By: Frederick Reiber

CAMBRIDGE — Harvard students are in their reading period in advance of finals as Harvard’s graduate union representing workers in around sixty programs surge to the end of their third week on a historic strike at the world’s richest university. Seeking to continue escalating pressure following a 79% turnout with 96% of its membership in favor of militant strike action for the union’s demands in April, workers have escalated to withholding teaching and research, disrupting end of semester activities, and slowing operations.

The Harvard Graduate Student Union (HGSU) – UAW Local 5118 strikes as other unions on campus have so far chosen other strategic routes in negotiations, despite the potential for contract alignment, but anger over workplaces issues in campus rank-and-file movements is increasing across campus and its surrounding communities. The university focused entirely on attacks from above increasingly faces dissent from below.

And since workers make Harvard run, ultimately, the workers’ threat demands the university’s attention.

Demands for Dignity and Against ICE

HGSU has been bargaining for a total of 14 months, with only two tentative agreements—one on access to space for office hours and another on holidays, personal days, and vacation. Harvard has refused to bargain over issues including access to ADA-compliant meeting spaces, union representation in cases of intellectual property disputes, rights to healthcare, and academic freedom. The university has also denied workers the right to open bargaining, recognizing the potential for increased worker power when negotiations are not done behind closed doors. 

The current campaign has coalesced around four primary demands:

First is the creation of an independent process for addressing workplace harassment, discrimination, and bullying. Union data estimates that at least one in five student workers experiences some form of harassment as researchers and teachers, while Harvard currently controls the only formal channels for reporting and resolving those cases. Graduate workers are calling for access to a neutral, third-party system, with the ability to appeal to an independent arbitration with the authority to issue binding remedies.

Workers spoke to the need for Real Recourse. In anonymous testimony published by HGSU, one student worker reported:

“I was repeatedly told I didn’t have a good Title IX case because I had a previous relationship with my harasser and because I was not assaulted. Though they suggested I could get help from CAMHS, there was no action taken to address my concerns or protect future victims… The person who harassed me did end up assaulting someone else about a year after I went to the Title IX office. If the university had acted on my concerns when I brought them, they could have prevented an assault. The way that the university failed me and the other members of my department in this process is incredibly frustrating… If I had had union representation to support me as I navigated the process, I believe I could have stood up for myself better.”

Second is the implementation of a “fair share fee.” This clause would require all workers covered by the contract to contribute to the costs of union representation, regardless of membership status. Doing so helps to spread the substantial costs of organizing and contract enforcement more equitably, helping to sustain the union’s operations. Such fees are common in states without anti-labor right-to-work laws, including Massachusetts.

Workers are also demanding wage increases, setting a baseline of $55,000 for all graduate student employees. RAs and TFs at peer schools such as MIT, Stanford, and Princeton make far more while boasting smaller endowments than a university located in the country’s most expensive city. In addition to a higher base pay, workers are calling for a Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA) which ties annual raises to inflation, ensuring wages keep pace with rising expenses over the life of the contract. Similar clauses have been won at other universities. Organizers demand a living wage with COLA adjustment that reflects the realities of living and working in Boston’s high-cost environment while addressing longstanding pay disparities. Right now, research-based positions earn roughly $40,830, compared to about $26,300 over ten months for graduate workers in teaching roles—a gap the union argues is unjustified given the university’s reliance on both forms of labor.

Harvard heavily discourages and often forbids other forms of employment. Nonetheless, during bargaining with HGSU, university representatives called the demand for a living wage for grad workers paid far less than either bargaining staff or Harvard’s leaders “unreasonable.” Harvard indicated in bargaining that its top priority is growing its endowment, even as the university during the same November 7, 2025 session rejected the union’s requests to bargain for paid family leave, healthcare during leaves, and full compensation for RAs and TFs whose appointments cancel last minute, necessary for financial stability for the most vulnerable student workers.

Harvard University’s endowment exceeds $56.9 billion.

Finally, the union is demanding stronger protections for international student workers, with organizers pointing to an increasingly hostile national climate, including intensifying immigration enforcement and right-wing political attacks leaving noncitizen workers vulnerable. The union is fighting back against a university that has bowed to the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant culture war demands. Of course, that also means that HGSU’s inclusion of the fight against ICE forces Harvard University into the position of raising the stakes of its choice to hold its head down and hope the White House stops beating its crimson walls.

The demand to protect immigrant workers has crystallized into the nexus of the union’s fight. In June 2025, HGSU introduced into contract negotiations a call for Harvard to safeguard I-9 forms, fund legal counsel, and prevent ICE agents from entering spaces without a valid judicial warrant. Some students pointed out the University of California has held these policies for a decade.

The Structural Challenges of Organizing in Academia

Organizing at a university presents many unique challenges. Workers contend with an uncertain legal landscape, as the current National Labor Relations Board has a Republican majority, which may revoke graduate students’ dual status as students and laborers. In order to help avoid such an outcome, graduate worker unions across the country have pulled numerous Unfair Labor Practice (ULP) charges in an attempt to limit such a ruling. 

One effect of this is that workers at Harvard are now on what is considered—in legal terminology—an “economic” strike. Unlike a ULP strike, which provides legal protections around employee replacement, economic strikes have no such protections allowing employers to—theoretically—hire permanent replacements for striking workers (or “scabs”). While such action is unlikely, the inability to use ULPs can negatively impact organizing.

Challenges also appear at the community level, with workers needing to overcome a highly dispersed workplace, with social connections often centered around the academic department. These siloes compound the experiences of academic workers as isolated and overextended, needing to balance multiple responsibilities, and challenges around how the broader ivory tower and surrounding communities view academic work. Harvard has attempted to weaponize these characteristics. The university forcefully removed more than 800 student workers from the union, refusing to recognize their employment status, during a series of restructurings and reclassifications that multiple staff in multiple unions described to Working Mass as latent attacks by the university on its own workers in July 2025. These included also capitulation to federal demands including the closure of offices serving communities of color on campus, which HGSU bargaining committee member Denish K. Jaswal pointed out to the Crimson.

The answer to overcoming structural obstacles for HGSU organizers was an organizing model focused on developing strong inter-personal relationships through one-on-one conversations. As grad worker Marley Hornewer explained:

It’s a lot more one-on-one conversation than in any other organizing I’ve done before. [You need to be] really accepting of the fact that organizing takes time […] folks have so much else that they’re doing that responding to a text or getting coffee with you isn’t necessarily a priority, but when it happens […] it feels so powerful to people to see themselves as a worker.

Jessica Van Meir, a TF for the Government Department, emphasized the ways in which organizing and the strike has transformed rank-and-file grad workers, whose anger at the university on behalf of every demand increases with each day of evidence from Harvard of its own obfuscation:

The outpouring of participation in the strike and refusal to cave to the administration’s scaremongering demonstrates that graduate student workers understand our importance to the university. Harvard can easily end the strike and restore business as usual by offering us a living wage, independent arbitration for harassment and discrimination cases, and protections from ICE coming on campus without a judicial warrant. But until then, no teaching, no grading, no research assistant work. How embarrassing to have to explain that to the parents who are forking over their retirement savings for their children’s education.

The choice is Harvard’s.

