In Search of a Labor Day
By Nathan K
When an American hears Labor Day, what comes to mind? The end of Summer? barbecue, beers, and the flag? Not wearing white? It seems kind of odd that, besides getting a day off on the calendar, labor itself is put on the backburner, and agitation is conspicuously absent from America’s ostensible worker holiday. To those wondering why, it should come as no surprise that the first Monday in September is an aberration compared to Labor days across the world, a holiday in the United States and Canada, but meaningless to the more than 150 countries around the world that instead recognize May 1st as International Workers Day. You may know it by another name: May Day.
The roots behind the choice of May 1st as an international holiday for labor come specifically from the fight for an eight hour workday in the 1800s. Prior to the First World War, most countries had laws for 10 hour days, usually 6am to 6pm, if they had any laws regulating working hours at all. This brutal state of affairs had workers spending over half their waking hours on the clock, with little spare time before needing to sleep after a shift. As the labor movement consolidated through the 1800s, the fight for an eight hour day became a crucial centerpiece of worker demands.
In the United States, the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions, a precursor to the AFL, set May 1st 1886 as a deadline to make the eight hour day standard. 500,000 workers turned out in force to fight for workers rights, and as the strike progressed into its 3rd day strikebreakers and police in Chicago caused the death of two workers. Retaliation against this act of police violence led to a further 3,000 gathering in Haymarket Square the next day to rally in solidarity, and the clashes with Police that followed as they attempted to forcibly disperse this peaceful rally led to a further 15 deaths and 70 injuries.
The men behind the “Haymarket Affair” were sentenced in a rigged trial. Four were executed and the remaining three were given lengthy prison sentences. Capitalists across the world hoped that workers would learn their lesson, and Haymarket would fade into history.
But the workers didn’t forget.
Those killed, either at the riot or at the hands of the state, became Martyrs for the cause of an eight hour day. At the meeting of the Second International in Paris in 1889 a great demonstration, the first “International Workingmen's Day”, was planned for May 1st of 1890 in honor of those who died fighting for the cause of work hour reduction. The success of this event around the world led to the establishment of the May Day we all know and love.
Of course knowing the history of May Day, and how inextricably it is tied to the American Labor movement, makes the “Labor Day” recognized by the US in September all the more cynical. Anxiety over the explicitly political and socialist meaning behind May 1 led President Grover Clevland to push the first Monday of September as a moderate alternative. This date had already been discussed in some AFL-affiliated circles as a potential “holiday for labor”. The American government’s attempts to suppress awareness of May Day continued into the 1950s with the establishment of “Loyalty Day” on May 1st as a nationalist celebration, though laughably few people know about this holiday to commemorate “American history and declaring loyalty to the United States”.
Though the eight hour workday has been won in the global north, the worker’s struggle for control of our economic and political agency is far from complete — especially for our comrades in the global south. This May Day, we should remember our forebears, who fought for eight hours between backbreaking 12 hour shifts. If they could win eight hours, what could we win?
Milwaukee DSA and allies to deliver 10,000 public power petitions to City Hall
The Milwaukee Democratic Socialists of America and their allies are set to deliver more than 10,000 petitions to City Hall (200 E Wells St.) on Friday, May 9, calling for public ownership of public utilities. The 6 p.m. delivery and adjoining rally are the latest move in the Power To The People coalition’s fight for public takeover of power utilities currently owned by We Energies.
“We Energies’ high rates are bleeding the people of Milwaukee dry, and the company’s sluggish adoption of sustainable energy fails to meet the urgency of the moment,” Andy Barbour, a chapter leader with Milwaukee DSA, said. “We must remove the profit motive from our public utility now.”
DSA-endorsed Common Councilor Alex Brower won his election in April with a public takeover of We Energies as part of his platform, and Power To The People organizers look forward to more city leaders joining Brower in this movement as residents from across the city voice their need for a change that is already taking place in cities across the country: from Long Island to Los Angeles.
SIGN THE PETITION: Tell City Hall Milwaukee Can Do Better Than We Energies
Current data show that public ownership of city utilities lowers cost for residents, decreases annual outage times and provides communities with democratic control of the resources used to generate their energy, allowing them recourse in the fight against climate change.
Milwaukee DSA is Milwaukee’s largest socialist organization fighting for a democratic economy, a just society, and a sustainable environment. Join today at dsausa.org/join. The Greater Milwaukee Green Party, Milwaukee Party for Socialism and Liberation, Milwaukee Teachers’ Education Association, Milwaukee Solidarity, North Side Rising and Our Wisconsin Revolution are joining them in this action as the Power To The People coalition.
What will May Day 2025 teach us?
May Day 2025 will measure the broad left’s strength vis-à-vis the Trump Administration and the MAGA Republican Party here in Maine and across the country. It won’t tell us everything, but it will tell us a lot.
“If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.”—Sun Tzu
Know your enemy. Trump had a bad week. Even Fox News had to admit that “Americans are not overly thrilled” with Trump as his approval rating slumped into the low 40s. Hegseth keeps on Signaling, Putin doesn’t seem interested in a ceasefire, Netanyahu is ratcheting up his genocide machine, he fell asleep at Pope Francis’s funeral, and, worst of all, his trade war has rattled the markets. “He’s tanking,” as Rachel Maddow put it this week. I hope she’s right.
