This past August, Cleveland DSA sent our 7 delegates to the National Convention. Our Education Committee asked these delegates to write up reflections on their experience, which will appear here over the next month. Our next reportback is from Kevin N, who also serves on Chapter Steering!

I’m not sure if I really knew what solidarity meant before the convention. I thought I did, belligerent know-it-all that I am, but I don’t think I’d ever actually experienced it as a visceral emotional response to collective action.

And in reality, the convention had all the makings of an uncomradely affair. It was a hotly contested agenda, with deep-seated oppositional tendencies that had been organizing for months around their respective stances. Emotions and passions were running high, and the convention was not without an occasional outburst.

Both the so-called left and right wings of the convention had enthusiastic, hard-fought victories, and equally bitter, disappointing losses. And the tactics were occasionally of a questionable nature: a premeditated motion to reconsider by the sponsors of the controversial “Democratize DSA” resolution sent the delegation chamber reeling into jeers and groans, a manipulative procedural move that became the subject of complaints and criticism among much of the body, or at least among those with whom I spoke.

I found it refreshing that the general consensus was that attempts at procedural manipulations like that were roundly condemned; the aforementioned vote to reconsider was voted down by a wider margin than the failed motion itself.

Not that such machinations stopped completely, however. Towards the end of the convention, as it became increasingly clear that the allotted time was going to run out before some of the more controversial items on the agenda could be voted on, motions to extend debate on less controversial items proliferated, in addition to other delaying tactics, much to the consternation of the sponsors of those resolutions. The effort to stall was successful, however, and these resolutions were, in the end, passed to the incoming NPC.

However, when it *actually* came time to vote to adjourn (which was itself a contested motion), as soon as the convention was declared closed, the entire convention rose and applauded one another in a show of mutual respect and admiration — a spontaneous outburst that lasted longer than any celebratory display over that three day period, of which there were many.

The mood throughout the hall was unmistakably one of deep, sincere pride in and gratitude for the convention’s devotion to comradely collective decision-making, and surmounting the true logistical challenge of coordinating nearly 1,000 individuals without any major disruption throughout the three-day proceedings. Instantly, in that moment, members of the delegation dropped any animosity or frustration they may have felt toward their erstwhile opponents, and all were comrades again. With jubilant tears in our eyes, our Cleveland delegation embraced one another and the entire convention hall rejoiced in the accomplishment of collective, participatory democracy; we had all proven to ourselves through direct experience that it was, indeed, possible. That, to me, is what solidarity means.

Personally, I fall into the left wing of the restructuring effort within DSA; I’d like to see the organization move, to use the oft-repeated and generally misunderstood phrase, in a “party-like direction” (which does *not* mean immediately running candidates on our own ballot line, a common misconception amongst opponents both at the convention and after). This tendency saw its share of wins and losses at the convention, but overall, I’m very proud of its strong showing.

Moving in a party-like direction does not mean that we wish to move away from our commitment to grassroots organizing, growing our class base, or securing material victories for the working class. These goals are still paramount. It means holding DSA’s elected officials — regardless of what ballot line they run on — accountable to DSA’s platforms so that a DSA membership is more than a meaningless scout badge donned by a candidate in an attempt to gain favor with the far left electorate. We’ve seen DSA members in congress repeatedly vote directly against the interests of the working class, and we as an organization have no recourse but to impotently wag our fingers at them. What is the power in having a DSA member in elected office if they have no responsibility to uphold the democratically decided platforms of our membership?

On a more theoretical level, a fundamental transformation of society is impossible without a Socialist organization that can operate independently of the capitalist class, as any hard-fought material gains won for the working class are but temporary, revocable concessions from the ruling class. If our goal is Socialism and not mere progressivism; if we are to serve as an alternative political structure by and for the working class; if we want material, political, and hegemonic gains for the working class to be permanent and irrevocable; we will eventually have to break from the liberal confines of the Democratic Party (to reiterate, not immediately or even in the near future), and the groundwork for such a movement needs to be laid ahead of time or we will lack the structural capacity to do so if/when the historical moment to do so becomes clear. Otherwise, we will remain nothing but the left wing of a bourgeois political party and a Socialist movement in name only.

I’m confident that these principled arguments will win out in the long run — votes in favor of this tendency saw a substantial increase since the previous convention and the current NPC is now majority “partyist” — but on a more personal level, I left the convention with a new appreciation for our organization’s commitment to *actual* democracy and its capability to build an organization that will produce great, positive change for the working class.