Creative Strategies for a Community Organization

Harvard workers have deployed community-based strategies to extend solidarity into the wider Cambridge labor movement and community. Striking workers have been blocking deliveries, a tactic in which workers will form a picket line outside of university docking sites. Drivers attempting to deliver Harvard’s packages from unionized or pro-labor workplaces like UPS or USPS will refuse to cross a picket-line, either through previously established union contracts or out of solidarity for the workers, which disrupts university operations and pressures administrators to come to the table.

HGSU has also run a number of teach-ins, covering topics like labor history, socialist activism at Harvard, and an intro to agency or “fair-share” fees. One was an Undergraduate Strike School on April 24. Workers have also launched a number of community events focused on bringing in both academic and local communities into their struggle.

One of the largest events was the first week community rally, hosted on April 23rd at the Science Center Plaza, the day before the Undergraduate Strike School. A wide range of speakers representing labor unity spoke, including current HGSU president sara speller as well as brother and sister unions at Harvard including Harvard Academic Workers (HAW), 32BJ SEIU, and UNITE HERE Local 26. The unions were also joined by organizers from the Harvard Temporary Protected Status (TPS) Coalition and undergraduates from the Student Labor Action Movement (SLAM).

The event also featured a number of local and state politicians including Massachusetts State Representative Mike Connolly, DSA-endorsed Cambridge City Councilor Jivan Sobrinho-Wheeler, as well as challenger for incumbent Marjorie Decker’s State House seat and former HGSU president Evan MacKay. City Councilor Sobrinho-Wheeler said, during his speech:

I’m glad to stand here and deliver the message… if Harvard wants Cambridge to have its back, its gotta have the back of its workers.

Various other university communities have also thrown support behind the striking graduate workers. Earlier this week, around 200 first year Harvard Law School students signed letters urging their professors to press the University to come to the table with the union. Faculty—albeit at significantly smaller numbers—have also signaled their support to the striking graduate workers, agreeing not to replace or retaliate against workers on strike.

Diverging Strategies in a Shared Fight

Harvard’s graduate workers are not alone in facing an expired contract, or the brunt of the Harvard administration. Other Harvard bargaining units are also embroiled in contract fights, but have taken different tacts to striking. While multiple bargaining units are affiliated with the United Auto Workers (UAW) that have pioneered the strategy of coordinating unions to strike when bargaining happens at the same time and now lead the charge for contract alignment on May Day 2028, strategic action based on contract alignment has not been on the table at Harvard.

The Harvard Union of Clerical and Technical Workers (HUCTW), the largest union on campus representing over 5000 administrative workers essential to the university’s operations whose members often work closely alongside HGSU members, is scheduled to vote on May 12–13 on a modest agreement that would grant most members a $2,300 raise and expire after one year. Union leaders have proposed this contract to membership after Harvard’s central fundraising office laid off a dozen HUCTW union members and announced mass summer layoffs likely to decimate HUCTW’s ranks. David Deming later confirmed the intent to target union workers in an open forum, where the Dean of Harvard College called essential labor work “you would never really know or care about.” In one email obtained by Working Mass, HUCTW organizer Bill Jaeger intervened to ask members to vote yes on the proposed contract, while the HUCTW Rank-and-File Movement that focuses on building up the leadership of rank-and-file members over the union publicly urged membership on May 6, 2026 to remember “we can’t eat prestige” and instead vote no.

When asked about HUCTW, multiple organizers with HGSU declined to comment about their relationship with the other union. HUCTW leaders have asked members to turn down work that managers ask them to perform that would normally be done by grad workers, otherwise known as crossing the picket line, but indicated members should continue to do “their own jobs as usual.”

Harvard custodians with 32BJ SEIU ratified a 4-year contract in March that union leaders called the “biggest wage increase in decades:” a 4% hourly raise by 2029. While Harvard dining hall workers went on strike in 2016, their 500 rank-and-file workers affiliated with UNITE HERE Local 26 have not yet chosen that route even as their negotiations carry on. Members of the Harvard Academic Workers (HAW)-UAW —a unit of non-tenure-track researchers and instructors that has been bargaining for 18 months—recently decided not to strike. In a controversial move, HAW’s bargaining committee overrode the vote of membership after citing concerns on sufficient votes for strike authorization and uncertainty about support from the union international. This decision was made by a bargaining committee made up of rank-and-file members after consultation with UAW staff.

HAW recently filed a Unfair Labor Practice (ULP) against Harvard for increasing the class sizes, and thus labor, of its members.

Workers in HGSU praised the academic workers’ commitment to solidarity and struggle. One worker said:

I do feel a lot of solidarity from them. We’re fighting for a lot of the same things … and continuing to work together towards a more just academic environment generally.

Whatever the tactical differences, these parallel struggles underscore the broader potential for cross-union solidarity and coordinated fights that can reshape power across the university. Further, every single union shares an employer – one seemingly intent on facing, and then offsetting, the wrath of the federal administration onto its staff.

Higher Education, Labor, and Struggle

Higher education is not a refuge from conflict, but a site of struggle. As Harvard PhD candidate Laura Chen put it:

Every morning when we do delivery pickets and get to cheer for the Teamsters as they turn their trucks around for us, it’s incredible. It’s so fun. And getting to explain to various burly truck drivers why we’re with the UAW – delightful.

These moments capture something larger than a single strike. They show how academic workers are linking up with a broader labor movement, building relationships that extend beyond the university.

At a moment when higher education is defined by precarity, political attacks, and deepening inequality, these contract fights are about more than pay or procedure – they are battles over the basic necessities of life and worker humanity. What is unfolding in higher education organizing is not an isolated conflict, but part of a wider struggle over power and dignity.

Readers can support grad workers by joining them on the picket line, held each day, or contributing to the union hardship fund.

Frederick Reiber is a contributing writer to Working Mass.

The post Harvard Faces Grad Workers’ Strike as Discontent with the University Swells From Below appeared first on Working Mass.

[[{“value”:”

By: Frederick Reiber

CAMBRIDGE — Harvard students are in their reading period in advance of finals as Harvard’s graduate union representing workers in around sixty programs of departments across the university surge to the end of their third week on a historic strike at the world’s richest university. Seeking to continue escalating pressure following a 79% turn out with 96% of its membership in favor of militant strike action for the union’s demands in April, workers have escalated to withholding teaching and research, disrupting end of semester activities, and slowing operations.

The Harvard Graduate Student Union (HGSU) – UAW Local 5118 strikes as other unions on campus have so far chosen other strategic routes in negotiations, despite the potential for contract alignment, but anger over workplaces issues in the rank-and-file movements is increasing across campus and its surrounding communities. The university focused entirely on attacks from above increasingly faces dissent from below.

And since workers make Harvard run, ultimately, the workers’ threat demands the university’s attention.

Demands for Dignity and Against ICE

HGSU has been bargaining for a total of 14 months, with only two tentative agreements—one on access to space for office hours and another on holidays, personal days, and vacation. Harvard has refused to bargain over issues including access to ADA-compliant spaces, union representation in cases of intellectual property disputes, rights to healthcare, and academic freedom. The university has also denied workers the right to open bargaining, recognizing the potential for increased worker power when negotiations are not done behind closed doors. 

The current campaign has coalesced around four primary demands:

First is the creation of an independent process for addressing workplace harassment, discrimination, and bullying. Union data estimates that at least one in five student workers experiences some form of harassment as researchers and teachers, while Harvard currently controls the only formal channels for reporting and resolving those cases. Graduate workers are calling for access to a neutral, third-party system, with the ability to appeal to an independent arbitration with the authority to issue binding remedies.