Yet it’s Maddow, not Trump, who is being pushed aside, reduced to one show per week starting May 5 by MSNBC’s new CEO who is encouraging producers to take a more “measured” tone towards Trump. Meanwhile, the Republican Party is moving in lockstep towards its single most important goal this year: slashing $1.5 trillion from the federal budget. They will hand hundreds of billions in tax breaks to corporations and the rich and they will gut social programs, most likely tearing the first pound of flesh from Medicaid. Republican Congressmen may face angry crowds at constituent meetings, but compared to the millions of dollars pouring into their campaign coffers, they just don’t care.
[Read next: Thousands say Hands Off! in Maine]
The one group that may have the power to back Trump down at this point are the big banks. JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, Wells Fargo, and Citibank are collectively worth $10 trillion. Trump’s tariffs may trigger a recession—which he clearly doesn’t mind—but if stagflation threatens the bond market and the status of the US dollar as the global benchmark currency, the Lords of Finance might try to get him to move on. But even if they do put their thumbs on the scales, it will only be to save themselves. Remember, Occupy taught us who gets bailed out and who gets sold out.
To my eye, Trump looks happy. He loves this. He may—or may not—believe his plan will bring manufacturing back, but his real goal is to Make his American Great Again. Meaning, make the rich richer. The elite and their hangers on are going to make out like bandits and they love him for it. The MAGA upper middle classes—the managers, big landlords, medium size businessmen, wealthy lawyers and professionals, tech bros—love him for telling them that they will get rich too. Deeper down in the MAGA-inflected sections of the working class, decades of betrayal and swindles from bipartisan union busters, insurance company pirates, and devious banksters have enraged millions of people. And in the absence of a powerful labor movement or a party willing to fight for workers interests, millions have thrown their lot in with Trump because almost anything is better than the status quo.
Trump doesn’t need 50% approval ratings. He needs a ruthless Republican Party willing to gerrymander and intimidate, a loyal base of 35 to 40% of the electorate, and a Democratic Party leadership that has no idea how to fight. As of today, he’s got the trifecta and he intends to run with it.
Know yourself. The working class in the United States has been bruised and battered by neoliberalism. Unions represented about 30% of workers in 1970, today less than 10%. The rich, the very rich, and the ultra rich have scraped an unprecedented share of the national wealth off the rest of us and are—literally—sending their fiancés into space. Meanwhile, holes in the social safety net grow by the day and grocery store inflation hits the lowest paid the hardest. LGTBQ+ workers suffer escalating harassment at work, Black workers endure double-the-average unemployment, women still earn less than men for equal work, and immigrant workers face a terrifying escalation of hatred and repression. Basic democratic rights are under attack to a degree not seen since McCarthyism. In sum, we’re in rough shape.
[Listen to the Maine Mural podcast: Camp Hope, Bangor, Maine]
Throughout the grim neoliberal period, unions and social movements have put up a fight: Black Lives Matter, Standing Rock, Bernie’s presidential campaigns, mutual aid during COVID, education and healthcare workers organizing and strikes in Blue and Red states alike, the UAW stand up strikes, Amazon union drives, and too many more to name. Each of these struggles proved that there are two sides to the class war. Chief among these was UAW president Sean Fain’s call for unions to align their contracts to expire on May Day 2028 and to lead a general strike to make working-class power visible. In fact, the UAW proposal—alongside the living legacy of the 2006 mass May Day marches and strikes by immigrant workers—is an important motivation for this year’s May Day mobilizations.
Despite all this, we remain far weaker than our enemies. There is no shame in recognizing this fact. Nor is there any point in dwelling on it. If we want to defeat Trump and to change the social and economic conditions that gave him a mass base to begin with—Democratic leaders only care about the former—we will have to find ways to accomplish things that only seem possible in history books. How did we get unions in the first place? Factory occupations, mass picket lines, and defiance of pro-corporate courts. How did Black people win the right to vote? Civil disobedience in defiance of racist police and politicians. What brought the Vietnam War to an end? Courageous resistance by the Vietnamese people, campus and urban revolts, postal wildcat strikes, mass marches in the U.S., and soldiers refusing to fight.
The scale and power of these events can seem impossible to reproduce. Too often, people attend a protest or two and despair that the monstrous policy they marched against remains in place. But this is to misunderstand history. The unions fought for seventy-five years before they beat General Motors. African Americans struggled for hundreds of years for freedom. Nothing important changes easily.
However, that truism can lead to a certain kind of fatalism. The trick to bringing history to life is to understand the following. Those decades-long struggles moved in fits and starts, leaps forward and costly setbacks. Success always, in every instance, emerged from 1/ sharp strategic and tactical debates, which 2/ were only possible because hundreds of thousands of people joined political and social organizations, who in turn 3/ created local and national leaders, active and informed rank-and-file members, and skilled organizers. Whether they were called political parties or community organizations or unions or caucuses or churches, no examples of progress towards social justice were won outside the reality of mass membership participation. Why does this matter?
Because we are weak and we must become strong. And the only way to do so is to practice democracy and politics by joining a political, community, student, or union group and dedicating time to building it into something powerful enough to defend yourself and those close to you. Root yourself locally and then link up with other groups and communities in mutual defense pacts, organizing campaigns, and united fronts. This will not be done online. It will require hundreds of thousands of people learning how to listen and how to persuade and participate..