The post DSA Convention Reflection #2 – Kevin N appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

The City University of New York improves the lives of millions. Founded in 1847 with the purpose of providing higher education to working class New Yorkers, CUNY today has 25 colleges spread across New York City’s five boroughs, serving 243,000 degree-seeking students of all ages and awarding 55,000 degrees each year. Like many other institutions built to serve the public good, CUNY faces multiple intersecting crises. The university system could not function without its 30,000 strong unionized labor force. Many professors, graduate student workers, and staffers are underpaid and overworked. The Professional Staff Congress, of which I am a member, is currently in negotiations to improve the material conditions of workers across the board. CUNY has also suffered from decades of underfunding by New York state and city elected officials. This has not only forced thousands of educators into precarious employment, but led to decaying infrastructure. As funding has gone down, tuition has been increased at the once free public university system. We’ll discuss how PSC union organizers and their allies are fighting back to build the People’s University that this city deserves. Later in the show we’ll hear from Amy Wilson and her interview with Wren, a healthcare worker struggling to materialize reproductive rights in a capitalist society.

By Curt Ries, Marin DSA Co-Chair
Published Sep 7, 2023 in the Marin Independent Journal

Marin is in the midst of a housing crisis, with tens of thousands of renters struggling to make ends meet and keep a roof over their heads. Rent control and tenant protections are our best tools for keeping our neighbors in their homes.

More than one-third of all Marin County households are renters, approximately 37,000 families, or 87,000 people. More than half of those renters are rent-burdened, paying more than 30% of their income on rent. Nearly a third are severely rent-burdened, paying more than 50% of their income on rent.

According to Zillow’s “observed rent” index, Marin County has the highest rents in the entire state of California and the third highest among all counties nationwide.

A renter in Marin needs to earn over $50 per hour to afford a modest one-bedroom apartment, according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition’s 2023 “out of reach” study. However, the average Marin renter earns just $30 an hour. California’s minimum wage is $15.50.

These renters — I am one of them — include some of the essential workers who make our communities such wonderful places to live. Some are our teachers, nurses, maintenance workers, grocery workers and restaurant workers. Many are retired seniors who are trying to age in place with dignity. They include young people trying to start families and put down roots.

With rents through the roof and absurdly expensive house prices making home ownership all but impossible, we are barely able to survive here in Marin. Countless renters are forced out each year by the relentlessly high housing costs, tearing families out of their communities, kids out of their schools, and seniors out of their support networks.

Rent control and tenant protections stop this from happening. They are designed to keep renters in their homes by doing three things: placing a reasonable cap on annual rent increases, prohibiting arbitrary evictions and ensuring tenants have support if they are evicted due to no fault of their own.

These laws provide basic, commonsense protections for huge swaths of our community. Without them, renters are left never knowing if and when an exorbitant rent increase will force them out of their homes.

Opponents of rent control and tenant protections will say that we already have rent control at the state level. They are referring to the 2019 Tenant Protection Act, which caps annual rent increases at 5% plus the change in the Consumer Price Index, up to 10% total. The historic average for CPI is about 3%, meaning state law typically limits annual rent increases at 8%, though recently it’s been at or close to 10% because of high inflation.

This extremely weak state rent cap — and the toothless tenant protections that accompany it — are almost meaningless. Virtually no tenant can afford 8% or 10% rent increases year after year. For perspective, a $3,000 rent payment would balloon to almost $3,800 after just three years of 8% rent increases. It would nearly double after nine years.

In California, passing local rent stabilization and “just cause” eviction ordinances is the only way to provide real housing security to the working families and seniors who live in our communities. These laws have existed for decades and have successfully kept hundreds of thousands of people in their homes in neighboring areas, from San Francisco and Berkeley to Mountain View and East Palo Alto.

Claims that these policies meaningfully lower housing supply or drive up rents have no empirical evidence to back them up. They are empty talking points endlessly repeated by well-funded landlord and real estate lobbies who have a vested financial interest in seeing rent control and tenant protections defeated.

At the end of the day, the debate over these policies largely boils down to a simple moral question. Do we as a community think it’s more important to ensure safe and secure housing to our friends, families and neighbors, or do we think it’s more important to maximize profits and control for a small number of landlords and real estate interests?

It’s time for Marin’s elected leaders to pass rent stabilization and just cause eviction ordinances that put people before profits.

Curt Ries, of San Anselmo, is co-chair of the Marin County Chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America.

The post North NJ DSA Calls for Senator Bob Menendez’s Resignation first appeared on North NJ DSA.

The historic strike of the United Auto Workers against the Big Three US automakers is inspiring new hope for the labor movement. I sat down with Jane Slaughter, a founder and long-time editor of Labor Notes, to discuss the ongoing strike, what it will take to win, and how the strike was made possible by a small opposition caucus defeating the entrenched UAW bureaucracy to take leadership of the union earlier this year. I then speak with Manya Janowitz, a Seattle DSA member and organizer with UNITE-HERE Local 8, about the strike and contract battle at Homegrown, the Seattle-based sandwich chain. The discussion with Jane Slaughter references her recent article, “No Reform Caucus, No UAW Strike,” published in The Call on September 20th. This podcast is only possible due to the generous monthly contributions of Seattle DSA members and supporters who fund my part-time salary as the chapter’s Communications Organizer alongside vital organizing work. To sustain this podcast, and our wider communications work, please become a monthly contributor at seattledsa.org/podcast.

