Regardless of the result in November, the task of socialists remains the same
A right-wing Supreme Court overturning abortion rights for tens of millions of Americans. The highest numbers of immigrants “repatriated” in decades. A never ending supply of weapons for a right-wing ethnostate ally to commit an ongoing genocide in broad daylight. Brutal police crackdowns on campus protestors and striking academic workers.
This sounds like the dystopian fate that Democrats warned voters of if Trump were elected in 2016 or re-elected in 2020. Instead, all of these have occurred since the Biden-Harris administration was sworn in in 2021. All but the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision have been either cheered on or supported by both President Biden and Vice-President Harris.
The simple fact is, whether Trump wins or loses, the task of socialists in this country remains the same—building fighting, independent working-class organizations. The fascist elements galvanized by Trump’s 2016, 2020, and 2024 campaigns are not going away. The decades-long trend of a skyrocketing cost-of-living alongside near-stagnant wages will not end due to a Harris victory. Harris has signaled that Biden’s “unconditional” support for Israel and attempts to outdo Trump on deportations and ending asylum at the US-Mexico border will continue if she is to win.
In times like these, it’s easy to get pulled into counterproductive debates about whether DSA should get involved in the presidential race—either through backing quixotic “third-party” runs or by endorsing Kamala Harris or actively campaigning against Trump, as Max Elbaum argues in a recent article in Convergence.
Each of these strategies have been tried by different socialist organizations for decades, with little, if anything, to show for either the Communist Party USA’s (CPUSA) habitual endorsement of Democratic presidential candidates or the Party for Socialism and Liberation’s (PSL) heavy focus on qualifying on state ballots for Presidential elections. Supporting “the lesser evil” has not made Democrats consistently more progressive or Republicans less reactionary. Third party presidential campaigns do not seem to translate into PSL or other socialist organizations being able to win victories for the working class, even at a local level, and the amount of work to maintain ballot access is herculean due to this country’s anti-democratic laws.
Keeping our eye on the ball as socialists means putting in the hard work, day in and day out, to transform DSA into an organization that can develop organizers capable of building and re-building democratic, member-led tenant and labor unions (as well as other forms of class-struggle organizations) that are willing to strike directly at landlords’ and bosses’ profits. This doesn’t just mean building new organizations but also revitalizing existing ones—either through independence from the nonprofit industrial complex on the tenant front or building shop floor organization capable of executing member-led strikes on the labor front. These working class organizations and struggles should be our top priority—no other approach will change the balance of forces in this country between the capitalists and the working class.
Until socialists have a sea of strong class-struggle organizations to swim in, meaningful electoral and legislative successes will be elusive and difficult to maintain, as DSA has been learning the hard way since 2020 through both defeat and disappointment. When DSA does engage in electoral politics, it should be to elect principled socialists who stand with Palestine, or to support ballot initiatives that protect key rights or raise the standard of living for the working class (including the unemployed).
All of this activity must be undertaken independently from the capitalist class. That doesn’t mean the shallow, reactionary bipartisanship of Teamsters President Sean O’Brien boosting a transphobic article by right-wing US Senator Josh Hawley (R-MO)—that’s just shopping around for different capitalist benefactors. Class independence also doesn’t mean unequivocally refusing to run socialist candidates on the Democratic Party ballot-line, when it's often advantageous for DSA to do so.
Class independence does mean that organizations must be of, by, and for the working class and must focus on building the power and level of organization of their own class. The only times that oppressed and exploited people in the US have seen major material gains have been during periods of immensely heightened class struggle (such as the Civil War and Reconstruction, the rolling strike waves of the pre-WWII era, and the Civil Rights era).
In each of these times, literally millions of organized people (be it through their union, their church, political organizations, or through formerly enslaved people abandoning plantations and enlisting in the Union Army) put clear demands on the United States government in the face of brutal repression, and won major victories against racism, exploitation, and oppression.
The level of heightened class struggle that is necessary to address the challenges we face will require disruption of the economy at a scale that neither Republican or Democratic politicians will be willing to tolerate (unless they are forced to)—as evidenced by the near unanimous bipartisan suppression of railway workers’ right to strike during the Biden administration. So while Harris supporters may be able to point to the Biden administration’s union-friendly NLRB, the level of confrontational workplace organizing needed is an order of magnitude beyond what a Harris administration would tolerate or the NLRB is legally allowed to abide.
The lack of victories in our current political moment on the same scale as Reconstruction, the best moments of the New Deal, or the Civil Rights era is not for lack of trying. To take just one example, the 2020 uprisings against police repression and racism were some of the most inspiring, sustained, and massive actions against oppression in US history. Dedicated organizers across the country have contributed to an upswell of labor and tenant organizing as well as movements for climate, racial, gender, and LGBTQ+ justice in recent years.
Our class, in this moment, lacks the sufficient vehicles and level of organization necessary to launch the heightened level of class struggle needed to win and defend such victories. Activists bound by a common cause and ideological motivation, organized by unelected nonprofit staff, do not have the same ability to bring the US (and by extension, global) economy to a halt the way that organized and concerted teachers, nurses, and Amazon and UPS workers motivated by a common interest and bound by solidarity built through collective decision-making can.