Workers spoke to the need for Real Recourse. In anonymous testimony published by HGSU, one student worker reported:

“I was repeatedly told I didn’t have a good Title IX case because I had a previous relationship with my harasser and because I was not assaulted. Though they suggested I could get help from CAMHS, there was no action taken to address my concerns or protect future victims… The person who harassed me did end up assaulting someone else about a year after I went to the Title IX office. If the university had acted on my concerns when I brought them, they could have prevented an assault. The way that the university failed me and the other members of my department in this process is incredibly frustrating… If I had had union representation to support me as I navigated the process, I believe I could have stood up for myself better.”

Second is the implementation of a “fair share fee.” This clause would require all workers covered by the contract to contribute to the costs of union representation, regardless of membership status. Doing so helps to spread the substantial costs of organizing and contract enforcement more equitably, helping to sustain the union’s operations. Such fees are common in states without anti-labor right-to-work laws, including Massachusetts.

Workers are also demanding wage increases, setting a baseline of $55,000 for all graduate student employees. RAs and TFs at peer schools such as MIT, Stanford, and Princeton make far more while boasting smaller endowments than a university located in the country’s most expensive city. In addition to a higher base pay, workers are calling for a Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA) which ties annual raises to inflation, ensuring wages keep pace with rising expenses over the life of the contract. Similar clauses have been won at other universities. Organizers demand a living wage with COLA adjustment that reflects the realities of living and working in Boston’s high-cost environment while addressing longstanding pay disparities. Right now, research-based positions earn roughly $40,830, compared to about $26,300 over ten months for graduate workers in teaching roles—a gap the union argues is unjustified given the university’s reliance on both forms of labor.

Harvard heavily discourages and often forbids other forms of employment. Nonetheless, during bargaining with HGSU, university representatives called the living wage demand “unreasonable.” Harvard indicated in bargaining that its top priority is growing its endowment, even as the university during the same November 7, 2025 session rejected the union’s requests to bargain for paid family leave, healthcare during leaves, and full compensation for RAs and TFs whose appointments cancel last minute, necessary for financial stability for the most vulnerable student workers.

Harvard University has an endowment of $56.9 billion.

Finally, the union is demanding stronger protections for international student workers, with organizers pointing to an increasingly hostile national climate, including intensifying immigration enforcement and right-wing political attacks, which leave non-citizen workers vulnerable. Crucially, the union is fighting back against a university that has bowed to the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant culture war demands. Of course, that also means that HGSU’s inclusion of the fight against ICE in its organizing forces Harvard University into the position of raising the stakes of its choice to hold its head down and hope the White House stops beating its crimson walls.

The demand to protect immigrant workers has, in many ways, crystallized into the nexus of the union’s fight. In June 2025, HGSU introduced into contract negotiations a call for Harvard to safeguard I-9 forms, fund legal counsel, and prevent ICE agents from entering spaces without a valid judicial warrant. Some students pointed out the University of California has held these policies for a decade.

The Structural Challenges of Organizing in Academia

Organizing at a university presents many unique challenges. Workers contend with an uncertain legal landscape, as the current National Labor Relations Board has a Republican majority, which may revoke graduate students’ dual status as students and laborers. In order to help avoid such an outcome, graduate worker unions across the country have pulled numerous unfair labor practice charges in an attempt to limit such a ruling. 

One effect of this is that workers at Harvard are now on what is considered—in legal terminology—an “economic” strike. Unlike an unfair labor practice (ULP) strike, which provides legal protections around employee replacement, economic strikes have no such protections allowing employers to—theoretically—higher permanent replacements for striking workers. While such action is unlikely, the inability to use ULPs can negatively impact organizing and outcomes.

Challenges also appear at the community level, with workers needing to overcome a highly dispersed workplace, with social connections often centered around the academic department. These siloes compound the experiences of academic workers as isolated and overextended, needing to balance multiple responsibilities, and challenges around how the broader ivory tower and surrounding communities view academic work. Indeed, Harvard has attempted to weaponize these characteristics. The university forcefully removed more than 800 student workers from the union, refusing to recognize their employment status, during a series of restructurings and reclassifications that multiple staff in multiple unions described to Working Mass as latent attacks by the university on its own workers in July 2025. These included also capitulation to federal demands including the closure of offices serving communities of color on campus, which HGSU bargaining committee member Denish K. Jaswal pointed out to the Crimson.

The answer to overcoming structural obstacles for HGSU organizers was an organizing model focused on developing strong inter-personal relationships through one-on-one conversations. As grad worker Marley Hornewer explained:

It’s a lot more one-on-one conversation than in any other organizing I’ve done before. [You need to be] really accepting of the fact that organizing takes time […] folks have so much else that they’re doing that responding to a text or getting coffee with you isn’t necessarily a priority, but when it happens […] it feels so powerful to people to see themselves as a worker.

Jessica Van Meir, a TF at the Harvard Kennedy School, emphasized the ways in which organizing and the strike has transformed rank-and-file grad workers, whose anger at the university on behalf of every demand increases with each day of evidence from Harvard of its own obfuscation:

The outpouring of participation in the strike and refusal to cave to the administration’s scaremongering demonstrates that graduate student workers understand our importance to the university. Harvard can easily end the strike and restore business as usual by offering us a living wage, independent arbitration for harassment and discrimination cases, and protections from ICE coming on campus without a judicial warrant. But until then, no teaching, no grading, no research assistant work. How embarrassing to have to explain that to the parents who are forking over their retirement savings for their children’s education. The choice is Harvard’s.

Creative Strategies for a Community Organization

Harvard workers have deployed numerous creative and community-based strategies for the purposes of solidarity. For instance, striking workers have been blocking deliveries, a tactic in which workers will form a picket line outside of university docking sites. Drivers attempting to deliver Harvard’s packages from unionized or pro-labor workplaces like UPS or USPS will refuse to cross a picket-line, either through previously established union contracts or out of solidarity for the workers, which disrupts university operations and pressures administrators to come to the table.

HGSU has also run a number of teach-ins, covering topics like labor history, socialist activism at Harvard, and an intro to agency or “fair-share” fees. One was an Undergraduate Strike School on April 24. Workers have also launched a number of community events focused on bringing in both academic and local communities into their struggle.

One of the largest events was the first week community rally, hosted on April 23rd at the Science Center Plaza, the day before the Undergraduate Strike School. A wide range of speakers representing labor unity spoke, including current HGSU president sara speller as well as brother and sister unions at Harvard including Harvard Academic Workers (HAW) and SEIU 32BJ and UNITE-HERE Local 26. The unions were also joined by organizers from the Harvard Temporary Protected Status (TPS) Coalition and undergraduates from the Student Labor Action Movement (SLAM).

The event also featured a number of local and state politicians including Massachusetts State House Rep Mike Connolly, DSA-endorsed Cambridge City Councilor Jivan Sobrinho-Wheeler, as well as challenger for incumbent Marjorie Decker’s seat and former HGSU president Evan MacKay. City Councilor Sobrinho-Wheeler said, during his speech:

I’m glad to stand here and deliver the message… if Harvard wants Cambridge to have its back, its gotta have the back of its workers.

