell them that you will not make any donations unless you see direct evidence that the University is protecting its vulnerable students, faculty, and staff, and that you are  lobbying your friends and parents to do the same.

An addendum after giving the address: 

After additional reflection, the best thing you can do is to recruit  more (younger) students to the cause: the Administration often  downplays “student issues” because they know that the students complaining right now are going to graduate and will be gone soon. You have to plan who will keep up the fight after you leave. Students are here 4 years, the Presidents I have known averaged 8 years, Board of Trustee members are normally  limited to 10 years, and faculty stay forever (as of this writing I am going on 39 years here.)

The post Hands Off the Students first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

Every June, Chicago DSA holds our annual membership convention. Typically, our convention is more-or-less another General Chapter Meeting of the type we hold every quarter. Currently the only unique features of the convention are that any existing chapter Priority Campaigns are sunset unless they submit a resolution to “reauthorize” for a period of time up to a full year, and that there is generally a forum with candidates running for Chapter Officer.

As I wrap up my term as Chapter Co-Chair (and run for a second one), I’ve been thinking a lot about 1) how we give our chapter a clearer political focus, and 2) how we can make our chapter convention a bit more special. While it’s good that we use every convention to evaluate our Priority Campaigns, not every political priority is going to be an issue campaign. I think it’s important we spend time at the chapter convention to debate our broader priorities and direction as an organization, and I hope next year we can do more proactively to start that discussion in the lead up to the convention. 

This year, I am submitting a resolution that outlines four major political priorities for Chicago DSA, both in hopes of giving our chapter a clearer direction, and to help facilitate discussion and debate about what our priorities should be if not these four. Those four priorities are as follows:

1. Fight the boss. We must work to get masses of workers into motion against the capitalist class by encouraging, supporting, and precipitating class struggle, whether waged in the form of labor action, issue campaigns, direct action, or at the ballot box. 
2. Make more socialists. We must work to expand democratic socialist consciousness in the working class. We define democratic socialist consciousness as both engagement in purposive action (i.e., fighting the boss) and awareness of the ultimate goal of socialist transformation.
3. Be socialists everywhere. We need to become embedded in working class communities, especially in our workplaces and in unions, as well as in civic life and organized communities of all kinds.  
4. Build a class party. We need to build DSA as the foundation for a mass party of the working class. The party is an instrument to carry out the aforementioned tasks and for conquering the political power necessary for the transition to socialism.

The resolution is supplemented by a longer “commentary” on these priorities, which is presented in full below. 

Some of these priorities are already oft-repeated mantras by chapter cadre. That’s good, but we should formalize them and incorporate them into our orientation events and refer to them regularly as a way to evaluate ongoing and potential chapter work, not dissimilar to the Campaigns Criteria we adopted for our priority campaigns in 2018. 

The state of the world in 2025 is ever-changing and chaotic. It’s easy to feel overwhelmed, to feel powerless, and to get pulled in new directions every week as the second Trump administration carries out its ultra-reactionary program. These priorities are designed to be “evergreen” and be applicable nearly no matter what the current situation is. We will always need to be working to carry out these four tasks. 

Additionally, while these are priorities for our chapter, and the commentary makes specific references to some of the particularities of Chicago DSA, these are also broadly applicable enough that I think any DSA chapter and the national organization could adopt them as well. Let’s trial run them in Chicago first and see how they work for us.

I hope that this proposal will lead to productive debate in our chapter. I would encourage anyone interested to submit amendments, whether partial or full on “substitute” amendments that would propose a completely different text entirely for us to adopt. Midwest Socialist is also a great avenue to share perspectives in longer form. You can also share your thoughts directly with me at Co-Chair-2@chicagodsa.org. 

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Forward

Commentary on “Political Priorities for Chicago DSA”

There is no dignity or democracy under capitalism. It is a system for producing life that depends on exploitation and dictatorship ensuring private accumulation of wealth and power by an elite few. We are democratic socialists because we believe we, the working class, should control our own labor power and run society democratically to benefit everyone. Our ultimate goal is a complete rupture with capitalism and the establishment of a new political order where workers rule.

Socialism will require uniting and empowering workers the world over in common pursuit of a shared vision for a new socialist society. To commit to the socialist project is to commit to lifelong struggle, to commit oneself to a larger whole, and to commit to working towards a total transformation of life as we know it today.  

Our organization, the Chicago Democratic Socialists of America, has adopted the following political priorities to move us forward towards a socialist future. 