The working class and its communal and political institutions have been subject to an all-out political, economic, and ideological assault since the turn to neoliberalism by the US ruling class. This is part of why, for the last four decades, Democratic presidents have overwhelmingly capitulated to reactionaries and capital rather than listen to their actual (overwhelmingly working-class) voters, with the GOP continuing to move right. This trend of proletarian disorganization will continue until our unions and political organizations are vehicles for class struggle and building working-class power, rather than funnels of support and energy for the “least worst” viable candidate running for the highest office.
DSA’s role is to develop the capacity and ability of ordinary people to transform tenant, labor, and other working-class organizations into such vehicles. Not in order to realign or reform the Democratic Party, but to force the entire bipartisan American ruling class to reckon with an organized, fighting working class. By keeping our eye on the ball and not getting bogged down in the 2024 presidential election, we can continue to lay the groundwork for our class to win the victories we so desperately need for ourselves, our loved ones, our communities, and the international working class.
Defeating fascism in the UK and Europe
Tonight on Revolutions Per Minute, we travel to the United Kingdom, where far-right riots have swept the country. We ask Alex Roberts, a UK-based organizer and host of the anti-fascist podcast 12 Rules for WHAT, how communities can fight back. We also speak to Paolo Gerbaudo, a senior research fellow at Complutense University in Madrid, on the role of social media in contemporary politics.
Taking Charge of Our Fight: A Letter to our Comrades
Dear Comrades,
Greetings from Francesca and Bryan, your newly elected CT DSA chapter co-chairs! We are honored and humbled by this responsibility, with the rest of our Steering Committee, to steward our chapter through our continued struggle for socialism in Connecticut.
We write to you to share with you, comrade to comrade:
- our understanding of the current moment,
- our analysis of our chapter’s health and
- our most urgent tasks in 2024.
How should we understand our current moment?
The last few years have seen a crisis in the (neo)liberal consensus and the growth of organization and experimentation among the U.S. left, both fueling and fueled by the mass mobilizations behind socialist politicians such as Bernie Sanders, AOC, and Rashida Tlaib; the resurgence of a militant labor movement; and recurring moments of mass mobilizations against police violence, white supremacy, and war.
The current rupture, caused by a global uprising for Palestinian liberation and against imperialism more broadly, has brought about the following:
- More segments of society expressing increasing dissent against the pro-war political establishment and cohering more towards the left;
- More people connecting the dots from issue-based grievances to the system at the root of these grievances–capitalism. This trend means that interest in socialism is growing, despite the lack of grand unifying campaigns like Bernie 2016 and 2020;
- A sense of the need for organization – structures for developing leaders, articulating political analysis, and raising political consciousness so that we sustain movements beyond spontaneous uprisings.
The crisis of liberalism, however, has created a vacuum for increasing waves of right-wing reaction, which have intensified in recent months in response to the movement for Palestinian liberation – including racist, transphobic, misogynist backlash to the hard-fought struggles of queer people, women, and people of color; attacks on civil rights and organizing, most directly exemplified by the political, legal, and police repression of the Stop Cop City movement in Atlanta; and attacks on the public sector and public services.
Socialists must contend, on one hand, with the threat of a possible Trump second term; and on another, with a Democratic Party that has increasingly compromised the veneer of liberal democracy in favor of repressing the working class. We must be able to fight back against the fascist forces that are coalescing to support Trump’s bid for the presidency, while maintaining our political independence and presenting socialism as a true alternative to the Democrats’ doomed neoliberalism. What does this mean concretely for Connecticut and our chapter?
What is our analysis of the organizing terrain in Connecticut?
Over the past couple of years, we have seen the following as the strongest dynamics that have shaped our local terrain, both with and without CT DSA’s influence:
- The tenant movement has firmly re-established itself, with the formation of organizations like the Connecticut Tenants Union, the Cargill Tenants Union, the Emerson Tenants Union, and the politicization of the rampant housing crisis;
- The sharpening fight for state budget equity through the Connecticut For All coalition has politicized union members, nonprofits, and faith communities around the demand of tax equity to properly fund public services;
- An incessant neoliberal chokehold at every level of Connecticut politics, upheld by the Democratic Party – modest reforms are dependent on advocacy and won by appealing to the morality of our political class; rarely are organized segments of the working class challenging capitalist power and extracting concessions from bosses, landlords, and politicians.
We see our primary task as socialists is building militant working-class organizations – which includes CT DSA, as well as the tenant unions, labor unions, neighborhood associations, and social movement organizations.
Through organization, we can meet our neighbors and coworkers where they’re at, and discover together the social conditions that make our lives miserable – such as the housing crisis, low wages and exploitative working conditions, limitations on reproductive and sexual autonomy, our taxes funding war, and so on. These conditions are not inescapable, as we have been led to believe, but are imposed on us by the ruling class.
Through organization, we can confront the power of our landlords, bosses, and politicians and force them to yield concessions – and eventually, build a world in our image rather than theirs.