Translated into Armenian Below /Հայերեն թարգմանությունը հաջորդում է

The Democratic Socialists of America International Committee (DSA IC) strongly condemns attempts by the Azerbaijani government to ethnically cleanse the indigenous Armenian population in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh). We call on the United States to permanently cease all security assistance to Azerbaijan and work toward a lasting peace that respects the fundamental right to self determination for Artsakh’s Armenian population by applying pressure to Azerbaijan, and its close allies, Turkey and Israel.

Artsakh is an ethnically Armenian de facto autonomous region located in Azerbaijan. Armenians have been living in Artsakh continuously for thousands of years and fought to be independent of Azerbaijan due to ongoing oppression by Azeri authorities. The contested status of Artsakh has resulted in two wars since the end of the Soviet Union, including a 44-day war in 2020 which concluded with a tenuous cease-fire brokered by Russia.  

On September 19th, Azerbaijan started a new military offensive against the people of Artsakh, with the intent of ethnically cleansing the population from the enclave. The offensive followed several cargo flights carrying weapons between Azerbaijan and Israel. A ceasefire has been reached, but reports on the ground suggest attacks by Azerbaijan continue. In this latest offensive, at least 200 people have been killed, hundreds more have been injured, and thousands displaced after intense shelling. 

The new military offensive was the latest in a series of genocidal actions taken by Azerbaijan. For the last 9 months, Azerbaijan blockaded the Lachin Corridor, which connects Artsakh to Armenia. Since Azerbaijan closed the corridor, Armenians in Artsakh have experienced severe shortages in food, life-saving medications, fuel, and other crucial supplies. A report issued by Luis Moreno Ocampo, a former chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, concluded that through the blockade “a genocide is underway against 120,000 Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh.” Finally, Azerbaijan has attacked and made incursions into Armenia-proper, occupying border towns in Armenia. 

Azerbaijan is a strategic ally of the United States and has received hundreds of millions of dollars in security assistance. The United States has repeatedly waived Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act to provide military assistance to Azerbaijan despite Azeri aggression toward Armenia and Artsakh. The United States can and should permanently cease all security assistance and weapons sales to Azerbaijan in light of its human rights violations and repeated hostilities. 

The ongoing offensive against Armenia and Artsakh could not continue without support from some of the U.S.’s closest allies. Turkey, a member of NATO, strongly backs Azerbaijan’s ethnic cleansing of Armenians in Artsakh, and Israel, a close U.S. ally, supplies nearly 70 percent of Azerbaijan’s weapons. The Biden administration must apply diplomatic pressure on Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Israel to bring an end to Azeri aggression against Armenians, guarantee Armenians in Artsakh self-determination, and negotiate in good faith with Armenia and Artsakh to achieve lasting peace in the region. Unfortunately, the Biden administration has only emboldened Azerbaijan. 

The broader geopolitical significance of this conflict helps explain the U.S.’s unwillingness to act in support of Armenians. As the Atlantic Council has argued, stronger ties between Azerbaijan and the U.S. can “help counter threats to shared interests emanating from Moscow and Tehran.” Since the imposition of sanctions on Russia by Western nations, Azerbaijan has expanded oil exports to the European Union, increasing the country’s geopolitical significance and negotiating power. Azerbaijan’s status as a “reliable” energy partner to Europe makes transitioning away from Russian oil easier for Western countries. 

Iran borders both Armenia and Azerbaijan and also has significant interests in the region. Azerbaijan has made it clear its assaults on Armenia will continue until Armenia agrees to create the Zangezur corridor, a land corridor through Syunik, the sole Armenian province bordering Iran. Not only would the creation of this corridor result in Azerbaijan controlling part of Armenia’s sovereign territory, but it would also cut off Armenia’s border with Iran and make it more difficult for Iran to access Europe. Iran understandably opposes any change to its sovereign borders, especially because Azerbaijan is a close Israeli ally and already hosts Israeli military bases near the Iranian-Azeri border. 

The U.S. has a clear choice: it can continue to prop up Azerbaijan to weaken Russia and Iran or it can prevent a second Armenian genocide through active diplomacy and an end to weapons sales.