I. Fight the boss. 

We live today under the dictatorship of the capitalist class: the bosses. The bosses live in luxury off our labor while we spend the majority of our waking hours toiling at their behest to “make a living”. Our two classes are locked into a relationship of domination and subjugation. It is an irreconcilable conflict, and the only resolution will be through a total abolition of the capitalist system. 

The capitalist class have erected a vast superstructure to veil this class conflict and to prevent workers from realizing their common interests and common purpose. Our first task as socialists is to bring this conflict out and into the open through organizing workers as workers against the bosses — to encourage, support, and precipitate class struggle. We must take every possible opportunity available to engage in these struggles and leverage our membership and organization to achieve victory. 

Naturally, a primary site of class struggle is the workplace and through unions. This makes our chapter’s Labor branch an essential project. In addition to supporting labor struggles through strike solidarity activities, our members must work to cultivate a “militant minority” in their workplaces that can lead workers in struggle against the bosses directly from the shop-floor. While we want to see workers organize everywhere, our members should focus on industries, employers, and unions determined to be strategic priorities by the Labor branch, up to and including taking specific jobs to that end.

Our fight against the bosses extends to all their encroachments into our lives outside of the workplace, and in particular political struggle against the bosses’ representatives in government. Half a century into the neoliberal era we continue to find ourselves in retreat, fighting back against the further erosion of civil liberties and social welfare. We must wage a vigorous defense against these attacks while also working to go on the offensive, organizing to win transformative “non-reformist” reforms that shift the balance of power in our favor, such as those in DSA’s Workers Deserve More program. We need to fight for major structural changes to our political system too, from the expansion of voting to all residents including non-citizens and the incarcerated, to winning proportional political representation and an end to restrictive ballot access laws, all the way to a new democratic constitution that puts an end to minoritarian rule. 

These kinds of revolutionary reforms not only chip away at the power of the bosses but through their achievement give workers an understanding of their potential power and the necessity of political struggle. We need to run campaigns around these reforms and around issues that are widely and deeply felt by the working class. These campaigns should develop winnable demands and identify clear targets and timelines for escalation, emphasize tactics and actions that engage the largest number of people possible, and center the development of new activists and leaders. 

Because of our conflicting material interests, there is no way for both workers and bosses to win on any issue. A victory for workers is necessarily a loss for the bosses. This is why we must prioritize mass action that forces concessions over negotiation that yields meager compromises. 

A common tactic of the bosses to try to dull class conflict is by dividing workers based on race, nationality, gender, religion, immigration status, and other lines of difference. Working class unity cannot be achieved by simply trying to ignore these divisions and specific forms of oppression. We must fight them head on and identify them as attacks on the international working class as a whole. This means committing to organize around issues and through campaigns that focus on fighting these specific oppressions directly, such as struggles to weaken the power of the police, to combat imperialist wars and US militarism, or to fight back against attacks on bodily autonomy and transgender rights.

II. Make more socialists.

To achieve victory in the class struggle, the US working class needs a massive expansion in democratic socialist consciousness. While many in the US have come to hold a more positive view of socialism in the past decade than they have since the Red Scare, socialism is still quite marginal, and the common understanding of socialism by most is very rudimentary. 

We define democratic socialist consciousness as both engagement in purposive action (i.e., fighting the boss) and awareness of the ultimate goal of socialist transformation. Many workers are engaged in some level of the former, and many who identify as socialists or leftists have an understanding of the latter, but a much smaller number possess both qualities. 

No one is born a socialist. One becomes a socialist through a combination of action and education. This brings us to our second major task: guiding workers towards the path of becoming socialists, towards achieving both purposiveness and awareness. 

Our aim is not shallow indoctrination or to bring salvation to workers from above. Our aim is the transformation of workers’ capacity for analysis and self-activity, and to grow the ranks of workers who identify with a socialist tradition that spans the globe, several centuries, and many distinct tendencies. It is through strengthening workers’ insights and organization, through making more socialists, that socialists can hasten the day that the working class emancipates itself.

Making more socialists means an extensive focus on political education. While the elucidation of Marxist politics is paramount, socialist political education must involve the direct application of this theory to understand the present moment, to contextualize history, and to shape concrete organizing. Training workers in the practical skills required for organizing must likewise be an essential objective of a socialist political education program.

Political education is for everyone. We have to accommodate a series of concentric circles of different audiences ranging from organizational leaders and activists all the way out to the non-monolithic masses. This is a challenge given our limited resources. 