What will May Day teach us? May 1st will show us how many people we can bring out to protest Trump. But May 2nd will show us how many people joined the fight to better our chances in the hundred battles to come.
[Read next: Solidarity against Trump means joining an organization]
The post What will May Day 2025 teach us? appeared first on Pine & Roses.
You lost your union election. Now what?
You’ve come up short in a union election. It’s painful, but it happens. Where do you go from here? First, you mourn — then you organize!
The post You lost your union election. Now what? appeared first on EWOC.
Peninsula DSA Votes Unanimously Against Zionism and for Palestinian Liberation
Socialists oppose all forms of colonialism, imperialism, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Palestine cannot be an exception!
On April 27, 2025, Peninsula Democratic Socialists of America (Peninsula DSA) unanimously adopted a resolution affirming our chapter’s anti-zionist stance in both principle and practice. Following the leadership of chapters like Silicon Valley, Seattle, Twin Cities, Las Vegas, San Francisco, San Diego, Colorado Springs, Inland Empire, Boston, Philadelphia, Austin, Tidewater, Greater Baltimore, Houston, Connecticut, Boise, New Orleans, Northwest Ohio, Salt Lake City, NEPA, Tampa, Denver, Long Beach, North Texas, Spokane, Syracuse, Orange County, Tacoma, North New Jersey, Champaign Urbana, Orlando, Greater Lafayette, and others, we join a growing movement within DSA standing in solidarity with the Palestinian people and their struggle for liberation.
Zionism is a settler-colonial ideology that has enabled the violent displacement, dispossession, and oppression of Palestinians for over 75 years. Today, the Zionist project continues through an ongoing genocide against Palestinians, particularly in Gaza and the West Bank, carried out with the full financial, military, and political backing of the United States. Israeli forces have bombed hospitals, schools, refugee camps, homes, and entire neighborhoods, targeting civilians and vital infrastructure. They have imposed mass starvation as a weapon of war, destroyed Gaza’s universities and cultural institutions, and deliberately cut off food, water, medicine, and electricity to millions. As socialists, we oppose all forms of colonialism, imperialism, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Our commitment to international solidarity demands that we reject Zionism in all its forms and actively work to dismantle systems of apartheid, ethnic cleansing, military occupation, and settler colonialism.
We affirm that opposing Zionism is not antisemitic. Peninsula DSA stands firmly against antisemitism and all forms of racism and bigotry. We recognize that many Jewish comrades — within DSA and beyond — are leading voices in the fight against Zionism and in the struggle for the liberation of all oppressed peoples. Peninsula DSA reaffirms our solidarity with the Palestinian people and upholds the full right of return for all Palestinian refugees. We oppose the ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinians and reject any framework that denies Palestinians their full human rights, freedom, and sovereignty.
We expect our Anti-Zionist resolution will make us an even stronger ally in the struggle for a free Palestine, and commend the work of several local organizations and coalitions fighting towards this end, including:
- Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM)
- Arab Resource & Organizing Center (AROC)
- Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP)
- CA15forPalestine
- Vigil4Gaza
- Stanford Against Apartheid in Palestine (SAAP)
We look forward to working more closely with our allies, who have made it clear that DSA National must explicitly connect the fight against Zionism with our socialist and anti-colonialist principles.
We call on DSA chapters and the national organization to take a clear, principled Anti-Zionist position, and to help build an internationalist, anti-colonial, and anti-racist socialist movement.
A better world is possible — a world without colonialism, apartheid, or genocide.
Free Palestine.
We need more leaders, we need less stuff!
Some thoughts on movement building, single-issues, false urgency, and mutual aid.
Author: Anna P.
Everything written here is my opinion and does not represent the views of Cleveland DSA.
In 2023, for the first time in my adult life, an anti-war movement with clear strategy and demands inspired mass participation in the United States. Palestinian activists raised the stakes and demanded attention with deep organizing, education, and consistency at the national level that I had never seen. Locally, I was able to learn and observe trends as a frequent participant in high risk, direct action. I was also able to observe how a coalition gets built from the ground up. I must reflect on what I have done and seen in order to prepare for the long fight towards socialism and learn from the immense efforts of organizers who came before me.
“We keep us safe” is vague and lacks any actionable demand. What we need is an organization capable of keeping people safe by wielding collective, material power. To win the fight for socialism in the United States of America, the delegation of responsibility and power must be clear and consensual to everyone involved in the movement. Our movement must be transparent and accessible, so that power is noticed and discussed. Leadership in any context must be political because giving people what they want and need is inherently political. Now that we are in Trump’s second term, and the opposition tent is bigger than ever, socialist organizations do themselves no favors smoothing over differences with competing political projects. I’m not just talking about liberals, everyone needs to get with the program. From anarchists, to black nationalists, and progressive academics; we cannot simply wish ourselves into agreement and coordination, it must be an honest struggle.
I used to believe that organizing would be so much easier if we could simply give people what they need without saying anything at all, without ever running the risk of alienation. I used to believe that what was “good” or “right” would spontaneously emerge out of individual goodwill, an intention to build a diverse community, coupled with academic or legal reason. Obviously it would be a shortcut to victory if we could manage society with a small group of good people. But the idea that the movement could be led by the people already involved in existing coalitions, was comforting, because that meant I had less work to do, and that most problems had been acknowledged.