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Ինքնաորոշում  Արցախի հայ բնակչության համար

Ամերիկայի Միացյալ Նահանգների ՍոցիալիստԴեմոկրատների միջազգային կոմիտեն (DSA IC) խստորեն դատապարտում է Ադրբեջանիկառավարության փորձերը էթնիկ զտմանենթարկելու Արցախի հայությանը: Մենք կոչ ենքանում ԱՄՆ-ի կառավարությանը անմիջապեսդադարեցնել բոլոր աջակցությունները Ադրբեջանինև աշխատել խաղաղություն հաստատել որը կհարգի Արցախի հայ բնակչության ինքնաորոշման իրավունքները ճնշում գործադրելով Ադրբեջանի ևնրա մերձավոր դաշնակիցների Թուրքիայի ևԻսրայելի վրա:       

Արցախը ինքնավար տարացք է:  Հայերը ապրում են Արցախում հազարավոր տարիներև պայքարել են իրենց անկախության համար Ադրբեջանական կառավարության կողմից շարունակվող ճնշումների պատճառով: Արցախի կարգավիճակը հանգեցրել է երկու պատերազմների Սովետական Միության փլզումից հետո ներառյալ 44 օրվա պատերազմը 2020 թվականին որի շնորհիվկնքվել է կրակի դադարեցման պայմանագիր Ռուսաստանի միջամտությամբ:

Սեպտեմբերի 19 ին, Ադրբեջանը նոր ռազմական գործողություններ սկսեց Արցախի ժողովրդի հանդեպ էթնիկ զտման ենթարկելու նպատակով: Հարձակմանը հաջորդել էմի քանի զենքակիր բեռնատար օդանավերիթռիչքներ Իսրայելից դեպի Ադրբեջան: Զինադադար է հայտարարվել, բայց ըստ տեղանքի հաղորդագրության, հարձակումները շարունակվումեն: Այս վերջին իրադարցությունների հետեվանքով, 200 մարդկային զոհեր են եղել, հարյուրավոր վիրավորներ և հազարավոր մարդիկ տեղահանվել են ինտենսիվ հրետակոծությունների հետևանքով:         

Նոր ռազմական հարձակումը վերջինն էր ցեղասպանական գործողությունների շարքից, որոնք ձեռնարկվեցին Ադրբեջանի կողմից: Ավելի քան 9 ամիս է ինչ Ադրբեջանը փակել է Լաչինի միջանցքը, որը միացնում է Արցախը Հայաստանին: Դրա պատճառով, Արցախի բնակչությունը սնունդի, դեղորայքների, գազի և այլ կյանքին անհրաժեշտ պարագաների խստագույն պակաս է ունեցել: Միջազգային քրեական դատարանի նախկին գլխավոր դատախազ Լուիս Մորենո Օկամպոիկողմից հրատարակված զեկուցում եզրակացրել է որշրջափակումը “Լեռնային Ղարաբաղում 120000 հայերի նկատմամբ ցեղասպանություն է ընթանում”: Եվ վերջապես, Ադրբեջանը ներխուժել է Հայաստանի տերետորյան և զաֆթել մի քանի հայկական սահմանային քաղաքներ:

Ադրբեջանը ռազմական դաշնակից է ԱՄՆ-ին և հարյուրավոր միլիոն դոլլարի օգնություն է ստացել: Միացյալ Նահանգները բացմիցս հրաժարվել է Freedom Support Act-ի 907 բաժնից Ադրբեջանին օգնություն ցուցադրելու նպատակով, չնայած Ադրբեջանի կողմից Արցախի և Հայաստանի նկատմամբ ցուցաբերած ագրեսիայի: ԱՄՆ կարող է ևպետք է հիմնականորեն դադարեցնի օգնությունը ևցենքի վաճառումը Ադրբեջանին, քանզի դամարդկային իրավունքների ոտնաձգում է և կրկնվող թշնամանք:      

Հայաստանի նկատմամբ ոտնաձգումները չէին շարունակվի առանց ԱՄՆ-ի մոտ դաշնակիցների- Թուրքիայի, որը NATO -ի անդամ է և հաստատակամորեն աջակցում է Ադրբեջանին հայերի էթնիկ զտմանը Արցախում և Իսրայելի ԱՄՆ-իմյուս դաշնակիցը, որը մատակարարում է Ադրբեջանի զինամթերքի 70%: Բայդենի կառավարությունը պետքէ ճնշում գործադրի Ադրբեջանի, Թուրքիայի և Իսրայելի վրա վերջ դնելու Ադրբեջանի ագրեսիային հայերի նկատմամբ, որը կապահովի Արցախի անկախությանը , և աջակցել բանակցություններին Հայաստանիև Արցախի հետ շրջանում խաղաղության վերականգման համար: Ցավոք սրտի, Բայդենի Կառավարությունը միայն խրախուսել է Ադրբեջանին:    