What is our current state of organizing?
It is easy to forget that CT DSA is virtually a new chapter. We formed last year out of Central CT, Western CT, and Quiet Corner DSA merging into the third statewide chapter in the country. While we benefit from these legacy chapters, many of our current structures are brand new. Given this early stage of our statewide organization, we have accomplished a lot! We still have much to do, however, in consolidating our structures for membership and leadership development, to build a fighting working class in CT.
We have had a wide range of successful campaigns and organizing drives under our belt – like winning Right To Counsel in 2021; electing the Hamden Socialist Slate in 2021 and defending it in 2023; starting Connecticut Tenants Union in 2022; the Strike Ready labor solidarity campaign with Teamsters, UAW, and Starbucks Workers United; and surpassing expectations for the Uncommitted CT campaign in 2024.
While a lot of our organizing peaks during these short-term campaigns, it tends to wane afterward. Too many existing and new members become inactive after these campaigns, and we struggle to identify areas for continued organizing beyond the campaign cycle. Although we face challenges in engaging most of our members consistently, our membership and finances are healthy compared to most DSA chapters, which have been hemorrhaging members over the last few years.
In the past couple years, we have seen many signs of chapter growth: our first two state campaigns; two new branches for a total of six active branches; and new working groups, bringing us to eight active working groups sustaining simultaneous and parallel work. However, we still need stronger integration and political coherence between different organizing projects, across both local branches and working groups.
What are our most urgent tasks?
We believe that there are no shortcuts to constructing socialist politics – we must commit to the regular spadework that builds fighting working class organization. In that light, our most urgent tasks are:
- Cultivating more spaces for organizers to develop political analysis, for activists to become organizers, and for cohesion across the rank and file of different unions and social movement organizations. DSA members must organize each other to encourage active, not passive, development of people.
- Building greater internal structure that allows for better distribution of labor and leadership. This entails a vibrant member democracy that invites people to step up and take charge, develop organizing proposals, and discuss political visions and priorities.
- Recruiting from and expanding into segments of the multiracial working class that we’re less integrated into. We must actively take steps to move out of the college-educated, white-collar milieu that predominantly make up DSA. Our members must keep embedding themselves in the fabric of working class life – such as in neighborhood associations, unions, and social movements.
- Preparing to respond to shifts in our organizing terrain: As a sign of our chapter’s growing maturity, we are forming an Election Response Committee to strategize our response to the developing national conditions. We encourage interested members to fill the ERC nomination form by August 12, when the Steering Committee will appoint committee members.
We won’t sugarcoat it – our tasks ahead are numerous and complex, and our conditions are growing more severe and treacherous.
However, we are socialists because we resolutely believe in the agency of the working class, realizing its destiny; the protagonism of every comrade, taking charge of their fight; and the possibility of a better world, built through love and solidarity. We are excited to keep struggling alongside you.
In solidarity and in struggle,
Francesca and Bryan, CT DSA Chapter Co-Chairs
The Intersection of Reproductive and Trans Rights: A Call for Bodily Autonomy
By Rose L, aka Rosenriot
Let it be known, I did everything I was supposed to do.
2017 was a different time. I still thought I was cis. I did not want children. I knew I wasn’t fit to be a mother. I have health conditions that I didn’t ever want passed down. I was abstinent at the time, but had been previously sexually assaulted. I knew getting pregnant wasn’t going to always be my decision.
So I did the responsible thing and I pursued sterilization. I went to my OBGYN, who had cared for me for the prior 10 years. The nurse came in to see me, and asked me about the nature of my visit. I told her I wanted sterilization. I’d done my research. I was sure. The nurse smiled and said, “I can’t imagine that being an issue. The doctor is a huge feminist.” I was so relieved.
The doctor came in. She sat down and proceeded to lecture me on what a disastrous procedure I was considering. What if I changed my mind? What would my future husband think? What if my inability to bear a child affected my desirability?
I was crushed. But I persisted. There were other doctors. I was eventually able to find a doctor willing to perform a sterilization on me. A male doctor, in fact, who only asked me three questions: Was I sound of body? Yes. Was I sound of mind? Debatable but yes. And did I want this? Absolutely, yes. A month later, I received a tubal ligation and uterine ablation, the latter being a doctor recommendation to ease my period, as I would no longer have use for a menstrual cycle.
But again, 2017 was a different time. Republicans had not yet started proposing total abortion bans. So when my doctor warned me that I would have an increased risk of ectopic pregnancy from my procedure, I didn't even blink an eye. I was so naive then.
Since getting my procedure, 14 states have passed total abortion bans. These bans not only criminalize abortions, they often conflate ectopic pregnancies with viable fetuses. The truth is that ectopic pregnancy by definition is not viable, as the fertilized egg plants itself outside of the womb. Ectopic is also medically and factually an abortion.