Focusing solely on the specific interests of members who are already deeply committed socialists is not very effective for developing new cadre (members who have made a serious long-time commitment to building the organization and advancing socialism). Developing popular education is of crucial importance for socialists, but popular education cannot scale without a corresponding increase in organizational capacity resulting from the recruitment and training of new cadre. For now we must prioritize political education programming that can bring together the socialist curious, non-cadre members, and core activists and leaders into shared spaces of vibrant debate and discussion, as is exemplified by our chapter’s most successful Socialist Night Schools.  

Intellectual awareness in total isolation is not consciousness though. Consciousness requires motion. This makes direct participation in class struggle perhaps the most valuable form of political education. These engagements transform abstract concepts into observed phenomena and resituate individual experiences into a dialectical framework. This makes both getting workers into motion against the bosses, and creating dedicated space to collectively debrief and evaluate those struggles, fundamental for the process of making more socialists. 

III. Be socialists everywhere.

Socialism in the United States today is largely subcultural. Like with many subcultures, the demographic make up of self-identified socialists is generally very skewed and unrepresentative of the working class as a whole. DSA’s current membership is disproportionately white, non-union, college educated, white collar, and millennial. In Chicago, our chapter’s membership is especially dominated by “transplants” who may have only recently moved to the city in their adult life and are less likely to have deep social and community ties as a result.  

If we want to expand our reach and grow beyond our existing narrow social base we need to work to become embedded in working class communities, in our workplaces, and in civic life. And we need to do so as socialists. We call this being socialists everywhere. 

The clearest example of this in practice is the model of the socialist shop steward. The socialist shop steward builds tight organization and unity against division amongst their coworkers. They know their contract backwards and forwards, keep watch for when the boss inevitably violates it, and take responsibility for being their coworkers’ advocates in grievances and disciplinary matters. To be effective, and generally to get elected in the first place, the socialist steward must win and sustain the trust of their coworkers. This is not accomplished overnight through sloganeering and polemics, but through the slow work of developing personal relationships and demonstrating a capacity for purposive action and leadership. 

The socialist steward does not discriminate. They stick up for even the most reactionary or even anti-union workers. Through this they come to gain the respect, however begrudgingly, of those same coworkers. The socialist steward does not substitute themselves for the union either. They act as a conduit for collective action, bringing others with them into motion against the boss. The degree to which the socialist shop steward identifies themself as a socialist will depend on the conditions of each particular shop. Ultimately though, even if it takes years, workers should come to understand that the reason that the socialist shop steward acts as they do is because they are a socialist, that a socialist is someone who looks and acts like their shop steward. 

This process taken at scale is how we begin to transform the popular understanding of socialism in the working class, how we grow from subculture to mass culture. These same principles can be applied outside of the workplace too, though there will be some major qualitative differences. 

US society today is deeply individualistic and atomized. This is not human nature. It is the product of a half century of neoliberal rule. Everywhere workers are taught to fear each other, that anyone who struggles to survive has only themselves to blame, and that the only way to advance in the world is to advance individually and at a necessary cost to others. 

Socialists need to build a culture of solidarity and cooperation for the common good. We do this by uniting others, by leading by example, by being socialists. We do this at work with our coworkers, on our block with our neighbors, around elections with voters in our precinct, in civic life, and as members of organized communities that few think of as being political, such as leisure and athletic groups. 

A significant challenge we face is the way that screens, digital media, and the internet have become the primary way that social life is mediated. Whatever expansion in potential reach for socialists that has resulted from social media has also come at the cost of our most basic social muscles atrophying. It’s not hard to imagine how a sudden black out of telecommunications could be entirely paralyzing for many. Only organizations built on strong social ties and personal relationships will  be resilient through such crises.

IV. Build a class party.

Fighting the boss, making more socialists, and being socialists everywhere will require socialists to build and participate in many different kinds of organizations. However, socialists and their various organizations need a connective tissue, a political organization that acts as a ballast to give focus and direction to the larger workers movement. We need a party.

The party we need to build is nothing like the existing political parties in the US today. We do not need a “third party”. We need to build the first party in the United States that is truly democratic, has a mass character, is explicitly socialist, and is solely of and for the working class. Much more than a ballot line, more than a caucus of elected officials in legislatures, the party is an instrument the working class uses to become “a class for itself”. It is an instrument for fighting the boss, making more socialists, being socialists everywhere, and ultimately, an instrument for conquering the political power necessary to catalyze the transition to socialism. 

We know we cannot simply declare the formation of such a party today. We see DSA as the foundation that can make such a class party possible. As such, building a class party means building DSA, both the national organization and our local chapter. We see DSA as well positioned to be the foundation for a working class party because it is explicitly socialist, because of its multi-tendency “big tent” nature, its commitment to being member-driven and democratic, and its nation-wide scope. In contrast to the large number of progressive NGOs that are staff-driven and dependent on foundation money, DSA is an organization that any ordinary working class person can not only join but actively shape and have ownership over through their participation in it.