Because I believed this, I was frustrated by communists and socialists who struggled hard over the content of collective statements, questions of history and theory that inevitably lead to a delayed response to crises. Why must the statement be a collective effort? Why can’t the chair speak for everyone out of convenience? Why do we include so much nuance in our statements? Why don’t we put boots on the ground immediately?
Through much frustration, I have started learning how to take personal responsibility for the collective will, work, and rhetoric of an organization, regardless of how it impacts my ability to wield personal power. More importantly, I learned that I could only be organizing if I convinced other people to do the same.
Taking responsibility for the safety and material conditions of others is not a decision that should be taken lightly. As an organization’s capacity to meet needs, overcome status-quo authority, and manage society is increased, new members of the working class must feel compelled to participate in more and higher levels of civil service. The organization must naturally encourage this engagement because the more people who know how to wield power and balance contradictions, the greater is their capacity to contribute to the collective project.
Additionally, my capacity for responsibility and service to an organization should not endow me with unchecked power or deference. “Doing the work” or politics dictated by volunteerism easily creeps into socialist organizations, despite most people knowing better at this point. It is worth repeating that the content of one’s ideas and arguments should lead in all exercises of power. Asking that people “do the work” before they are able to criticize anything is a harmful fallacy that has found its way into a lot of political discourse. While someone who engages with politics at high levels is important to retain, it is obvious many socialist organizations rely too strongly on too few people who are able to operate on the level of theory, creating a situation where only a few people always set the ground for debate. This inevitably leads to hidden fractures and contention in the organization. We must escape the paranoid tendency to never train new leaders, never criticize them, never discipline their political aspirations to the will of the organization.
During our local student encampment for Palestine, I learned a lot about the ordinary person’s inexperience with exercising collective communication and decision making in large groups. I believe the lack of centralization in an organization and a deference to the concept of “collective responsibility,” created a leadership vacuum at the encampment that could have been anticipated. There was also a near constant urgency and tendency to focus on the management of “stuff” that drained energy even further. I believe these last two issues are easier to fix so I will address them first.
Movements that benefit the capitalist project seemingly advance on their own thanks to an endless resource pool that includes the bodies and minds of poor and working people. In contrast, our movements for socialism do not have the privilege of coasting on endless, spontaneous momentum. So when the weather gets nice, and protests grow in size and scope, it is actually very predictable that the reproductive and administrative labor available to the spontaneous street takeovers will be insufficient to sustain them against the militarized police. Sure, we might have leaders named in the papers, but who is managing the need to call an assembly, administrate and communicate group decisions? Who is making sure people don’t get sick or hurt in the fight? Who is making sure those people are around?
This work is often assigned the status of “everyone does this” and many assume it is done in some group chat they are not part of. Not everyone can call a general assembly, and not everyone will be listened to when they speak. The existence of group chats as decision making spaces also makes this lack of transparency and indecision additionally frustrating for participants. It does not inspire them to take larger risks for the cause.
The lack of centralised authority created a few different kinds of chaos at the encampment. First, there was simply too much stuff. A collective decision to stop accepting donations would have avoided unnecessary labor and exhaustion for volunteers running the medic tent and food area. Additionally, there were routinely not enough participants willing to get arrested for the sake of the camp at any given time. This is probably because the capacity of the “high risk participants” was not managed appropriately. I was getting called back to the camp constantly every time rumors spread of a potential raid, I never got the chance to tap out. Again, a collective decision to throttle the urgency of the messaging could have extended the limited energy of those willing to take high risk actions.
In the first days of the encampment I was very impressed by the student organizers. These young activists quickly set up formal channels of communication, utilized their organic networks on campus, and brought in the greater community to spread the word about important decisions. The authority in the beginning was well-defined and worked to get everyone on the same page about what needed to happen. One of the ways this manifested was in a “camp basics” document circulated among many, that addressed matters of conduct and jail support.
However, after the camp was established, it began to be run in an increasingly decentralized fashion. The student organizers naturally sought greater buy-in from the camp participants, but without a clear process for doing so. Gossip and constant threat of a raid contributed greatly to the “fog of war” felt by student leaders. Fear and incompatible schedules deterred regular leadership meetings. This fog never allowed for a moment to consider how to establish a general “camp” assembly, abide by the mandate of that assembly, or escalate as a response to police aggression. Every morning I would receive a telegram notification telling me it was urgent people return to the camp. I was bothered by the assumption that it wouldn’t always be the same people willing to haul out, and when I finally arrived there was no reason to have rushed at all.
When it came to matters of camp-keeping and reproductive labor, there was little enthusiasm about being the person who stepped into a leadership role. When I use the term “reproductive labor” what I am referring to is “activities of provisioning, care-giving and interaction that produce and maintain social bonds.” This is how Nancy Fraser describes social reproduction in the Contradictions of Capital and Care. The most upsetting part was that too much food was being brought into the camp, and it was being left behind in the hope that it would get consumed by somebody. A lot of the food went bad. If the University refused to pick up the trash, and locked their bins, I’m not sure we would have been able to keep the camp sanitary for 10 days, especially when the police interfered with clean up efforts. I have work experience managing trash in public places. I know that when people gather in large groups, and live outside full time, it creates an abnormal amount of waste that requires actual labor and logistics to manage. Many people were willing and able to help with the food management and meals, but ultimately with limited leadership, weeding out bad food, resetting coolers, and setting/clearing the big meal exhausted most of the capacity for the day. There was no time to discuss food strategy or best practices, there was no mechanism to do so.