Այս հակամարտության ավելի լայն աշխարհաքաղաքական նշանակությունը օգնում է բացատրելու ԱՄՆ-ի անպատրաստակամությունը ի պաշտպանություն Հայաստանի: Ատլանտիկ Քասլի պնդմամբ, Ադրբեջանի և ԱՄՆ-ի միջև ամուր կապը կարող է օգնել դիմակցել ընդհանուր շահերից բխող սպառնալիքներին Մոսկվաին և Թեհրանին: Արևմուտքի կողմից Ռուսաստանի նկատմամբ պտժամիջոցների սահմանումից ի վեր, Ադրբեջանը ընդլայնել է նաֆթի ներառկումը Եվրոմիություն դրանով բարձրացնելով երկրի աշխարհաքաղաքական նշանակությունն ու բանակցային հզորությունը: Ադրբեջանի կարգավիճակը ինչպես հուսալի էներգիայի գործընկեր դեպի Եվրոպա անցում է կատարում Ռուսական նաֆթից, հեշտացնելով արևմտյան երկրների համար: 

Իրանը, որը սահմաններ ունի Հայաստանի և Ադրբեջանի հետ, նույնպես նշանակալի հետաքրքրություն է ցուցաբերում այս շրջանում: Ադրբեջանը պարզ հայտարարել է որ չի դադարելու մինչև Հայաստանը չհամաձայնվի բացել Զանգեզուրի միջանցքը Սյունիքի միջով, որը զուտ հայկական տերետորյա է Իրանի սահմանությամբ: Այս միջանցքի բացումը ոչ միայն կհանգեցնի Ադրբեջանի բռնագրավումը զուտ հայկական տարածքների, այլ նաև կկառավարի հայ -իրանական սահմանը և կդժվարացնի Իրանի մուտքը Եվրոպա: Իրանը հասկանալիորեն հակադրվում է որևէ փոփոխությունների իր սուվերեգոնի սահմանների, հատկապես նրա համար, որ Ադրբեջանը մերձավոր դաշնակից է Իսրաելին և արդեն ռազմական բազաներ ունի իր երկրի տարածքում Իրան-Ադրբեջան սահմանում:                                                                                                    

ԱՄՆն ունի հասարակ ընտրություն: Նա կարող է աջակցել Ադրբեջանին Ռուսաստանին և Իրանին թուլացնելու համար, կամ նա կարող էկանխել հակական ցեղասպանությունը ակտիվ դիվանագիտական միջոցներով և վերջ դնի զենավաճառությանը:

The post DSA IC Condemns Ethnic Cleansing by Azerbaijan Government Against Artsakh’s Armenian Population appeared first on DSA International Committee.

Thorn West: Issue No. 175

City Politics

• The results are in for DSA-LA’s Phase 1 endorsement cycle! Membership has voted to endorse Councilmember Nithya Raman, who is running for re-election in CD4, and Ysabel Jurado, who is running in CD14. Members in good standing can read more about the election results here.

• Weeks after the Los Angeles City Council drew criticism for its unanimous rejection of the city controller’s nominee to the Ethics Commission, the city council will consider Alex Johnson, the nominee put forth by Council President Pro Tem Marqueece Harris-Dawson. The LA Times considers Johnson’s status as a longtime political insider.

• Kevin de León, who has ignored widespread calls to resign since being caught making a variety of racist remarks on the LA Fed tapes, has announced a re-election bid for his city council seat in CD14.

Housing Rights

• Residents of Los Angeles who owe back rent can now apply to an emergency renters assistance program paid for with funds collected by Measure ULA. Applicants must live in Los Angeles and make less than 80% of area median income. The program will cover up to six months of back rent owed to your current landlord. Applications close on October 2. See here for more on eligibility, as well as how to apply.

• Martin v. Boise is a district court ruling that moderately restricts the ability of municipalities to displace unhoused people where there is less than adequate shelter capacity. CalMatters covers the semantic games local government plays with the term “offer of shelter” in order to talk its way past this ruling. The League of California Cities has joined with other entities in petitioning the Supreme Court to narrow the scope of Boise, while, in a mask-off moment, Governor Gavin Newsom expressed his hope that the Supreme Court would act to strip legal protections from unhoused citizens. “And that’s a hell of a statement for a progressive Democrat,” said the governor, unironically.

• LA Public Press gives voice to the frustrations of tenants at Hillside Villa Apartments. Over a year after the city approved a plan to initiate the purchase of their building in order to maintain affordable rents, a series of delays have kept them in limbo, while the building’s current private owner continues to file eviction notices. More from the Tenants’ Association, which held an action at the Mayor’s office today.

Labor

• The WGA and AMPTP issued a joint statement this week that they had begun negotiating again after several weeks apart. Union leaders and advocates have cautioned the public against interpreting this as a sign that a deal is imminent and called for an increased show of attendance at picket lines.
  
• Councilmembers Eunisses Hernandez and Nithya Raman, seconded by Hugo Soto-Martinez, introduced a motion to draft legislation requiring Los Angeles area hotels to inform and offer full refunds to guests whose reservations might be affected by construction or a picket line. This motion comes as UNITE HERE Local 11 nears the end of its third month on strike against dozens of LA-area hotels.