Various other university communities have also thrown support behind the striking graduate workers. Earlier this week, around 200 first year Harvard Law School students signed letters urging their professors to press the University to come to the table with the union. Faculty—albeit at significantly smaller numbers—have also signaled their support to the striking graduate workers, agreeing not to replace or retaliate against workers on strike.

Diverging Strategies in a Shared Fight

Harvard’s graduate workers are not alone in facing an expired contract, or the brunt of the Harvard administration. Other Harvard bargaining units are also embroiled in contract fights, but have taken different tacts to striking. While multiple bargaining units are affiliated with the United Auto Workers (UAW) that have pioneered the strategy of coordinating unions to strike when bargaining happens at the same time and now lead the charge for contract alignment on May Day 2028, strategic contract alignment has not been on the table at Harvard.

The Harvard Union of Clerical and Technical Workers (HUCTW), the largest union on campus representing over 5000 administrative workers essential to the university’s operations whose members often work closely alongside HGSU members, is scheduled to vote on May 12–13 on a modest agreement that would grant most members a $2,300 raise and expire after one year. The union has proposed this contract to membership after Harvard’s central fundraising office laid off a dozen HUCTW union members and announced mass summer layoffs likely to decimate HUCTW’s ranks. David Deming later confirmed the intent to target union workers in an open forum, where the Dean of Harvard College called essential labor work that “you would never really know or care about.” In one email obtained by Working Mass, HUCTW organizer Bill Jaeger intervened to ask members to vote yes on the proposed contract, while the HUCTW Rank-and-File Movement, focusing on building up the leadership of rank-and-file members over the union, publicly urged membership to remember “we can’t eat prestige” and instead vote no on May 6, 2026.

HUCTW has urged members to turn down work that managers ask them to perform that would normally be done by grad workers – crossing the picket line – but indicated members should continue to do “their own jobs as usual.” When asked about HUCTW, multiple organizers with HGSU declined to comment about their relationship with the other union.  

Harvard custodians with 32BJ SEIU ratified a 4-year contract in March that union leaders called the “biggest wage increase in decades:” a 4% hourly raise by 2029. While Harvard dining hall workers went on strike in 2016, their 500 rank-and-file workers affiliated with UNITE HERE Local 26 have not yet chosen that route even as their negotiations have dragged into. Most controversially, members of the Harvard Academic Workers (HAW) – UAW —a unit of non-tenure-track researchers and instructors that has been bargaining for 18 months—recently decided not to strike. In a controversial move, HAW’s bargaining committee overrode the vote of membership after citing concerns on sufficient votes for strike authorization and uncertainty about support from the union international. This decision was made by a bargaining committee made up of rank-and-file members after consultation with UAW staff.

The union also recently filed a Unfair Labor Practice (ULP) against Harvard. 

At the same time, workers within HGSU praised the academic workers’ commitment to solidarity and struggle. One worker said:

I do feel a lot of solidarity from them. We’re fighting for a lot of the same things … and continuing to work together towards a more just academic environment generally.

Whatever the tactical differences, these parallel struggles underscore the broader potential for cross-union solidarity and coordinated fights that can reshape power across the university. Further, every single union shares an employer – one seemingly intent on facing, and then offsetting, the wrath of the federal administration onto its staff.

Higher Education, Labor, and Struggle

Higher education is not a refuge from conflict, but a site of struggle. As Harvard PhD candidate Laura Chen put it:

Every morning when we do delivery pickets and get to cheer for the Teamsters as they turn their trucks around for us, it’s incredible. It’s so fun. And getting to explain to various burly truck drivers why we’re with the UAW – delightful.

These moments capture something larger than a single strike. They show how academic workers are linking up with a broader labor movement, building relationships that extend beyond the university.

At a moment when higher education is defined by precarity, political attacks, and deepening inequality, these contract fights are about more than pay or procedure – they are battles over the basic necessities of life and worker humanity. What is unfolding in higher education organizing is not an isolated conflict, but part of a wider struggle over power and dignity.

Readers can support grad workers by joining them on the picket line, held each day, or contributing to the union hardship fund.

Frederick Reiber is a contributing writer to Working Mass.

The post Harvard Faces Grad Workers’ Strike as Discontent with the University Rises From Below appeared first on Working Mass.

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This guide explains the AI issues facing workers and how they can organize for a voice in how it's implemented at work.

The post How to protect your job from AI overreach in the workplace appeared first on EWOC.

An Italy-based writer and activist on the recent pro-Palestine and antiwar protests in Italy, their impact on the Meloni government, and how the “Gaza Generation” is revitalizing the Italian Left.

The post The Gaza Generation and the Italian Left: Democratic Left Interviews Michael Leonardi appeared first on Democratic Left.

Introduction & Methodology

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Chapter Endorsed Candidates
Green-light Candidates
Red-Light Candidates
General Guidance on Ballot Measures

Portland DSA wants to inform our members and the public which candidates best advance the Chapter’s priorities in the May 2026 Primary. Because our endorsement policy is stringent and carries with it a promise of volunteer capacity, it is impossible for us to endorse every candidate who we would prefer to win. Instead, we chose to highlight candidates who supported, either in their public communications or in responses to DSA questionnaires, priorities which have been voted on by chapter membership. A “green light” does not mean an endorsement, and members should still vote according to their values in races where we did not issue green lights. We green-lit candidates in contested Democratic Party Primaries for state house races, where winning the primary practically guarantees victory in November. To vote for these candidates, you must be a registered Democratic Party voter. In lower offices, candidates run for non-partisan seats, and a Democratic Party registration is not necessary.

Democratically decided chapter priorities:

1. Whether candidates are members of DSA;
2. Whether candidates have supported the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR) or equivalent policies;
3. Whether candidates have supported the Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
4. Whether candidates have supported the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO) movement;
5. Whether candidates have opposed Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
6. Whether candidates have supported funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

Additionally, candidates were disqualified and given a “Red Light” for the following criteria:

1. Endorsements from Chambers of Commerce or Business Alliances;
2. Endorsements from Police Associations or Unions;
3. Endorsements from Private Education Nonprofits or is bad on education;

Chapter Endorsed Candidates

Candidates who have been officially democratically endorsed by the chapter are, by virtue of the endorsement, already greenlighted, and meet all 6 of our priorities above. As endorsees, we not only expect every chapter member to vote for them, but we encourage all members to contribute to their campaigns!

DSA Endorsed Candidate: Automatic Green Light

House District 27 – Running in Beaverton and Cedar Hills as Portland DSA’s first Cadre candidate, Tammy is a former physician and school board member who can use that lived experience to challenge the insurance and hospital industries over a Universal Healthcare Plan for Oregon. On the school board, she was investigated by Zionist Board Chairs for recognizing the dignity of Palestinian people, but held strong and was cleared of any wrongdoing.

Contribute to Tammy Carpenter’s campaign! Sign up for canvassing or phonebanking, or donate here!

DSA Endorsed Candidate: Automatic Green Light

House District 35 – Farrah has been elected twice and endorsed by DSA once before this cycle in HD 35, which includes Beaverton and Aloha. In the 2026 short session, she used one of her two allotted bills to introduce and pass identification requirements for federal officers (or suspected imitators) at the state level through the LEAVA Bill.

Contribute to Farrah Chaichi’s campaign! Donate here!

---

Green Light Candidates

The order of presentation is State House of Representatives, district number (lowest to highest), State Senate, then local races.