Despite the obvious need, there was a reluctance to take leadership or delegate, especially among people who had never exercised the skill before. Most people were worried about “overstepping” or taking away the individual agency of others who were also trying to help. Attempting to “catch a vibe” from a large group of people seemed to be the most comfortable thing to do if someone assumed a particular responsibility and had to motivate the task. No one wanted to tell other people what to do, so when work was accomplished, it was the result of individual initiative, not collective action.
I am guilty of all of this, especially as days wore on and it felt like we were getting nowhere. Everyone was always waiting on someone else’s direction and that was exhausting. Of course, there is always going to be contradictory information fighting for air, but it was so obvious the student organizers let their own lack of consensus slip out into the whole camp. It wasn’t long before the camp was unable to speak with one voice, and camp participants were calling the police on counter-protestors. Student leaders had wisely announced a rule against that in the previously mentioned “camp basics” document. This useful and important document was never recirculated and was lost to time, buried in a group chat where so much of this organizing took place. By the end of the first week I was completely demoralized, and then shortly after the encampment ended without further escalation.
This is no one’s fault. We are not taught the mechanics of collective decision making, and being overburdened with material support almost seems like a good problem to have. I stood in awe as I witnessed an entire church lobby filled to the brim with protest supplies several days after police, mounted on horses, assaulted Cleveland protest participants May 30 2020. There was so much stuff, I wish someone had told me not to bother driving out to drop off more. Saline solution, water, hundreds of sunscreen bottles, all accumulated for protests that had not even been planned yet. Unfortunately, the hard part isn’t finding people who will donate, but finding the administrative labor required to take the stuff where it needs to go and manage it. Mutual aid, and keeping people safe, is usually the first task of any street movement, so it is shocking how we still struggle so much with the basics.
The truth is, for a highly publicized injustice, it is actually very easy to ask for and receive large amounts of donations and supplies. There is genuine repressed enthusiasm from the alienated working class that comes out, often, in the form of donations. Almost always, the only thing the movement actually needs is momentum, bodies, and leaders. The alienated worker’s lack of time and freedom to participate in collective action is softened by the hope that there are other outlets through which they can participate and hopefully contribute. Resorting too quickly to donations and social media awareness campaigns might even alienate someone further from taking power in their own life because the movement did not win its demands, nothing changed, and the worker does not understand how any of it happened. The movement should, but often fails to, offer participation and genuine opportunity to lead, to its base that is not already committed to the cause. Learning to lead is how people buy into the greater project and stay committed for the long haul.
Unfortunately, for the activists, work needed to maintain occupations, encampments, and riots cannot be done by paid staff. Outside of mass mobilizations like these, community care often does involve paid staff (nonprofit or otherwise) set out with the task of fulfilling a particular need that activists may be organizing around. For example, social workers will come out to support trans activists and self-organize professional support outside of any kind of movement infrastructure. The Cleveland Food Bank still feeds anyone regardless of marginalized status. When administration of “stuff” is done spontaneously, or when activist time is not effectively managed, unpaid activists duplicate the work of paid activists and waste their time relentlessly. I have seen this happen a number of times, but mainly as a response to COVID or environmental disasters like the East Palestine train derailment.
It makes me sad and worried when I consider all the unpaid activist energy and capacity that has gone into establishing brand new mutual aid projects for every tragedy and issue-area. Often the service non-profits (donor/corporate/grant funded NGOs, yes, even small ones) and charity organizations are willing and capable of providing blankets, water, hot meals, clothes, bail, sometimes legal services, sometimes medical services, and basically any and all consumer goods to victims of tragedy and injustice. Often, it is someone’s literal job to raise money for direct support or to provide a service for free. Since the United States does not have a welfare system, these organizations (good/bad, religious/agnostic, government/non government) are the faulty, decentralized safety net that everyone is far too familiar with. Do people fall through the net, and are unable to get what they need to survive? Absolutely. Will we be able to catch them and support them without a complete restructuring of society and universal welfare programs? Probably not. Ultimately it is a political problem, not a problem of charity.
Socialist organizations can and should do charity/mutual aid as a supplement to education and organizing. However, before beginning this work I believe it is necessary to acknowledge two limitations. First, aid and service are the bandaid we use to help who we can when it is not possible for mass mobilization/power shift on a particular issue. We always want to shift the levers of power, and eliminate the root cause of injustice. For example, we should not donate rent money to assist tenants if the tenants themselves can strike and negotiate a lower rent that they can actually afford. Second, the impact of our work will be relatively small compared to the market forces that drive the disparity we are trying to resolve. There will always be more people we need to help than hands available to provide necessary one-on-one attention that every human being deserves.