Police Violence and Community Resistance

• In the aftermath of a federal investigation being launched into alleged rampant criminal behavior of the LAPD’s Mission District Gang Unit, LAPD Chief Michel Moore insisted that the practice of officers improperly switching off body cams is not widespread, but this is demonstrably false.

Environmental Justice

• Governor Newsom has until October 12 to veto any of the legislation currently before him, but he has already indicated that he will sign two bills that force large corporations to disclose their carbon footprints.

• As climate change increases the frequency of wildfires, insurers have declined to provide insurance to homeowners in California wildfire zones. This week, Governor Newsom issued an executive order that attempts to address that.

The post Rental Assistance Fund Opens in LA + California Cities Petition Supreme Court To “Clarify” Lower Court Ruling Protecting Unhoused appeared first on The Thorn West.

This past August, Cleveland DSA sent our 7 delegates to the National Convention. Our Education Committee asked these delegates to write up reflections on their experience, which will appear here over the next month. What follows is the first of these, from our comrade Julie C:

I have been a member of my local mid-sized DSA chapter since early 2021. I was a fan of Bernie as he grew in popularity but still thought socialism was a dirty word until 2020. Like many during the Covid lockdowns, I started to see the world as it truly was and became more and more disgruntled with the status quo. After the murder of George Floyd I was shoved into action. Well, “action” being more than just angrily debating people on Facebook. I checked out quite a few local and national organizations and stuck with DSA. They were far and away the group that was doing the most good locally and was not just a political campaign or a Zoom webinar.

The other reason I stuck with DSA is that in a society where barely any aspect of one’s life reflects a true democracy, our chapter exemplifies it. There is no high level board of directors who “work for” DSA and make decisions in a small group while members are off at their day jobs. Members who have been around for years don’t get a bigger say in what we do than someone who just signed up yesterday. Individuals are empowered to bring their ideas to the general membership and get a majority vote in order to make it one of our priorities for at least a set amount of time. We have built something unlike any other organization I’ve been a part of and it proves that democracy can work, it can be done!

One aspect of DSA that I shied away from entirely was our national structure and bodies. I had dealt with big, “non-profit-like” structures in the past and I had no interest in getting roped in again. I wanted to keep doing good work in my chapter and continue to ignore National as just “those people who keep track of our members and money and send emails that I occasionally open.” So when talk of Convention 2023 came around, I really did not have an interest in running as a delegate. But then I found out a little more about our dues structure and how much went to National versus local chapters. To be blunt, I wanted to see where all my money was going and if I thought it was being put to good use! I could see our work locally and believed in it. But hardly ever was any aspect of National brought up among our membership and we have rarely felt their impact.

A principle of democratic organizing that I strongly believe in is to stay and try to help fix a problem rather than skirting around it. With that principle in mind, I took a new approach to the Convention. I wanted to better understand National, where our dues were going, and how everything functioned at a national level. I ran as a delegate because I knew it would force me to learn and to experience it. Once I was elected I spent a lot of time preparing: reading proposed resolutions, learning past DSA history, and watching NPC candidate interviews to get a better idea of what choices lay before us to guide the next two years. Although I knew very little about caucuses and the inner workings of politics within DSA, I felt fairly prepared traveling to Chicago in August 2023.

The Convention itself surpassed all of my expectations. It was very professional, had many engaging speakers, panels, and discussions and being in a room with close to 1,000 delegates representing the largest socialist organization in the US was an experience I will never forget. I happily embrace the cliché when I say that it felt like we were making history. That I could imagine a time in the future when this moment will be viewed as an important catalyst to what will come next. I imagine it is similar to what new Congresspeople feel when they walk into the chamber for the first time–although with much more hope in real, lasting change. I digress, and apologize for my flare for dramatics.

Another reason I stuck with DSA after I joined is that I see it as practice for how to actually run a democracy. People talk about democracy like it is some high and mighty philosophy (which it is), but it is also a verb. How you tactically carry out a democracy is important, and we will not learn it from Washington, our statehouses, and certainly not our workplaces. Our chapter has good, solid structures for running our democracy and I was happy to see that the Convention was set up similarly. There were a few hiccups in getting the agenda set (which was democratically decided with a floor amendment) but overall the actual deliberation time was well-run and exciting.

The proposals that we voted on were a mixed bag. The committee resolutions tended to be the most detailed with plans on what the standing committee would continue to do, what would change, and how much of a budget it needed. Some of the proposals seemed to state ideas/beliefs of how we should operate without a lot of fleshed out details of what that looks like in action. I am more skeptical of these proposals as I feel the platform can be amended to give our political positions and would rather see proposals with detailed action plans. However, I usually voted in favor if I felt they were appropriate. 