House District 31 – Tom Forest is running in HD 31, which includes western Washington County and most of Columbia County. His voters pamphlet entry mentions climate change extensively, demands “Childcare for all Oregon families” and quote, “Tom believes we need to fund a transportation system that allows you to get from your rural home all the way to your favorite city center and from your urban home to your job in rural Oregon.” He has expressed support of HCAO, Universal Pre-K and a desire to fight data centers.

How he lands on our chapter priorities:

• DSA Member
• Supports the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR) or equivalent policies;
• Supports Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
• Supports the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO) movement for statewide single-payer healthcare
• Opposes Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
• Supports funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

4 out of 6 means we greenlight Tom.

House District 38 – John “Waz” Wasielewski is running for HD 38, which includes SW Portland to Lake Oswego. Waz has signed the Renters Bill of Rights, advocated for Universal Preschool, and Health Care For All Oregon. Waz can be trusted to oppose new data center construction and fight to restore and expand transit funding. He was recently targeted by the Portland Metro Chamber in a dark money push-poll as being “Endorsed by DSA” despite not being endorsed by the chapter.

How he lands on our chapter priorities:

• DSA Member
• Supports (signed!) the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR);
• Supports Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
• Supports the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO) movement for statewide single-payer healthcare
• Opposes Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
• Supports funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

5 out of 6 means we greenlight John.

House District 40 – Michael Sugar is running in HD 40, which includes Oatfield, Gladstone, and Oregon City. Michael is a strong supporter of single-payer health care, and truly universal pre-K across the state. On data centers, he believes that we quote “deserve to protect our water resources, to protect the middle class from utility spikes, and we should also insulate Oregon from what I’m sure will be a bubble-burst in the AI economy.” He is supported by unions like OEA and UA 290.

How he lands on our chapter priorities:

• DSA Member
• Supports the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR) or equivalent policies;
• Supports Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
• Supports the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO) movement for statewide single-payer healthcare
• Opposes Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
• Supports funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

3 out of 6 means we greenlight Michael.

House District 41 – Mark Gamba is running in HD 41, which includes Sellwood-Moreland, Milwaukie and Oak Grove. Mark is a DSA Member and current House Rep. He has fought to support transformational Transit Funding through the SMART Framework in 2025, looks to sponsor an HCAO bill, and has fought tax breaks for data centers. He supports truly Universal Pre-K and the Renters Bill Of Rights, though he has not yet signed.

How he lands on our chapter priorities:

• DSA Member
• Supports the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR) or equivalent policies;
• Supports Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
• Supports the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO) movement for statewide single-payer healthcare
• Opposes Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
• Supports funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

6 out of 6 means we greenlight Mark.

House District 51 –  Darla Mead is running for HD 51, which includes rural Clackamas county, Canby, Estacada and Sandy. A nurse, she has emphatically supported HCAO, including reproductive and gender-affirming care and is endorsed by ONA. Her voters’ pamphlet entry mentions climate change regularly, and when questioned she supported Universal Pre-K, Stopping Data Center Construction, and saving Trimet Funding.

How she lands on our chapter priorities:

• DSA Member
• Supports the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR) or equivalent policies;
• Supports Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
• Supports the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO) movement for statewide single-payer healthcare
• Opposes Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
• Supports funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

4 out of 6 means we greenlight Darla.

House District 52 – This house district includes East Multnomah County, East Clackamas County, and the south side of the Columbia River out to The Dalles. This is a rare race where 2 candidates met the minimum for a Green Light, David Osborn and Nick Walden Poublon. Osborn has expressed interest in elements of the Renters Bill of Rights, Preschool for All across the state, HCAO, and expanded Trimet Funding. He wants to see the externalities of Data Centers addressed before allowing any new ones.

How he lands on our chapter priorities:

• DSA Member
• Supports the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR) or equivalent policies;
• Supports Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
• Supports the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO) movement for statewide single-payer healthcare
• Opposes Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
• Supports funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

5 out of 6 means we greenlight David.

House District 52 – This house district includes East Multnomah County, East Clackamas County, and the south side of the Columbia River out to The Dalles. This is a rare race where 2 candidates met the minimum for a Green Light, David Osborn and Nick Walden Poublon. Poublon is a chair of HCAO. He wants a moratorium on new data centers.

How he lands on our chapter priorities:

• DSA Member
• Supports the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR) or equivalent policies;
• Supports Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
• Supports the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO) movement for statewide single-payer healthcare
• Opposes Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
• Supports funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

2 out of 6 means we greenlight Nick.

Senate District 15 – SD 15 includes the city of Hillsboro, Cornelius, and Forest Grove, as well as rural Washington County. This area has been targeted for the construction of new data centers, and Myrna Muñoz is challenging an incumbent democrat who has taken hundreds of thousands in campaign donations to push them through. The incumbent has also been caught getting a KGW interview segment about data centers pulled. Myrna is a DSA Member who wants to bring working people’s perspectives to the capitol with her. She supports HCAO.

How she lands on our chapter priorities:

• DSA Member
• Supports the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR) or equivalent policies;
• Supports Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
• Supports the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO) movement for statewide single-payer healthcare
• Opposes Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
• Supports funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

3 out of 6 means we greenlight Myrna.

Beaverton City Council, Position 1 – Evelyn Kocher is a DSA member running for Beaverton City Council. She was campaign manager for Portland City Councilor Angelita Morillo, and signed HCAO, the Preschool for All petition, and the WashCo Data Center Moratorium. As Angelita’s CM she signed on to the Portland Renters Bill of Rights as well. She would make a force for change in Beaverton.

How she lands on our chapter priorities:

• DSA Member
• Supports the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR) or equivalent policies;
• Supports Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
• Supports the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO ) movement for statewide single-payer healthcare
• Opposes Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
• Supports funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

6 out of 6 means we greenlight Evelyn.

Beaverton City Council, Position 2 – David Kearns signed the Data Center Moratorium early, supports HCAO and the Renters Bill of Rights, and wants to fund Transit services like Trimet.

How he lands on our chapter priorities:

• DSA Member
• Supports the Portland Renters Bill of Rights (RBOR) or equivalent policies;
• Supports Multnomah County Preschool for All (P4A) or a truly universal statewide childcare program;
• Supports the HealthCare for All Oregon (HCAO ) movement for statewide single-payer healthcare
• Opposes Data Center construction in the Portland Metro Area;
• Supports funding Trimet (and other public transit agencies) to restore and expand service.

5 out of 6 means we greenlight David.

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Red Light Candidates

Again, our criteria for recommending against voting for these candidates includes:

1. Endorsements from Chambers of Commerce or Business Alliances;
2. Endorsements from Police Associations or Unions;
3. Endorsements from Private Education Nonprofits

A red “X” in the checkbox means that the candidate has taken the indicated disqualifying endorsements.

Washington County Commission At-Large – As you might have seen in the “Data Centrists” article in the Thorn, Pam Treece should be disqualified for her support of data centers (and support by data center-loving candidates), but also her multiple Chamber of Commerce and Police Association endorsements.

How she stands on our Chapter Disqualifications:

• Endorsements from Chambers of Commerce or Business Alliances;
• Endorsements from Police Associations or Unions;
• Endorsements from Private Education Nonprofits or is bad on education;

Washington County Commission Position 2 – Also shown in the “Data Centrists” article in the Thorn, Felicita Monteblanco should not be your first choice for this position. Her Beaverton Area (And Washington County) Chamber of Commerce endorsements are also troubling.