Too often, instead of confronting these limitations, DSA chapters and similar organizations will try to be everything to everyone. Routinely, the social movement wants to take on more than it is capable of handling, assuming responsibility for an entire issue-area, positioning itself as an alternative to traditional nonprofits/service providers, and doing so with a deeply misguided sense of urgency. They duplicate the work of organizations which are both increasingly failing to address the problems of capitalism, and which are far, far better positioned to address them than unpaid activists are. In doing so, they misunderstand that the purpose of political organization is to change the balance of power, and the purpose of progressive political organization is to win socialism. This “everything at once” approach sidelines leadership development and collective decision-making, all in order to “do the work” with the “proper” amount of commitment and on an accelerated timeline. Too often, committed activists are compelled to prove their moral integrity on every issue in order to present as properly intersectional and radical. Attempting to prove the moral integrity of an organization or individual is not a path towards justice, and it certainly isn’t the way to win socialism. Instead, we are tasked with the hard work of motivating ordinary people to our cause, slowly and deliberately. The people we need to win are not already running their own projects, and they are not toiling to maintain the decaying social safety net either.
Instead of starting a brand new mutual aid or service project, I believe it is better to keep logs of references and research to share, and provide aid to people who ask for it explicitly. As a socialist, I cannot be everything to everyone, but I can try to build a plan for someone who comes to me and asks for help. There are times when DSA, and myself by extension, have actually filled a gap in services that the NGO industrial complex had not accounted for. Cleveland DSA spent two years knocking on the doors of people facing eviction and encouraged them to go to their hearing, shared resources, and followed up afterwards. There were times when the notice did not come and I was telling someone for the first time that they were getting evicted. Sometimes I drove tenants to their hearing. Sometimes I helped someone stay in their home, and sometimes there was nothing I could do. Regardless of the outcome, providing the door-knocking service was never my job, it was always something I did out of obligation to our organization’s priorities and goals. The eviction canvassing could only reach about 43% of all cases being filed in a year and it was very difficult to organize tenant unions while tenant leaders were in an active crisis. We were not moving toward our ultimate goal of building a city-wide tenants union, so the work had to be abandoned. In fact, a $20,000 grant was created by United Way to fill this gap in eviction-related outreach, and they offered it to DSA. When we denied the money, it was offered to another organization who hired two people to do the work part-time. There is nothing about this exchange of work that is wrong or morally compromised. The service work is being done by an employee paid for their time, and we don’t need to mobilize 20 volunteers on a biweekly basis. Our leaders of the project at the time explained how there was only so much of themselves they could extend to a service-based project, acknowledging it was never mutual aid because we could not get the tenants we canvassed to come out and knock doors for others after their eviction was over.
If DSA can provide a necessary service to people in crisis and organize ordinary people into powerful leaders at the same time, I am so happy to do both. If I must pick one, then I must try to find some people who are not in active crisis or are not already self-selected, highly-involved activists. I need to find people with the free time to read, debate, and practice leadership in a collective body. I must be able to reproduce myself for the sake of having socialists to live another day. I have trouble acknowledging the very real opposition many working class people feel towards the idea of a collective society. I have trouble acknowledging that our “mid size” DSA chapter has less yearly income, and moves less money per-year, than a single Ohioan making minimum wage. At the same time, it frees my ego when I consider how truly devastating the situation really is. Looking ahead, there is so much work that needs to be done.
I believe the ease of our mass communications (through social media/ group chats) and easy access to material goods have made our movement lazier and less deliberate about what we say and what we think we need. We should not be naive, and understand when we receive “stuff” “attention” or “useful data” from capitalists and their institutions, it is a pity prize.
During the tenth and final day of the Palestine encampment my nails were packed with dirt, several pounds of taco meat spilled in my car, I had bruising from handcuffs, and three parking tickets sat on my dash. I’m unemployed without any means to pay them.
Looking in the mirror, I realized that the people I need to radicalize the most, were not going to be able to do this work. I was as self-selected as they come, and just telling someone to copy my imperfect time/resource sacrifice was not going to motivate or empower them to build power in their own life. If anything, the example I set was predicated on giving so much of myself, that there was no way I could be supporting someone else in their development as a leader. Solidarity is not self-sacrifice and it is wrong for a socialist to put themselves in this position. It is especially wrong to expect others to do the same. The people we need to lead the movement don’t already identify as activists and don’t have time to “prove themselves” through constant, selfless acts of charity and sacrifice. Ordinary people often stay the course on one long term project that directly affects their material conditions. Ordinary people bring others into the work instead of doing everything themselves, often this is a skill that needs to be taught and fostered in groups accustomed to individualist competition.
If we are trying to build a mass movement, by teaching people how to exercise power and organize themselves, then we should only be engaging in single issues to the point that they radicalize new socialists and not beyond that. If the single-issue project is actually collective it will move itself, if it was always a couple people making every decision, it will fizzle out. As an activist, I do not have the capacity or strength to die on every hill. I don’t always need to be the thing standing in between a stranger and some horrible fate. The cycle of suffering is endless and expansive, but if everything is urgent then nothing is. Before it is too late, we must build a self-critical and leadership-heavy democratic organization that is able to hold the contradictions of the multiracial, American working class. And I don’t want these new socialists obsessed with the idea that more stuff in the hands of more people is the ultimate mission of mutual aid. It is important we do not assume that every participant is already a leader capable of driving strangers to action or subordinating themselves to the will of the collective body. Lastly, without formal organization at the core of our movement, the self-selected ones lose their way, giving too much of themselves and their collective capacity to an endless amount of work that will never be properly done.
The post We need more leaders, we need less stuff! appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.
May Day solidarity — Your National Political Committee newsletter
Enjoy your April National Political Committee (NPC) newsletter! Our NPC is an elected 18-person body (including two YDSA members who share a vote) which functions as the board of directors of DSA. This month, join May Day actions, protect trans rights, get involved with our national Convention, and more!