Lately Republicans have tried to redefine abortion to not include cases of rape, incest, and life-threatening medical conditions such as ectopic pregnancies. When being questioned by Rep. Ayanna Pressley about ectopic pregnancies, Erin Hawley, senior counsel for Alliance Defending Freedom, a known hate-group according to the Southern Poverty Law Center, used such rhetoric: “That’s not an abortion because it does not have the intent to end the life of the child.” This misunderstands abortion: abortion is not subject to intent. It is objectively a medical procedure, and a safe one at that.
Abortion bans often prohibit doctors from prescribing methotrexate in the early stages of an ectopic pregnancy to abort the unviable egg and to save the pregnant person. Without early intervention, an ectopic pregnancy can result in hemorrhage, sepsis, or organ failure. These can only be prevented by abortive surgery, a surgery doctors are now terrified to perform for fear it will violate their state’s abortion laws. These laws put doctors in the position of going to prison for saving a pregnant person’s life. It puts the pregnant person in the position of dying, waiting on the operating table for help that will never come.
I did everything right in 2017, but Republicans would still have me and others like me dead. They’ve consistently moved the goalposts of what is acceptable behavior for people with uteruses, pushing it farther and farther to outlaw exceptions for ectopic pregnancy, to outlaw exceptions for incest, to outlaw exceptions for rape, to outlaw contraception, to make sure that everyone with a uterus slowly but surely loses their bodily autonomy.
But Republicans didn’t stop there. When I came out as trans and nonbinary in 2019, I was still in the state of Tennessee. There were only a handful of doctors willing to prescribe Hormone Replacement Therapy, or HRT, a treatment I wished to pursue in my transition. At least when I found a doctor for my sterilization, I only had to wait a month. For HRT, the waitlists for these doctors were years long, with spots only opening up as trans patients moved away or passed away, either of old age or by their own hand. And many did pass away by their own hand, as increasingly oppressive laws around trans people passed left and right without any consideration for their quality of life or existence.
And that’s what this is all about, isn’t it? Our right to exist, autonomous, as we are, as we choose to be.
I hear controversy in the pro-choice movement about using terms like “pregnant people” or “people with uteruses” and whether trans people deserve to be included or considered the same way as cis women are in this struggle. But the fact of the matter is, when we’re in the hospital, and I’m bleeding out from an ectopic pregnancy, and you’re giving birth to a child you were forced to have because there were no abortion clinics in your area, it’s not going to matter that you’re cis and I’m trans; that you’re a woman, and I’m not. It’s going to matter that we had wombs and we tried to use them in ways that were unacceptable to the heteronormative cisnormative patriarchal establishment.
Trans or cis, our bodily autonomies are intertwined. Our right to exist unyielding is intertwined. It might be easy for you, if you are a cishet ally, to think that the shooting at Club Q doesn’t affect you. That bills like SB49 aka the “Don’t Say Gay” bill have nothing to do with you. That drag shows being protested by Proud Boys are a problem, but not your problem. But my people, queer and trans people, are canaries in the coal mine. If you think violence against abortion clinics and feminist spaces won’t increase too, if you think violence in general will not increase, you haven’t been paying attention. Any deviation from the path that Conservative Evangelical fascists would prescribe to you will be met with extreme violence.
In just the last few months I have watched my fellow drag performers, of all genders, be targeted by hate groups. I myself was targeted by Libs of TikTok for a drag brunch I wasn’t even in, a drag brunch that Proud Boys showed up to, heavily armed, threatening my fellow performers. I watched a livestream of Proud Boys protesting Naomi Dix in Moore County, before shooting up a power station and cutting electricity to an entire population for days on end. After Club Q, I attended the Trans Day of Remembrance Vigil in Raleigh and spoke the name “Daniel Davis Aston”, a bartender at Club Q, before major news outlets had even grabbed hold of his name. I learned he was one of the victims through a drag performer I knew from Colorado Springs. That drag performer said when he moved to Colorado Springs, Daniel was the first friend he made there, and Daniel even helped him obtain top surgery. Daniel’s mother said his death is “a nightmare that you can't wake up from.”
We are about to be in that neverending nightmare, too. Violence will increase against all marginalized peoples. No longer is this a fight for women’s rights or trans rights. In fact, our greatest mistake was ever thinking these fights were separate. The struggles of all those marginalized and targeted by Conservatives and Christo-Fascism are united. They will not stop until trans and queer people are dead or conforming, they will not stop until women are dead or conforming, they will not stop until Black people are dead or conforming, they will not stop.
So it’s time for us to begin. It’s time for us to embrace the intersectional approach they know will defeat them, that they try everything to dissuade. If we continue to fight this fight separately, we will not survive.
NC Triangle DSA has several ways to get involved with the intersectional fight facing us. The Socialist Feminist Working Group is making headway on shutting down a local Crisis Pregnancy Center, aka Anti-Abortion Center, via pickets and escalations. The Queer and Trans Solidarity Working Group is focusing on building mutual aid support networks for Queer folk in the Triangle to rely on whether the federal or state governments are blue or red or fallen. These, and several other Working Groups, fall under our chapter’s Priority Campaign, a resolution voted on by our chapter to increase our focus on bodily autonomy issues.