There is, of course, much work to be done to build DSA. We need to shape DSA into an organization that can regularly fight and deliver for workers, that unlocks members’ potential for activism and leadership, that is more representative of the working class as a whole, and that is recognized as a powerful political force, a force independent from the Democratic Party, from entrenched political elites, and from the ruling class. We need to transform DSA from an activist organization to a mass organization that can be the political home of millions of ordinary working class people who do not yet see themselves as political actors.

***

Our road to power is long and the path will not always be clear, but our hope is not dimmed. At every possible juncture along the way we will need to engage in constant analysis of the present moment, evaluate our trajectory, and rigorously debate our next steps. As we undertake this journey we see these four priorities as guiding principles to keep us focused, to keep us united, and to keep us moving forward towards democratic socialism. 

The post Political Priorities To Move Chicago DSA Forward  appeared first on Midwest Socialist.

Upcoming Events

Wednesday, June 11 (6:30 p.m. – 9:00 p.m.): New Member Happy Hour at Zeitgeist (In person at Zeitgeist, 199 Valencia)

Thursday, June 12 (6:30 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Rescheduled – Homelessness Working Group Regular Meeting (Zoom)

Thursday, June 12 (7:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Immigrant Justice Working Group Meeting (Zoom)

Saturday, June 14 (12:00 p.m. – 5:00 p.m.): 2025 DSA SF Chapter Convention Day 1 (Zoom and in person at Kelly Cullen Community, 220 Golden Gate Ave)

Sunday, June 15 (12:00 p.m. – 5:00 p.m.): 2025 DSA SF Chapter Convention Day 2 (Zoom and in person at Kelly Cullen Community, 220 Golden Gate Ave)

Monday, June 16 (10:00 a.m. – 11:00 a.m.): Family Shelter Hearing (In person at SF City Hall Room 250)

Monday, June 16 (5:50 p.m. – 7:30 p.m.): Socialist in Office + Electoral Board Meeting (Zoom)

Monday, June 16 (7:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Labor Board Meeting (Zoom)

Tuesday, June 17 (6:00 p.m. – 7:00 p.m.): Ecosocialist Bi-Weekly Meeting (Zoom)

Tuesday, June 17 (6:30 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Immigrant Justice Working Group & East Bay DSA: Know Your Rights & Immigration 101 Training (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Wednesday, June 18 (6:00 p.m. – 7:30 p.m.): What Is DSA? (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Thursday, June 19 (5:30 p.m. – 6:30 p.m.): Education Board Open Meeting (Zoom)

Friday, June 20 (7:00 p.m. – 9:00 p.m.): Maker Friday (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Saturday, June 21 (6:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Homelessness Working Group Monthly Food Service (In person at Castro & Market)

Check out https://dsasf.org/events for more events and updates.

Events & Actions

Chapter Convention This Weekend!

Our 2025 Chapter Convention will be held this weekend on June 14th and 15th at Kelly Cullen Auditorium (220 Golden Gate Ave) and will take the place of our June Regular Meeting. At convention we will debate amendments to our bylaws, select our 2025/2026 chapter priorities, re-charter chapter bodies, and elect new leadership. RSVP at dsasf.org/convention-RSVP. The Convention Packet with reflections on our work from the last year and proposals for the next year can be viewed at dsasf.org/packet2025.

Supporting Sup. Fielder’s Family Shelter Stay Policy

DSA SF’s Electoral Board is organizing this campaign to support Supervisor Jackie Fielder’s proposed ordinance to extend the stay of families in shelters to 1 year. Mayor Daniel Lurie and the Department of Homelessness have been enforcing a harmful policy of limiting the stay of families with children to 90 days which is not long enough to secure permanent housing. Please use this link to submit a letter to your supervisor in support of families getting to stay sheltered.

You can also attend the Family Shelter Hearing in person on June 16th at 10:00 a.m. at City Hall to show your support!

Email electoral@dsasf.org with any questions.

IJWG & EBDSA: Know Your Rights + Immigration 101 Training

Join the DSA SF Immigrant Justice Working Group and EBDSA Migrants Defense Working Group for a joint Know Your Rights + Immigration 101 training! We will be discussing the current political moment, a brief history of immigration in the U.S., and important Know Your Rights information, including the difference between a judicial and administrative warrant and how to exercise your rights or intervene as a bystander in various scenarios. The training will take place on Tuesday, June 17, from 6:30 p.m. to 8:00 p.m. at the DSA SF office at 1916 McAllister St.