And to make sure you get our newsletters in your inbox, sign up here! Each one features action alerts, upcoming events, political education, and more.
- From the National Political Committee — May Day Solidarity
- National Electoral Commission Announces Two New Candidates — Your Support Can Put Them in Office!
- Help Pass Vital Trans Rights Legislation Today!
- Fight Oligarchy This May Day! Mass Call Sunday 4/29, Marches Monday 5/1, Thursday 5/3
- Monthly Convention Update: Volunteering Opportunities, Proposal Submissions, and Convention Programming Submissions Open!
- Sign Up for Housing Justice Commission’s May Meeting Wednesday 5/7
- Protect Socialist History! Join Our DSA Archives Workshop Thursday 5/29
- The Afrosocialists and Socialists of Color Caucus is Stronger and Building!
- Apply for DSA’s National Communications Committee
From the National Political Committee — May Day Solidarity
May Day is a uniquely international holiday, where workers of the world unite to celebrate our history and demands for our future — and it’s a holiday with deep American roots. A May Day 1886 protest demanding 8-hour work days (something we so often take for granted) led to the Chicago police brutalizing a crowd of protestors in Haymarket Square, and a series of violent events which led to the unjust state executions of 7 “Apostles of Labor.”
Socialists must remember these roots. This fight has never been easy, but we stand on the shoulders of giants, arm in arm with our comrades across our own organization — over 70,000 strong — and our siblings in the labor movement, the renters’ rights movement, the Palestinian liberation movement, the migrants’ rights movement, and so many more.
Because of this solidarity, we have incredible opportunities to organize and exert our collective strength, working locally and nationally in unison with mass movements around the world, to pick big fights against the boss class, and to win. We are stronger every day, even as the forces of capital work to slow us down, because we continue to build this solidarity.
We’ve witnessed the strength of this solidarity in the last few weeks, as hundreds of thousands of people have come out to the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour to see democratic socialists like Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez speak out against the system that oppresses us, even in deep red parts of the country like Idaho and Bakersfield, California. The rallies feature labor organizers representing people who form the backbone of our economy, from rideshare workers to farmworkers, and socialist electeds building the bench downballot, like DSA city councilmember Eunisses Hernandez in Los Angeles. The message is clear: a better world is possible, and we need class solidarity to win it. DSA members are showing up in force at local stops of this tour to canvass attendees and show how we are ready to give people the chance to be protagonists of their own history and build the working class power we need at scale to take on the oligarchy.
DSA chapters all across the country are planning May Day events, and we have officially joined the May Day Strong movement, organized with the Chicago Teachers Union and Bargaining for the Common Good. We’re encouraging DSA members everywhere to plug in — check out our May Day toolkit for ways to get involved. You can find your nearest chapter and their contact info here, and check the May Day Strong Map to find an event near you!
This year, mobilizing on May Day is even more urgent:
- In spite of the objections of the Supreme Court, members of Congress, and millions of working class people, Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a father and union worker, is still being detained illegally in El Salvador.
- Pro-Palestine organizer and former UAW member Mahmoud Khalil is being held illegally in ICE detention in Louisiana.
- Over two hundred thousand federal workers have lost their jobs and nearly a million more have been told that their right to bargain over working conditions no longer exists.
And before you hit the streets on May 1, please join us for a mass call on April 29. On this call — Fight Oligarchy: Build to May Day 2025 — you’ll hear from labor organizers, immigrants’ rights activists, and DSA chapter leaders on how you can fight back this May Day against attacks on our unions, rights, and essential services.
Need more ways to plug in? Please scroll down for a number of exciting ways to organize today — several of our national committees are seeking new members, we have a call to action from comrades in Colorado against an anti-trans bill, there’s more info about DSA Convention 2025 (to be held in Chicago, the Haymarket Martyrs’ resting place), and lots more ways to tap in and fight for a better future.
This is a difficult moment in our history, but the bosses are scared. They haven’t seen an organized left of this strength and caliber in their lifetimes. The stakes are high, and it’s on us to organize with even more strength and purpose, to exploit the contradictions that open up in uncertain times like these, and to win. May Day is a day to remind each other that together, organized people make history.
In Solidarity,
Megan Romer and Ashik Siddique
DSA National Co-Chairs
National Electoral Commission Announces Two New Candidates — Your Support Can Put Them in Office!
This year, DSA’s National Electoral Commission has an exciting new project. We’re supporting a rotating slate of candidates with nationwide fundraising throughout the year — and in our first 30 days, we’ve already raised over $20,000!
We couldn’t be prouder of this slate of socialist candidates. All of them represent DSA and our vision for the future so well, including our two latest new endorsees, Tammy Honeywell and Michael Westgaard. Tammy Honeywell, a union leader and founding member of Syracuse DSA, is running for a seat in the Onondaga County Legislature in upstate New York. And in Washington State, Michael Westgaard of Seattle DSA is running for Renton Common Council. Your donations can help put them and our socialist candidates across the country in office!
And do you want to help out with phonebanking? Sign up for the NEC email list for more info!
Help Pass Vital Trans Rights Legislation Today!