We must unite. We must realize that many of us here are both oppressed and oppressor, and to unlearn the systems of supremacy that make us perpetuate harm into our communities. We must learn how to protect ourselves, to heal ourselves, to create the skills that help us cultivate safety.
The time for awareness is over. The time for action is now.
About the Author:
Rose L (they/them), also known by their drag persona ROSENRIOT, is a member of NCTDSA, activist, and queer performer living and working in Central NC. They’ve lived in the South for over half their life, and can be found working on sewing and craft projects in places you wouldn’t expect sewing or crafting to occur.
Tell Grand Rapids City Leaders the Time is Now for Bold Climate Action!
If Grand Rapids wants to meet the goals of 62% reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by 2035 and 100% by 2050, bold action is needed now! Will you send a message of support for GR Climate Coalition’s Beyond a Number: A Call For Bold Climate Action in Grand Rapids?
Grand Rapids’ emission reduction goals are the floor, not the ceiling. They can only be met with meaningful policies and adequate funding. Officials may turn away from these to save money in the short term or embrace the familiar status quo. But we can not wait any longer. Our representatives must make good on their promises.
Making sure our representatives know where we stand on the climate crisis is necessary now more than ever. Our City Leaders are most likely to act when the public exerts pressure on them.
Climate chaos is no longer just a specter on the horizon. It is here. It’ll get worse if we don’t act fast. Extreme heat and weather will increase cost of living and leave those who are already struggling with high prices even farther behind. We must not leave individual residents to solve the problems caused by systemic injustice and policy failures.
The GR Climate Coalition recently kicked off Beyond a Number with an Open Letter to the City Commission. The GRDSA is proud to have signed on to that letter. Now it’s your turn to take action and send a message to City Leaders to prioritize reducing greenhouse gas emission.
The post Tell Grand Rapids City Leaders the Time is Now for Bold Climate Action! appeared first on Grand Rapids Democratic Socialists of America.
Potential K Line Extension Routes Considered + Gov Newsom Mad, Upset at LA Homelessness Policy
Thorn West: Issue No. 212
State Politics
- The California State Legislature has returned to session; August 31 is the last day that any of the remaining bills can be passed this year.
City Politics
- Days after withdrawing a motion to spend $2 million on private security to quash Palestinian solidarity protests, Councilmembers Katy Yaroslavsky and Bob Blumenfield have introduced a motion to implement 100 foot radius “protest buffer zones” around “sensitive sites.” A parallel motion was introduced at the county level on Monday. Both of these motions, and most of the media coverage of them, avoid mentioning that the incident that directly motivated this legislation was a protest of the illegal sale of Palestinian land in the West Bank.
- LA Public Press analyzes the 35-page document listing the county level government reforms that LA County will vote on as a package this November.
Housing Rights
- The Housing and Homelessness Committee has advanced a motion guaranteeing a right to counsel for Los Angeles tenants facing eviction. The City Attorney’s office, after being directed to draft “right to counsel” legislation, nevertheless returned language that explicitly refused to use the word “right.” That language was restored at Wednesday’s meeting, which was attended by advocates organized by DSA-LA.
- A service provider contracted to be a part of the city’s Inside Safe program is now being investigated for fraud after an audit conducted by the City Controller’s office determined that it was providing “unacceptable meals” to residents.
- Last week, Los Angeles officials pushed back against Governor Newsom’s executive order that state agencies prioritize the displacement of encampments. This week, Newsom threatened to strip funding from cities that refuse to ramp up the criminalization of homelessness. On Thursday, he came to Los Angeles to have himself filmed throwing away personal belongings at an encampment sweep on a local Fox news outlet.
Transportation
- Metro will conduct three hearings next week, beginning Saturday, about three proposed routes for the extension of the K Line. The K Line connects several stops in Inglewood and South Los Angeles and will eventually extend north to Hollywood. Though building is not scheduled to begin until 2041, there is some discussion of accelerating the timeline.
The post Potential K Line Extension Routes Considered + Gov Newsom Mad, Upset at LA Homelessness Policy appeared first on The Thorn West.
Robinson Campaign Takes a Page Out of the Anti-Abortion Playbook in New Ad
by Saige Smith
Robinson recently released a new ad appearing to take a more moderate stance on abortion. His stance on abortion hasn’t changed; he’s only fine tuned his talking points in the wake of the upcoming election.
WATCH NOW: Mark Robinson’s new campaign ad:#ncpol #ncgov pic.twitter.com/TgLurZnpLQ
— Mark Robinson (@markrobinsonNC) August 2, 2024
Mark Robinson has been vocal about his extreme anti-abortion beliefs for years. He previously said “Abortion in this country is not about protecting the lives of mothers. It’s about killing the child because you weren’t responsible enough to keep your skirt down” and “If I had all the power right now, let’s say I was the governor and I had a willing legislature, we could pass a bill saying you can’t have an abortion in North Carolina for any reason,” yet in the ad he pivots to supporting “commonsense” legislation with “exceptions.”