How she stands on our Chapter Disqualifications:

• Endorsements from Chambers of Commerce or Business Alliances;
• Endorsements from Police Associations or Unions;
• Endorsements from Private Education Nonprofits or is bad on education;

Washington County Commission Position 4 – Featured in the “Data Centrists” article in the Thorn, Steve Callaway has taken endorsements from District Attorneys and multiple Chambers of Commerce. Most troublingly, he touts endorsements by State Republicans like Bruce Starr.

How he stands on our Chapter Disqualifications:

• Endorsements from Chambers of Commerce or Business Alliances;
• Endorsements from Police Associations or Unions;
• Endorsements from Private Education Nonprofits or is bad on education;
  

Clackamas County Commission Position 2 – Paul Savas should be avoided due to his Police Association and Chamber of Commerce endorsements.

How he stands on our Chapter Disqualifications:

• Endorsements from Chambers of Commerce or Business Alliances;
• Endorsements from Police Associations or Unions;
• Endorsements from Private Education Nonprofits or is bad on education;
  

Clackamas County Commission Position 2 – Mark Shull should also be avoided, due to his gestures rightward. Shull would probably have the endorsements had they not gone to Savas; his “property tax relief” plan would devastate school funding. Shull openly ID’s as Republican.

How he stands on our Chapter Disqualifications:

• Endorsements from Chambers of Commerce or Business Alliances;
• Endorsements from Police Associations or Unions;
• Endorsements from Private Education Nonprofits or is bad on education;
  

Clackamas County Commission Position 4 – Diana Helm should be avoided considering her endorsement by the Portland AND Lake Oswego Chamber of commerce, as well as a District Attorney and several OR villains, like Ben West (more on him later) and Betsy Johnson. She fought to stop BAT Lanes on the rebuilt 82nd Avenue.

How she stands on our Chapter Disqualifications:

• Endorsements from Chambers of Commerce or Business Alliances;
• Endorsements from Police Associations or Unions;
• Endorsements from Private Education Nonprofits or is bad on education;
  

Clackamas County Commission Position 5 – Run, don’t walk from MAGA Republican Ben West. He boasts endorsements from Police Associations, District attorneys and the Portland Metro Chamber, though that reflects more on PMC than it does West. Google his association with abuser Jeff Church of PDX Real.

How he stands on our Chapter Disqualifications:

• Endorsements from Chambers of Commerce or Business Alliances;
• Endorsements from Police Associations or Unions;
• Endorsements from Private Education Nonprofits or is bad on education;
  

---

General Guidance on Ballot Measures

There are too many ballot measures across the Portland Metro for us to cover, but we wanted to provide general guidance and an example you can use to decide on your particular ballot.

DSA Members should consider:

1. Whether a ballot measure is endorsed by member-led organizations or unions.
2. Whether a ballot measure increases funding for broad public services, like public schools, fire departments, or public transit;
3. Whether a ballot measure supports or empowers local, state, or federal police.

Let’s consider an example:

Measure 36-239 – This 5-year local school levy would raise millions of dollars every year for schools in Yamhill County to fund school operations and teacher positions. No money would be put towards police, something reasonable people may fear school funding going towards.

Though some additional teachers will result in smaller class sizes, readers may be wondering why additional revenue is needed for largely the same services. The answer, as with most other initiatives on the ballot, is inflation – combined with regressive tax policy passed statewide in the ‘90s. Measures 5 and 50, passed during the height of neoliberal “End of History”, limit the growth of property and income taxes strictly, resulting in the “slow but steady strangulation of city finances as costs increase far faster than revenues”, to quote the league of Oregon Cities (https://www.orcities.org/application/files/2216/8685/9599/FAQonMeasures5and_50-updated5-23.pdf). Comprehensive reform of both Measures is required at the state level, but in the meantime local levies like this are required to keep the lights on.

Now, let’s look at the endorsements for, and against 36-239:

The highest-profile argument “For” is from the Teachers Union, while the highest-profile argument “Against” is from the Republican Party. “For” arguments center the needs of those reliant on public services and community. They aspire towards a better world in which said needs are met and outcomes can improve. “Against” arguments fixate on accusations of mismanagement and “bloat”. They aspire to retreat from society and from any responsibility to those around them. We’ve seen enough; vote “Yes” on 36-239.

By far the most contentious Ballot Measure you will see this cycle is the statewide Measure 120, which referred elements of the beleaguered state transportation package HB 3991 to the voters. I’ve written an essay in The Thorn presenting my own thoughts on the measure. You can find it here.

Jordan Lewis is an Ecosocialist Working Group Co-chair and an elected member of our Socialists in Office Committee.

A new documentary shows what workplace democracy can look like through the lens of the Teamsters’ epochal 2023 contract fight with UPS.

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Hey comrade — welcome to the latest edition of Chapter Notes!

We’re coming off the success of an enlivening May Day demonstration in Downtown St. Pete. We had a great turnout, and it was truly inspiring to see so many local comrades hit the streets to say, in one unified voice, “NO!” to capitalist exploitation, imperialism, and Trumpist fascism.

That said, a one-day demonstration of worker power isn’t nearly enough to win the world we want to see. Marches and demonstrations can briefly rattle the financiers, defense contractors, tech-eugenicists, and fossil fuel moguls that compose the Epstein class. But, they’re not going to overthrow them. To achieve that, we need sustained, militant action to build a movement capable of activating the whole of the working class.

That’s the movement we’re building — every meeting attended, rally organized, door knocked, number texted, sign painted, and fist raised brings us that much closer to achieving our dream of a just, free, socialist society. Read on to learn about our next steps!

April Highlights

This month, we officially announced that we’d reached an incredible milestone — there are now more than 300 active, dues-paying members of our chapter!

In April, our members kept up with the work of canvassing in support of PDSA member Richie Floyd, who is running for re-election to the District 8 seat of St. Pete City Council. While members continue to collect additional signatures for added security, we’ve now crossed the threshold for Richie to secure his spot on the ballot!

The members of our International Solidarity Working Group organized a No War With Iran March on April 19. Alongside our comrades from Progressive Peoples’ Action and other local organizers, we took to the streets to demand an end to US aggression against the Iranian people.

Our comrades from the Ecosocialist Working Group, who’ve spearheaded our highly successful Dump Duke campaign for well over a year now, were on the move as well. They brought the call to “Dump Duke Energy!” to the Eco Market, the Earth Day Every Day event at St. Pete Distillery, and to a presentation at Outcast Brewing Company.

CAMPAIGN UPDATE: Re-Elect Richie Floyd

As mentioned above, the campaign to re-elect PDSA comrade Richie Floyd to the District 8 seat of St. Pete City Council has achieved a new major milestone: we’ve now collected the 500 signed petitions needed for Richie to qualify for a place on the ballot.

“Why did we need those petitions signed?” you ask?

If you’re interested in running for a seat on St. Petersburg City Council, there are multiple ways for you to secure your name on the ballot. One option is to simply buy a slot. This is the path that most of the developer- and corporate-friendly candidates that throw their hat into the ring in every election cycle tend to go.