There were a couple proposals – “Democratize DSA” and “Towards a Party-Like Electoral Strategy”- that showed clear lines between caucuses and forced very lively political debate.  “Democratize DSA,” according to its proponents, sought to expand the NPC as a way to help alleviate some of the political issues of past NPCs. Those who spoke against it said it would make the work of the NPC more difficult and the problem wasn’t the number of members. It did not pass the ⅔ majority needed, which prompted some procedural “fuckery” to re-vote, which also failed (all legal per our bylaws and rules). “Party-Like” was a proposal to hold elected officials endorsed by DSA to stricter standards around how to vote on certain issues and to begin bloc voting with other DSA electeds. It failed (41% to 59%) and seems that members are not yet willing to require hard lines for our elected officials. This could potentially lead to another embarrassing Bowman debacle if and when another DSA elected speaks or votes against one of our core principles. I was happy “Democratize” did not pass and disappointed that “Party-Like” failed; however, both of these battles were another lesson in the democracy “verb” and a good experience to have individually and as an organization

Of course one of the more heated debates and a topic many wanted to hash out further was the BDS working group resolution. The agenda was amended to add the full resolution but we only had time for deliberation on the NPC recommendation to move the BDSWG into the IC, which passed 52% to 48%. As someone who was tuned out during the Bowman debacle, I only saw it as an embarrassment to the DSA name and hoped that we could put the measure to rest at this Convention. I think we partially did that and have faith that our new NPC will finish the job. There will most certainly be members still polarized by this issue but I feel they will be in the minority. The debate and fight over drawing specific lines and details for electeds proves the need to have specific and detailed resolutions that our leadership can easily follow as laid out by membership.

Of course the main event at the Convention is the NPC race and election. As a non-caucused delegate, I prepared by watching almost every candidate interview. However, once I arrived and was immersed in Convention electioneering, I realized that most delegates formulated their votes based on caucus and which candidates their preferred caucuses recommended. I did find it very helpful to understand which caucuses seemed to best represent mine and our chapters’ opinions on how to organize and what tactics we should be using in order to continue to grow DSA into a powerful organization and admit that I ranked those caucus members higher on my ballot. Perhaps it is the midwestern in me but the flyering and politicking got a bit old after a day or so. I had done my research and would ask my comrades for opinions when I needed them! But, once I understood how many delegates formulated their ballot I understood the need for it. The best part of the NPC race (and the Convention as a whole) was that regardless of the outcome, I felt extremely comfortable and confident in all the comrades around me. Everyone running has organizing experience of one kind or another and wants to see our organization grow and be powerful. Obviously we have differing opinions on the best way to do that but I feel very confident in the members who were ultimately elected.

Overall, the DSA National Convention 2023 was a success in many ways. I am glad and honored that I was elected delegate and the experience has made me a better rounded DSA member. I believe that when we have significant growth in the next two years we will need to expand the Convention and spend more time deliberating on the core work and structure of our organization. While this experience has engaged me personally into what National does, we need stronger ties than just the ones our delegates make at Convention every two years. I wish National would function in a more integrated way with locals but as it stands now, we will need to force that integration from our level if we want to take advantage of the resources that may be available to us. I feel empowered to potentially write proposals for the next Convention based on what I saw this time around (“stay and try to fix it!”) and would like our national organization to have more of a structure like ours locally.

Finally, I’m expecting individuals or other organizations both to the right and left of DSA to downplay, insult, or dismiss what we did at Convention this year. And I hope that none of our members join with them. Because what we did was impressive. It was a true example of democracy in action. Possibly one of the largest democratic actions that has been held in a very long time. To those critics, I invite you to come join us. If you have improvements in strategy, tactics, organization skills then please, come and help fix it. Because if we really want what we say–a democratic society run by and for the working class, then we better keep getting the practice!

Notes:
1. While I feel I have supported and helped continue a culture of democracy, much of the hard work and structure was put in place before I joined and I give all the credit and kudos to my comrades who did it!

The post DSA National Convention Reflection #1 – Julie C appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

The Right’s Attack on Rights

This year has seen a barrage of over 500 bills introduced in state legislatures across the nation, all aimed at attacking trans and queer people. Meanwhile, the right wing is on a mission to enforce nationwide abortion bans, already successful in nearly two dozen states. Voting rights are also under siege, with racial gerrymandering and laws curbing early voting and mail-in ballots. In Georgia, offering water to voters in line is now illegal. Alabama is refusing to comply with a Supreme Court order regarding voting rights for Black citizens. The right’s attack on what they misname “critical race theory” is really an attack on people’s ability to learn the U.S. right’s history of opposing democracy, from slavery to segregation, to anti-suffragism, to denying bodily autonomy.