This ad is a perfect encapsulation of the GOP’s post-Dobbs rhetorical strategy. This article is going to detail how and why this is just the latest attempt by the anti-abortion movement to save face now that the harsh reality of abortion bans has really come to light post-Dobbs. The anti-abortion movement thrives off of abortion stigmatization, medical misinformation, and emotionally charged rhetoric, and this 30 second ad is full of it.
Fueling abortion stigma
“30 years ago, my wife and I made a very difficult decision – we had an abortion. It was like this solid pain between us that we never spoke of”. Then his wife, Yolanda Robinson, states “it’s something that stays with you forever”. Mark Robinson continues, “that’s why I stand by our current law. It provides commonsense exceptions for the life of the mother, incest, and rape … Which gives help to mothers and stops cruel late-term abortions. When I’m Governor, mothers in need will be supported”
While neither Robinson went into detail about Yolanda’s abortion during the short ad, it’s important to note a few things. Research shows that people experience a mix of positive and negative emotions in the days after having an abortion, with relief predominating. The intensity of all emotions diminishes over time, mostly over the first year. The vast majority – 95% – of people who get abortions said that it was the right decision for them. People who are denied abortions have worse physical and mental health and worse economic outcomes than those who seek and receive abortions.
Mark starts by contributing to the idea that abortion itself is a difficult decision. Abortion is sometimes difficult and sometimes not – there are many nuances around having an abortion. Every decision to have an abortion is unique, individual, and deserving of respect. Just like they were able to decide to have an abortion 30 years ago, all people should be trusted to make the reproductive healthcare decisions that are best for them — including abortion — on their timeline and with the resources they need.
The beginning of the ad further implies that abortion is something regretful and shameful and therefore the wrong decision to make. Abortion stigma is perpetuated by abortion restrictions and inevitably leads to criminalization even when there are no authorizing statutes. Abortion stigma is everywhere, whether it’s the protesters at the clinic harassing you on your way in for your appointment, your parents threatening to kick you out, a teacher you confide in who tells you that’s not something you should talk about, a toxic romantic partner pressuring you against what you want for your pregnancy, the societal pressure to become a mother while ostracizing child-free people, or the laws creating barriers to abortion care.
The anti-abortion movement’s post-Dobbs rhetorical pivot
More and more horror stories have emerged since the overturn of Roe v Wade of people being forced to carry doomed pregnancies, give birth in a car after being turned away from the emergency room, or forced to travel out of state for abortion care – and the anti-abortion movement knows this.
Post-Dobbs, Republicans have had to deal with how unpopular and harmful their abortion bans are. Rather than admitting that pregnancy is too complex to legislate and addressing how these bans are detrimental to pregnant people, the anti-abortion movement is focusing on fine-tuning their talking points: by focusing on exceptions in abortion bans that do not work; moving away from calling abortion bans “bans” and instead calling abortion bans “commonsense consensus” or “compromise”; and performative amendments that do nothing but attempt to repair their image.
By design, exceptions do NOT work
On paper, abortion bans may include exceptions, but in reality, these exceptions are nothing more than PR points for the anti-abortion politicians who pass these nightmare bans. These supposed “exceptions” are intentionally vague and narrowly defined so that it’s impractical to actually use them — and that’s the point. When Republicans fall back on how the current ban has “commonsense exceptions for the life of the mother, incest, and rape”, this is a rhetorical strategy to defer the actual problem — the wide-ranging harm caused by banning abortion — and pivot to appealing to the less stigmatized reasons people get abortions.
In North Carolina, abortion is banned after 12 weeks with a few vague exceptions up to 20 weeks. For example, North Carolina’s exception for the life of the mother defines a medical emergency as the following (emphasis mine):
“Medical emergency. – A condition which, in reasonable medical judgment, so complicates the medical condition of the pregnant woman as to necessitate the immediate abortion of her pregnancy to avert her death or for which a delay will create serious risk of substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a major bodily function, not including any psychological or emotional conditions. For purposes of this definition, no condition shall be deemed a medical emergency if based on a claim or diagnosis that the woman will engage in conduct which would result in her death or in substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a major bodily function”.
The language used does not define what exactly constitutes a “major bodily function,” nor what constitutes a “substantial and irreversible physical impairment” to a major bodily function. This intentionally vague language puts physicians in a bind when pregnant patients need an abortion for health reasons. It shifts the decision away from the medical providers and patients and over to the facility’s lawyers. The second part of this definition shows how Republicans anticipate that abortion bans will make people suicidal, so they specifically outline that abortions are not allowed to preserve psychological or emotional well-being of the mother.
How much of an “exception” is it if people have to wait for their vital signs to crash before they’re legally allowed treatment? How much permanent harm to one’s organs is an acceptable trade-off? Exactly how close to death does one have to get to so they can receive treatment?
As Jessica Valenti pointed out, “This is all by design; Republicans deliberately write in exceptions that will be near-impossible to use. So why in the world aren’t Democrats shouting as much from the rooftops? Instead, they’re giving Republicans a tremendous gift: The ability to point to exceptions that no one can actually use as proof that they’re ‘softening’ on abortion … If the exceptions meant to save people’s lives aren’t usable, what makes anyone think those for rape and incest would be?”