URGENT ACTION NEEDED! The Kelly Loving Act (HB25-1312), a bold package of pro-trans changes to Colorado law backed by Colorado DSA chapters, has passed the State House and is currently before the State Senate. However, far-right opposition is mounting, and we need your help to get this vital trans rights legislation across the finish line! Click here to write to Colorado legislators and demand they take action to protect trans people.
Fight Oligarchy This May Day! Mass Call Sunday 4/29, Marches Monday 5/1, Thursday 5/3
The Trump administration continues to target federal workers, immigrants and the institutions that provide basic support for working people in our country. On May 1st, chapters across the country are joining the call to fight back and build a movement that can fight for the world we deserve!
Join us this Sunday, 4/29 at 8:30pm ET/7:30pm CT/6:30pm MT/5:30pm PT to learn how you can be part of this fight. On this call, you’ll hear from organizers fighting for immigrant rights, defending our federal services, and building cross-union structures to build to May Day 2025!
Monthly Convention Update: Volunteering Opportunities, Proposal Submissions, and Convention Programming Submissions Open!
Our DSA Convention is coming up in August, and preparations are going on now. To start, we have openings on Convention Planning Subcommittees! The Convention Planning Subcommittees are looking to fill a few open spots. Interested members can view more information and apply to join a Convention Planning Subcommittee here! The application deadline is Friday, 5/2.
And proposals have been flying into our Convention Hub on the DSA Discussion Forum. These include new Bylaws, Platform Changes, and Resolutions, all of which are looking for signatories. Head on over to the Convention Hub to see what’s being submitted and sign on to things you want to see debated on the Convention floor! The deadline to submit proposals is Sunday 5/11.
You must be a member in good standing to view and sign on to any proposals. If you need to sign up for the DSA Discussion Forum account, go here to make your account today!
Having trouble getting on the forum? Reach out to the NTC at ntc@dsacommittees.org.
We’re also excited to open our call for submissions for programming sessions at this year’s DSA National Convention. You can submit your ideas here until Saturday, May 31. Sessions can include workshops, panel discussions, seminars, and creative displays or performances. This year, we are aiming for diverse, engaged, and energetic programming that connects to our theme, “Rebirth and Beyond: Reflecting on a Decade of DSA’s Growth and Preparing for a Decade of Party-Building.”
And finally, DSA’s National Fundraising Committee is calling for new members to help us raise a boatload of money to support DSA’s work at the 2025 DSA National Convention. We’re particularly looking for help organizing a live fundraiser event on Saturday, August 9. This includes soliciting donations of auction items for our live auction. If you have chapter fundraising experience, that’s all the better, but anyone can help contribute to this work. Apply here today! Applications are open on a rolling basis.
Sign Up for Housing Justice Commission’s May Meeting Wednesday 5/7
Join the Housing Justice Commission’s May meeting on Wednesday 5/7 at 8pm ET/7pm CT/6pm MT/5pm PT! On this call, you’ll hear about our consensus resolution for the 2025 DSA convention, and our new and improved Emergency Tenant Organizing Committee project. If you’re interested in starting a new tenant union or you want to talk about housing work in DSA, come on through!
Protect Socialist History! Join Our DSA Archives Workshop Thursday 5/29
DSA Archives Workshop is BACK! When socialist education is under attack, what do we do? Stand up, fight back… by taking care of our history and records! After a long hiatus, NPEC is excited to bring back the DSA Archives Workshop, co-sponsored by the DSA Fund. Chapter secretaries, political educators, comrades with old stuff, and anyone interested in the importance of archives for the left are welcome to join! The call will be held on Thursday, 5/29 at 8pm ET/7pm CT/6pm MT/5pm PT. RSVP here today.
The Afrosocialists and Socialists of Color Caucus is Stronger and Building!
Thanks to everyone who joined our 4/10 General Body Meeting — our first since relaunching with the new Executive Committee! We’re now forming Working Groups and Committees to kick off organizing efforts and internal support structures.
Want to plug in? Fill out the interest form to help lead or join a group. Groups with the most engagement will be prioritized.
Apply for DSA’s National Communications Committee
The National Communications Committee is expanding! We are looking for DSA members with experience in video editing, livestream production, social media strategy, graphic design, media relations, and more to expand our national communications work. The National Communications Committee’s NPC members and at-large co-chair will appoint the new members, and will be accepting applications on a rolling basis. Apply here today!
The post May Day solidarity — Your National Political Committee newsletter appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).
Milwaukee Democratic Socialists of America condemn FBI arrest of Milwaukee County judge
The Milwaukee Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) condemn the FBI’s arrest of Judge Hannah Dugan, accused of obstructing ICE agents from taking a man into custody at the federal courthouse during the recent escalation in arrests of immigrants and minorities throughout the country at the behest of President Trump and his backers.
“ICE’s presence in our courthouse is an unconscionable assault on our public safety,” Milwaukee DSA leader Andy Barbour said. “We must all oppose this administration’s efforts to harm the immigrants in our community, as well as this administration’s attempts to intimidate those who fight for justice.”
The chapter will continue to support Dugan and others targeted by oppressive government forces in the days ahead.
Milwaukee DSA is Milwaukee’s largest socialist organization fighting for a democratic economy, a just society, and a sustainable environment. Join today at dsausa.org/join.
The risks vs. rewards of unionizing
Should you organize your workplace? Consider these risks and rewards, then talk with an organizer to get started.
The post The risks vs. rewards of unionizing appeared first on EWOC.