But, Richie is not one of those bought-and-paid-for candidates; he’s the first socialist elected to public office in Florida in a century. So, as we did for Richie’s first election in 2021, we opted to go the grassroots path, and qualify for ballot access by pounding the pavement, week after week, and knocking on doors to ask the residents of District 8 to sign our petition!

Now, this is crucial: even though we’ve secured 500 signatures, remember that each of those signatures needs to be officially verified. The reality is that some of those signatures will almost certainly be tossed out. So, even though we’ve surpassed our stated goal, we still need to keep plugging away and collect as many signatures as possible!

Go to richiefloyd.com/volunteer-rsvp to volunteer for an upcoming canvas!

CAMPAIGN UPDATE: Dump Duke

The organizers behind Dump Duke have been working hard this past month as well.

As our enemies start to recognize the Dump Duke campaign as more of a genuine threat to their interests, they’re shoveling more and more resources into dark money, astroturf groups like the Clearwater Energy Alliance and St. Pete Energy Alliance. They have a lot of money, and can buy a lot more ads than our grassroots campaign can buy.

If we can’t beam our message into peoples’ homes at the same scale as Duke Energy, then we need to go where the people are, which our campaign organizers have done by participating in multiple public events.

Dump Duke had a presence at Earth Night Soundsystem Culture Day, a collaboration celebrating Earth Day and the worldwide DJs for Climate Action initiative, where we tabled and shared information as part of the Eco Market. We also tabled at the Earth Day Every Day: Party For The Planet event, which was a music and art festival attracting hundreds of attendees. We also collaborated with The St. Pete Eco Club, presenting the details and aims of the Dump Duke campaign to their members during their monthly meeting at Outcast Brewing Company.

To see what’s next for the campaign, go to dumpdukefl.com.

Upcoming Events

We have more than a dozen political events, working group meetings, and social outings scheduled in April. You can always view our full calendar of upcoming events, along with the most up-to-date times and locations, on our website: https://www.pinellasdsa.org/home.

Health Justice WG Meeting

Monday, May 4 from 7:00–8:30pm. Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). Meet in the Hybrid Room!

Housing Working Group & St. Pete Tenants Union Joint Meeting

Tuesday, May 5 from 7:00–8:30pm. Meeting of the Pinellas DSA Housing Working Group and St Pete Tenants Union to decide action on tackling the exploitative capitalist housing system. Meet in the Hybrid room at Allendale UMC.

Bylaws Committee Meeting

Thursday, May 7 from 6:30–8:30pm. Location TBD — check the Discord for more details.

TBISN Art Build

Friday, May 8 from 7:30–8:30pm. Come build and paint materials for upcoming public actions on behalf of the Tampa Bay Immigrant Solidarity Network. Location TBD — check the Discord for more details.

Canvass for Richie Floyd & BBQ

Saturday, May 9 from 3:00–5:30pm. Meet at Jorgensen Lake Park (37th St. N. & 11th Ave N. in St. Petersburg). RSVP here.

Richie Floyd Campaign Concert & BBQ

Saturday, May 9 from 5:30–8:30pm. RSVP here for full info.

International Solidary Working Group Meeting

Monday, May 11·from 6:30–7:30pm. This will be a virtual-only meeting. The Zoom link will be provided in the Discord.

Article Study: AI as a tool of Capitalism

Tuesday, May 12 from 7:00–8:00pm. Check the Discord for more details. Here’s a link to the article.

Lit Drop for Richie Floyd

Saturday, May 16 from 10:30am — 1:30pm. Meet at Jorgensen Lake Park (37th St. N. & 11th Ave N. in St. Petersburg). RSVP here.

May General Meeting

Sunday, May 17 from 2:00–4:30pm at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg).

Bylaws Committee Meeting

Monday, May 18 from 6:30–8:30pm. Location TBD — check the Discord for more details.

Lit Drop for Richie Floyd & Pizza Party

Saturday, May 23 from 10:30am — 1:30pm. Meet at Jorgensen Lake Park (37th St. N. & 11th Ave N. in St. Petersburg). RSVP here.

Dump Duke Town Hall Outreach

Sunday, May 24 from 10:30am — 12:30pm. Outreach for the upcoming Town Hall at the Sunshine Center. Check the Discord for more details.

International Solidary Working Group Meeting

Monday, May 25 6:30–8:00pm. This will be a virtual-only meeting. The Zoom link will be provided in the Discord.

Town Hall: Electric Bills 101

Wednesday, May 27 from 6:30–8:00pm. At the Sunshine Center (330 5th St N. in St. Petersburg). Understand your bill and what’s driving rising costs ahead of the upcoming vote on public power. Go to dumpdukefl.com to RSVP.

Canvass for Richie Floyd

Saturday, May 30 from 10:30am — 1:30pm. Location TDB. RSVP here.

New Member Orientation

Saturday, May 30 from 2:30–4:00pm. In the Hybrid Room at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). New to DSA? Come out to our monthly new member orientation! RSVP here.

NOTE: All dates and times are subject to change, so check the website regularly for updates!

If you would like to create an event on the Pinellas DSA calendar, please submit a Meeting & Event Request Form no later than two weeks prior to the requested event date. You can always check the ttps://www.pinellasdsa.org/">Pinellas DSA website for our full chapter calendar and email us with any questions at dsa.pinellas@gmail.com.

We hope to see you at some upcoming events!

Follow us on social media:

Instagram: @pinellasdsa
Twitter: @pinellasdsa
Bluesky: @pinellasdsa.bsky.social
Facebook: facebook.com/pinellasdsa
YouTube: @pinellasdsa

Note: This article reflects only the views of the author and not Portland DSA.

You just got home from work on Tuesday, May 19, and it’s the last day to turn in your ballot. You’re frantically thumbing through the Oregon voters guide to finish your ballot. Yes, you heard that ballots get lost in the system and that the vote-by-mail system is under attack by Trump, but perhaps you live in a district with only uncontested primary races, or maybe there’s just not much to get excited about. While you leaf through the rather anemic voter’s pamphlet, you pass the section on… Measure 120? And it has a whopping 28 “No” arguments vs 7 “Yes” ones? Oh, this is that Gas Tax thing that’s been in the news for a year? It’s not even clear how you should vote on it, AS a socialist!

What if I told you that this might be the most impactful vote many Oregonians make this year? 

First, we should establish what Measure 120 even does. After the failure of our state government to pass a transportation package last summer, Governor Tina Kotek called a special session and successfully passed a less ambitious package, House Bill 3991. Although 3991 was heavily compromised to secure the support of the most conservative Democrats and to prevent Republicans from walking out, Republicans played to win and gathered enough signatures to refer *elements* of it to the voters. 

A “Yes” vote simply allows the legislature to enact the bill they passed. A “No” vote cancels some chosen elements of the package, while retaining others. Which ones? 

Well, you have to follow some legislative horse-trading to figure out what’s at stake with Measure 120. Democrats once again succumbed to GOP “bait” during the recent session, when they agreed to water down the spring session’s attempt at a transportation package to get something through (transit funding, sidewalk funding, raising the gas tax enough to make up for inflationary losses). Concessions in hand, the Republicans then executed the “switch” and referred the parts they didn’t like to the ballot anyway.  

A “No” vote on 120 erases specifically any benefits for our side, but retains the parts of the deal we don’t like. It’s just not a good deal! On that alone, a “Yes” vote should be the obvious choice.