Reporting requirements and time limits place barriers in the way of survivors of sexual assault seeking abortion care in states with abortion bans. When you add in a culture that doesn’t believe victims about sexual violence, the purpose and ineffectiveness of rape and incest exceptions become more evident. When the state forces victims to provide proof of their assault to receive healthcare, the state inevitably creates policy that protects sexual abusers. This is the side that wants you to think that they’re the moderate ones.
Compromise? Who? Common sense? Where?
“30 years ago, my wife and I made a very difficult decision – we had an abortion. It was like this solid pain between us that we never spoke of”. Then his wife, Yolanda Robinson, states “it’s something that stays with you forever”. Mark Robinson continues, “That’s why I stand by our current law. It provides commonsense exceptions for the life of the mother, incest, and rape which gives help to mothers and stops cruel late-term abortions. When I’m Governor, mothers in need will be supported”
Calling North Carolina’s 12 week abortion ban “common sense” and intentionally not calling it a ban are tactics we saw sprout up last year when the NC Senate was hearing debate over S.B.20. As Jessica Valenti pointed out, “Bill sponsor Sen. Joyce Krawiec says, ‘this is a pro-life plan, not an abortion ban.’ (Let that sink for a moment: Republicans are so afraid of abortion rights’ popularity, they’re not even willing to call their bans ‘bans’ anymore.)”. Mandating humiliating, burdensome, and time sensitive barriers to healthcare is far from “common sense”. Going directly against medical providers warnings about the harms caused when abortion is banned is not “common sense”.
Post-Dobbs, polling shows that the vast majority of Americans want abortion legal: over 80% of Americans don’t want pregnancy to be legislated, 78% of Americans believe the decision to have an abortion should be left between the patient and doctor, and 7 in 10 voters support access to abortion medication. Republicans began to really embrace the stance that they believe in exceptions for abortions to make it seem like they are willing to compromise to appeal to moderate voters in the aftermath of the overturn of Roe v Wade. In reality, they aren’t compromising on “common sense” legislation – they’re compromising the health and well-being of the very people they’re claiming to protect.
Medical Misinfo: late-term abortion edition
In true Republican fashion, Mark mentions “late-term abortions” at the end of the ad. The anti-abortion movement thrives off of emotionally-inflammatory rhetoric and abortion stigma, which are two characteristics of the phrase “late-term abortion”. This was Mark’s subtle way of appealing to moderate voters with extremist policy that’s been rhetorically watered down to make it more palatable in order to gain votes come November.
“30 years ago, my wife and I made a very difficult decision – we had an abortion. It was like this solid pain between us that we never spoke of”. Then his wife, Yolanda Robinson, states “it’s something that stays with you forever”. Mark Robinson continues, “That’s why I stand by our current law. It provides commonsense exceptions for the life of the mother, incest, and rape which gives help to mothers and stops cruel late-term abortions. When I’m Governor, mothers in need will be supported.”
The phrase “late-term abortion” is a political buzzword that anti-abortion proponents have latched onto as a talking point to demonize abortions later in pregnancy when the vast majority (98.7%) of abortions are before 21 weeks. The anti-abortion movement has a reputation for using stigmatizing, emotionally-charged rhetoric to justify banning abortion and to ostracize the people who get and provide abortions. Anti-abortion opponents made up the phrase “late-term abortion” and embrace it because they define it however they want as a part of their language war.
According to experts like the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology (ACOG), the term “late-term abortion” has no medical significance and is not used in a clinical setting or to describe the delivery of abortion care later in pregnancy. When health care providers use language like “full term” and “late term” in the context of pregnancy, they’re talking about how far along the pregnancy is (with “full term” meaning between 39 and 40 weeks and “late term” meaning 41+ weeks). It’s important to note that they do not use these terms to categorize types of abortion care.
The reasons people seek abortions later in pregnancy include medical concerns such as fetal anomalies or maternal life endangerment, as well as barriers to care that cause delays in obtaining an abortion. What’s cruel is delaying and denying people the healthcare they need.
Despite all this, leaders in the anti-abortion movement can’t even agree on exactly when a ‘late-term abortion’ supposedly happens. It seems to be determined by whatever Republican or anti-abortion organization writing the bill wants it to be.
For example, in 2021, congressional Republicans sponsored the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act (model legislation created by the National Right to Life Committee), a bill that determined abortions after 20 weeks to be “late-term”. The next year, they sponsored the “Protecting Pain-Capable Unborn Children from Late-Term Abortions Act,” that determined “late-term” after 15 weeks. The anti-abortion Charlotte Lozier Institute claims the phrase is appropriate for abortions performed after only 13 weeks of pregnancy.
Taking a page out of the playbook
Since abortion bans are highly unpopular and harmful, Mark Robinson is using the rhetorical tactics directly from the post-Dobbs playbook. It’s easier to fine-tune an extreme candidate’s political messaging in the months before the election than it is to address the wide-ranging devastation caused by their own policies that harm the people they claim to protect.