Maker Friday on June 20

Join us for Maker Friday on June 20 at the DSA SF office at 1916 McAllister from 7:00 p.m. to  9:00 p.m.! Come make some art and connect with comrades. All are welcome. See you there!

Summer Social(ist) Events!

Mark your calendars for our Summer Social(ist) event series!

• June 22nd, 12:00 p.m. – 4:00 p.m. – Picnic @ Dolores Park! Bring some food or drinks, bring your dog, bring your friends, bring your friend’s dog! We will be in the Northeast corner by the tennis courts.
• June 25th @ 7:00 p.m. – Screening of They Live at Roar Shack (34 7th Street) – Let’s watch the classic monster movie inspired by the scariest monsters of them all (Ronald Reagan and Capitalism)!
• July 6th @ 11:00 p.m. – Screening of The Room at the Balboa Theater! We’ll meet outside at 10:30.
• July 11th @ 7:30PM – Comrade Karaoke at the Roar Shack (34 7th Street) – Come hang out and do some FREE karaoke with your fellow DSA SF comrades or cool people you want to impress with your incredible singing voice! No songs refused, no entry denied! Suggested Donation: $10. Drinks: Wine + Beer Available / BYOB
• July 27th @ 1:05PM – Oakland Ballers vs Northern Colorado Owlz baseball game + “Halloween in July Night” (at Raimondi Park) – RSVP here by July 13th so that we can put in a group order of tickets! Group tickets are are $15 per ticket, but no one will be turned away for lack of funds!

EWOC: How to Talk About Organizing

EWOC (Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee) is a project of the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE) and DSA working to build a distributed grassroots organizing program to support workers organizing at the workplace. To learn more about the work EWOC does, come by the DSA SF office to pick up a copy of Unite and Win or tune into the Labor Board’s weekly meetings every Monday at 7 p.m. on Zoom.

The next EWOC event hosted by DSA SF features EWOC staff members conducting a training on generating workplace leads and conducting organizing conversations on July 17th from 6:30 p.m to 8:30 p.m. Let us know in if you can make it! Hope to see you there!

Know Your Rights Canvass Reportback

On Saturday, June 7, a group of DSA and non-DSA members gathered to distribute red cards and Know Your Rights (KYR) information for business brochures between 30th St and Cesar Chavez. The event had a good turnout with many new members who were eager to get involved as the Trump administration continues to escalate its attacks against immigrant communities across the country. The Immigrant Justice Working Group (IJWG) will continue holding monthly canvasses and other events. Stay tuned for the next one! If you would like to get involved in KYR canvassing or are interested in joining the IJWG, reach out at immigrantjustice@dsasf.org or join the #immigrant-justice channel on the DSA SF Slack!

Socialist in Office Meeting Summary – June 2

At the June 2 Socialist in Office (SiO) meeting with Jackie Fielder’s office, DSA SF members received key updates on the city’s budget and pressing policy fights.

Budget and Social Services
The Mayor’s proposed budget expands police and sheriff overtime spending for next year, even as social services like legal aid services, food stamps and elder care face deep cuts. Jackie’s office highlighted the opaque budget process and the challenge of influencing it, as they are not on the budget committee.

The mayor is seeking to redirect Prop C funds from permanent affordable housing to temporary shelter beds, a move that would prioritize reducing visible homelessness over creating real homes. This reallocation requires a supermajority at the Board.

Family Shelter Policy Win
Jackie’s Family Shelter Ordinance is being heard at the Rules Committee June 16th. On June 9th, Jackie, Faith in Action Bay Area, and the Coalition on Homelessness presented a plan to the Mayor’s budget office to end family homelessness for $66.5M. We are in active discussions with the Mayor’s office about this policy proposal and also his upcoming proposals around families who are living in RVs.

Next Steps
Members discussed holding a July session to demystify the city’s budget process for the chapter. Jackie’s office continues to build coalitions with labor and community groups to fight for transparency and social priorities.

Stay tuned for action opportunities, and join us at SiO next week to stay engaged with our efforts at City Hall!

Behind the Scenes

The Chapter Coordination Committee (CCC) regularly rotates duties among chapter members. This allows us to train new members in key duties that help keep the chapter running like organizing chapter meetings, keeping records updated, office cleanup, updating the DSA SF website and newsletter, etc. Members can view current CCC rotations.

To help with the day-to-day tasks that keep the chapter running, fill out the CCC help form.