While Portland DSA takes no position on Measure 120, the chapter’s May 2026 Voter Guide (comingn soon!) offers excellent guidance for evaluating ballot measures, when it asks voters to consider 3 benchmarks:

1. Whether a ballot measure is endorsed by member-led organizations or unions.
2. Whether a ballot measure increases funding for broad public services, like public schools, fire departments, or public transit;
3. That a ballot measure does not support or empower local, state, or federal police.

For Measure 120, the answer to all three questions is “Yes”!

Tepidly, the Portland Mercury agreed: 

“We encourage a “yes” vote because Oregon is in desperate need of more funding in order to provide basic transportation services to its residents, and because the debate here has been exploited by Republicans who are misrepresenting the Oregon Department of Transportation’s (ODOT) accountability problems for their own political purposes. But we aren’t going to try that hard to convince you to vote for this, either—why would we, when Oregon Democrats aren’t even putting in the effort to campaign for the bill they worked so hard to pass?”

Just like the progressive, tax-the-rich ballot measures socialists have championed in the past, the referral tells a narrative: state and local governments are flush with cash, they just need to have waste and inefficiency rooted out (this usually ends up meaning cuts to programs used by people of color & lower-income people, with the preservation of programs used by whiter & more affluent people). When your suburban municipality serves as a tax haven for Portland wealth, it’s very easy to look around at your well-maintained, sparsely used roads and assume everyone else is doing just as well.

If you know me for any one thing, it’s probably my single-minded dedication to transit funding. Maybe you’ve heard that the package will affect Trimet Revenue. Candidly, the Democratic Party of Oregon has already sacrificed transit funding at the altar of bipartisanship. If you followed the 2025 Transportation Package from beginning to end (sorry), you might remember the initial ask by Trimet of a 0.4% bump to the Statewide Transportation Improvement Fund (STIF). That would go on to be negotiated down to a 0.2% bump in the final package, which would tragically fail. The governor’s special session again negotiated the bump down to 0.1%, and to add insult to injury, sunset that meager 0.1% after 2 years. 2 years of additional funding for a transit agency is not very useful; you aren’t going to hire new bus drivers for 2 years! 

The HB 3991 transit funding is just treading water until a comprehensive transportation package can (hopefully) be passed in 2027. Transit is too important for me to pretend that life raft doesn’t matter.

To talk just about transit funding ignores the framing, very deliberately done by OR Republicans, of this as a referendum on the Gas Tax. Many socialists have, rightfully so, recoiled at the idea of an increased gas tax but from the left. It conjures ideas of out-of-touch enviros unilaterally imposing their priorities on priced-out working families. Besides, why doesn’t the state just… Tax the Rich? I want to tax the rich more than anyone! I fight for that frequently myself, but the issue of the gas tax cannot be neatly sorted into the box of “Regressive Tax” and wholly discarded. I’ve collected a few miscellaneous thoughts about road funding that I think are highly relevant:

• The gas tax is a static value charged per gallon. Because of inflation, a dollar today is worth what 97 cents was a year ago. Every year the gas tax isn’t increased, it’s actually going down. At the same time, we create more roads every year and our existing ones fall into deeper, more expensive disrepair. The 2025 Transportation Package attempted to index the gas tax to inflation, but the bipartisan austerity agenda would not have it.

• Other countries use methods other than the Gas Tax, but they all tend to be charges for “road usage”; if you drive your heavy vehicle on the road, that damages the road, and so you pay for the damage you’ve done to the road. There are more progressive ways to do this (Congestion Pricing)! For example, most states charge up-front registration and title fees so that the burden is not placed disproportionately on those who drive the most (e.g. rural households). The failed 2025 Transportation Package attempted to institute a “New Vehicle Fee” which would charge the wealthier buyers of new vehicles specifically, and a charge on distance traveled rather than gas usage, to relieve the burden on poorer owners of older vehicles.

• Wealth and income taxes are great for funding new capital projects (like Seattle’s social housing developer!) or for programs that only some of the population use at once (like universal preschool!). They are less sustainable for services that are used by most people for sustained periods. This is why Social Security is gathered from everyone’s wages, and then distributed back to everyone; broad public services need broad, stable funding. The same is true for roads, which literally every living person relies on daily.

• One example to my “Broad Services, Broad Funding” rule is school funding. Schools are funded by a mix of local property taxes, state funding, and federal funding. When you only consider the local portion, schools are funded along lines of segregation, and those in poorer neighborhoods are not funded like those in more affluent areas. This is where state funding comes in and redistributes from the richer areas to the poorer ones (if you have a functional state government, of course). Building a functional system means balancing “broadness” with redistribution. So, how does one “redistribute” transportation revenue from richer areas to poorer ones? Let’s get into that.

• Where you live, where you work, and how you get there *is* political! If it weren’t, the Columbia river wouldn’t separate the highest per-capita DSA membership from perhaps the most right-wing, ICE-loving, war-hawk democrat in congress. Wealthy residents and businesses threaten to move out of the municipality, “opting out” of taxes and shared responsibility, while still traveling into it for business and services. Portland’s ruling classes have not lived in the city center for decades; they may work here, but they live in Lake Oswego or in Clark County! This is the rationale for regional tolling, something which is very controversial on the west coast, and apparently detonated the 2025 Transportation Package (although it wasn’t even being proposed). I am not sure whether intra-state regional tolling will happen anytime in the near future, but I hope you can at least see the vision.

None of this is to say that these additional taxes and fees won’t hurt. None of this is to say that we can’t strive for a world where the rich pay to maintain our public works. I’m just saying that roads are really expensive; our decision, as a society, to make everyone drive everywhere has resulted in a lot of pavement which self-destructs if not maintained regularly. One can’t “opt out” of this responsibility, unless you consider bent wheels and longer commutes “free”. We can’t deliver socialist programs if our government can’t deliver basic governance and pave the roads.

To be crystal clear: I am not writing this in uncritical support of HB 3991 or ODOT. Just because I want to avoid a “DOGE Mentality” where cuts are always the cure, doesn’t mean that the state transportation system is totally accountable and a wise steward of tax revenue. A lot of work remains to fight for true reform in transportation, and that probably would look like fewer freeway megaprojects and more bus service. The opportunity to fight for those things is next spring, in the 2027 Long Session. We will need your energy to fight for the future we deserve and not just scraps. A “Yes” vote on 120 just ensures we can tread water until that next fight takes place.

Jordan Lewis is an Ecosocialist Working Group Co-chair and an elected member of our Socialists in Office Committee.

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6. Include a featured image @ 930×620 (in the right sidebar) with alt text filled out.
7. Update the post date as necessary to align with the endorsement announcement date.
8. Delete this block & publish!

Name is running for Position. Bio here.

Name is part of a slate of candidates in the Socialist Cash Takes Out Capitalist Trash fundraising project!

Admin Instructions:
1. Duplicate this post from all posts page by hovering over the title and clicking “Duplicate post.”
2. Open the new copy.
3. Replace the author with the NEC account
4. Update Name & Position & permalink (URL slug)
5. Make sure ActBlue links have an appropriate refcode associated with them!
6. Include a featured image @ 930×620 (in the right sidebar) with alt text filled out.
7. Update the post date as necessary to align with the endorsement announcement date.
8. Delete this block & publish!

Name is running for Position. Bio here.

Name is part of a slate of candidates in the Socialist Cash Takes Out Capitalist Trash fundraising project!