This struggle for reproductive rights, transgender liberation, and democracy is absolutely crucial for everyone in the working class. Let’s break it down:

Unveiling the Attacks

The assault on bodily autonomy is tightly intertwined with the capitalist system. As Karina Garcia explains in “Women, Capitalism, and the Ongoing Attacks on Bodily Autonomy and Reproductive Rights”1:
“It is not as a conspiracy for profits, but as a form of political rule based on disciplining and intimidating one section of poor and working people, distracting and confusing others, and finally winning over and satisfying other layers.”

This assault is spearheaded by reactionary elements in society, funded by the ruling class, and executed through governmental power. This includes leveraging the undemocratic Supreme Court and various levels of government, be it state, local, or federal.

It also includes state violence. Bans on abortion and trans rights enable the long arm of the police and the carceral state to intrude into the lives of everyday working people. As they introduce new methods of control, with alarming tactics like inspecting children’s bodies and demanding the reporting of menstrual cycles for sports participation, they lay the groundwork for further violations of personal freedom and expression.

The United States is “now in fascism’s legal phase,” according to Jason Stanley. Writing in The Guardian2, he says, “Fascist lies have begun to restructure institutions, notably electoral infrastructure and law.”
This right-wing movement is well aware that their stance is in the minority. Therefore, their goal is to eliminate even the limited democratic avenues available to the working class. They understand that given the opportunity, working people will rally to uphold their rights.

DSA’s Role in the Struggle

Chapters and working groups within the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) are stepping up together to play a vital role in the fight for trans rights, reproductive rights, and democracy.

The most significant source of our power to defend and expand reproductive healthcare and trans rights is the building of a mass movement. This movement brings together diverse segments of the working class using tactics such as mass protests, civil disobedience, and labor and tenant action, along with working-class electeds ready to call out every injustice against bodily autonomy.

In 2022, YDSA, the youth wing of DSA, passed “For Abortion Rights, Bodily Autonomy, and Socialist Trans Liberation.” Since then:

• In the first state to criminalize abortion after the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision, YDSA at University of Missouri won affordable Plan B on campus.
• YDSA at ETSU organized the “Can’t Drag Us Down” drag show and story hour in protest of anti-trans bills prohibiting drag shows and gender-affirming care for trans youth, followed by a “No Hate In Our State Block Party” protest against anti-trans political commentator Michael Knowles speaking at ETSU.
• Wesleyan YDSA in Connecticut’s pressure campaign won free emergency contraceptives for students and for the University to cover all abortion-related costs that students’ insurance doesn’t cover, including transportation.
• University of North Texas YDSA organized to improve access to hormone replacement treatment (HRT) care on campus; they won a commitment to training in transgender healthcare for employees of the on-campus health center and to consider transgender care experience in hiring.
• New York University (NYU) YDSA won free abortions and Mifepristone for all in-network students.
• University of Louisville YDSA won increased funding to the university’s LGBTQ+ center.

This summer, the DSA national convention voted to, in coordination with YDSA, prepare for and launch a nationwide fighting campaign for reproductive rights and trans liberation and to defend abortion rights, trans people, and democracy.

Preparation for this campaign starts in Fall 2023, with a campaign launch in January 2024 and a national day of action in Spring 2024. DSA’s National Political Committee will collaborate with chapters and elected officials across the United States to construct a coordinated campaign of ballot initiatives, legislative bills, and public pressure to advance bodily autonomy and defend democracy.

DSA’s campaign will face the mounting attacks on reproductive rights and the ongoing discrimination against trans people head on. This includes but is not limited to highlighting and fighting discrimination in housing, at work, in healthcare, and in collective bargaining agreements that do not protect trans and reproductive healthcare.

We commit ourselves and the socialist movement to the struggle against all barriers to liberation. Autonomy and freedom aren’t just for a select few—they’re the rights of cis women, trans people (non-binary and binary), and gender nonconforming individuals, who are all part of the working class. Their liberation and autonomy cannot be cleaved from socialist struggle.

Join our movement: 1) Visit dsausa.org/join to become a member, 2) attend our local chapter meetings to get involved with our work on the ground, 3) if you’re a student, join YDSA at ETSU, too, for on-campus organizing!

Northeast TN DSA meets on the second Wednesday of every month. Meetings are hybrid: you can attend in person or over Zoom. Contact northeasttndsa@gmail.com for a registration link or meeting location.

YDSA at ETSU meets every Wednesday. Contact ydsaetsu@gmail.com for more information.

1 Breaking the Chains magazine, Vol 4, No 2 & reprinted online December 24, 2022 at https://www.hamptonthink.org/read/women-capitalism-and-the-ongoing-attack-against-bodily-autonomy-and-reproductive-rights
2 ”America is now in fascism’s legal phase,” Jason Stanley, December 22, 2021, The Guardian.