For years, Mark Robinson has been vocal about his anti-abortion stance by perpetuating abortion stigma and medical misinformation, and this pre-election rhetorical shift is no different. Don’t let him fool you. As he said, if it were up to him, we would have a total abortion ban with no exceptions. Remember this in November when you go to the voting booth, and remember to donate to the local abortion fund.
Read on Craftivist the Activist!
Why You Should Protest the Democratic National Convention
Former DSA member Maurice Isserman and fellow author Peter Dreier have expressed concern over the Coalition to March on the DNC and our plans to protest the Democratic National Convention this month, by drawing on the bloody history of the 1968 convention. The authors condemn people protesting Israel’s genocide on Gaza at the DNC, condemn members of the Coalition for being too “fringe”, and exhort readers to vote for Democrats rather than protesting them. As the co-chair of the Chicago Democratic Socialists of America, here’s why I believe the editorial badly misses the mark as we anticipate the 2024 Democratic National Convention in Chicago.
Less than a year after Dr. King’s 1963 march, 74 percent Americans stated that the mass demonstrations had harmed the civil rights cause. In fact, as they were happening, nearly 60 percent of Americans viewed them negatively. With this history in the rearview, we now know that these mass demonstrations were critical to winning the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act. Had people not decided to engage in mass action to defeat Jim Crow we may be living in a completely different political environment.
Mass demonstrations for Palestine are not new, but Israel is facing unprecedented criticism for their campaign of violence against Palestinians. Demonstrations have swelled in numbers as many previously disengaged people have seen horrific footage out of Gaza, or have heard Israeli officials actively encourage genocide in the media. Alongside the marches have been tens of thousands of phone calls and emails to representatives demanding a ceasefire, and a grassroots electoral campaign that elected 30 Uncommitted delegates to the DNC. There has been a clear shift towards Israel from Democrats: half of the Democratic Congressional delegation skipped Netanyahu ‘s address to Congress, and almost 100 Congressional Democrats signed onto demands for a ceasefire. The era where Democrats are reflexively supportive of Israel is over due to this groundswell of grassroots activism.
Dismissing people demanding an end to genocide as out of touch, fringe, or radical is a colossal misreading of the room, and contributes to right wing attacks on the basic rights of free speech.
The Democratic Party is on the backheel this election cycle, having been forced to recognize that Joe Biden was an electoral liability and push the president to end his campaign and endorse Kamala Harris. To be admonished from making political demands — at the exact moment where any savvy political actors would identify this moment as the perfect one to do so, in exchange for electoral support — is a tacit way of telling people to never ask for anything at all. Kamala Harris has less than 100 days to make her case to American voters and failing to commit to ending genocide will cost her votes that she needs to win.
Trump losing the election is key, and to accuse leftists — often the first on the fascist list of enemies — of not understanding this is, at the very least, condescending. If the Democrats truly believe in democracy, and believe defending it is more important than anything else this election, then they will listen to the millions of Americans demanding a ceasefire and earn their votes. As socialists, we are acutely aware of the threat of Project 2025. We want Trump to lose, and to lose badly.
Every election cycle is an existential crisis because we have a weak democracy — Republicans don’t win popular votes, they win an electoral college and heavily gerrymandered congressional districts. An un-elected Supreme Court expands the power of the right and the capitalist class while eroding our democratic and civil rights. The Senate, by design, stops the people’s house from actually serving the people. Instead of fighting to expand democracy, Democrats scold the electorate. The fact that our lame duck President has finally proposed bare minimum reforms on the Supreme Court is a demonstration of Democrats’ decades of political failure and inertia.
The Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression, and the United States Palestinian Community Network – two of the groups leading the Coalition to March on the DNC – have consistently organized peaceful mass protests that have named the Israeli government and military as responsible for the occupation and genocide of Palestinians. Every March has focused on political targets such as the Israeli Consulate or the Chicago AIPAC office. Marshals have worked to keep protesters safe from police and outside agitators. For this, the local Palestinian community has been attacked and smeared relentlessly by the right wing.
As a 501(c)4 organization, DSA does not condone or endorse unlawful activity, and we support the March on the DNC because of the Coalition’s efforts to ensure a peaceful and family friendly atmosphere. The Coalition sued the City of Chicago in order to get a permit to march within sight and sound of the DNC, so that the march will have a public impact with less of a risk of violence by police or right wing agitators. Isserman and Dreier have opted to ignore these efforts in their analysis of mass protests at the DNC.
Protests aren’t to blame for the erosion of democracy to the point of crisis in 2024. So join your fellow Americans to peacefully protest, to exercise your democratic and inalienable right to free speech, to end a genocide on our dollar, and insist on a Democratic party that will actually be responsive to the working people of this country. If our leaders had listened to protestors sooner we’d be in a stronger position to not just defend, but expand, democracy in the U.S.
We invite everyone on the side of justice to march with us during the DNC and sign up at tinyurl.com/CrashTheDNC
The post Why You Should Protest the Democratic National Convention appeared first on Midwest Socialist.