The Silicon Valley Democratic Socialists of America condemn the introduction of California Assembly Bill 1468 (Zbur, Addis), which seeks to distort ethnic studies curricula to focus exclusively on the “domestic” experiences of historically marginalized groups in American society.

We oppose the proposed restriction to focus on “domestic” experiences, because foreign policy evidently affects various ethnic groups in the U.S. today. Supporters of AB 1468 specifically want to hinder students from gaining a comprehensive understanding of the global context behind marginalized groups and injustices, such as the Palestinian Nakba in 1948. This is especially unacceptable given the ongoing imperialist genocide being waged on Palestinians by Israel with full U.S. backing.

A comprehensive ethnic studies curriculum should encompass both domestic and international perspectives, to fully educate students on the interconnectedness of global struggles and histories. Additionally, such a curriculum must not shy away from talking about U.S. complicity in past crimes against humanity – including, but not limited to, the genocide of Indigenous peoples, the transatlantic slave trade, and the U.S. Empire’s destruction of working people’s homes worldwide, such as in Vietnam, Korea, Laos, Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Libya, Yemen, and Palestine. Understanding these contexts is crucial for developing critical thinking on how the past affects marginalized groups in the U.S. today, and why state-sponsored reparations are long overdue for various communities. AB 1468, on the other hand, dissuades these discussions and censors critical thinking.

The backers of AB 1468 have explicitly stated that ethnic studies classes should not discuss Israel and Palestine, and that they “don’t think that ethnic studies is a foreign policy discipline.” This constitutes an unacceptable erasure of the U.S. Empire’s responsibility for ongoing and past violence worldwide.

Silicon Valley DSA condemns AB 1468 as an attack on the foundational values of ethnic studies itself, as highlighted in the 2021 Ethnic Studies Model Curriculum: for students to “challenge racist, bigoted, discriminatory, and imperialist/colonial beliefs and practices on multiple levels” and “connect ourselves to past and contemporary social movements that struggle for social justice.”

We stand in solidarity with all marginalized communities, and all victims of U.S. Empire. We commit to supporting their struggles for comprehensive representation in educational curricula, and their needs for material reparations more broadly.

Join us in opposing AB 1468 by emailing your state legislators.

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As part of our 2025 Migrant Rights Campaign, DSA San Diego is pressuring local school districts to defend students against ICE raids. Read more. [...]

Read More... from Migrant Rights Priority Campaign: Spring 2025 Update

The post Migrant Rights Priority Campaign: Spring 2025 Update appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America | San Diego Chapter.

I’m sure you’ve had the same conversation by now. A friend, family member or near-stranger calls and says, “Talk me down. I’m freaking out.” 

I fielded two of these recently. The first caller, an old friend and comrade, is not a newbie. After a couple decades on the left, during which she was an activist in a teachers’ union and leader in various union campaigns, she upped her game, getting herself successively elected as a school board member, City Council member and finally County Superintendent of Public Instruction, overseeing seventeen school districts. She served two terms, staying faithful to the progressive ideals she started with.

After retiring she joined DSA and continued to stay active in electoral politics in a support role. In short, she is not naïve or easily rattled. But on this occasion, she was feeling completely unnerved and overwhelmed. Why? By paying too much attention to the news, chock full of horrifying stories about Trump, Musk, Vance, and the other elected and unelected fascists in their ugly campaign to destroy the helping powers of government and make life for the multiracial working class as miserable as possible. 

She called because she was looking for human connection with a comrade whom she hoped could point to some rays of light amid the darkness. I told her that many people are resisting the fascist tide in many ways—in the courts, in all levels of government, and in the streets. New coalitions are being formed, and old ones resurrected. I mentioned the popup demonstration staged by FUN (the new federal workers network California Red reported on last issue) that I had attended. 

I told her the mainstream media is certainly not helping here. Its underreporting of the resistance is spotty, often politically unsophisticated, and fearful of taking on Trump. If you pay too much attention to it, it will freak you out and/or wear you down quickly—part of the goal of a fascist regime. She got off the call telling me that she felt a bit better, and promised she would more carefully titrate her media consumption going forward. 

In the middle of the call I saw my brother was trying to reach me, so I called him back—and found myself essentially returned to the same conversation, complicated by where he lives, a small conservative rural town. He said analogies with history (Germany 1933) were making him extremely nervous.  

In both conversations (and others like them) I gave two pieces of advice: watch your political media intake carefully, and find a group of like-minded people with a common resistance perspective and shared activity to join with—being careful to take on only the amount of work that won’t burn you out over the long term. It also helps to have a best guess big picture to work with.

Best guess: Three lines of defense

I—and I’m not the only one—see three lines of defense and broad areas of activity between now and the 2026 elections (if we are still having them by then). The first, a focus on the courts, leaves out most of us for strategy discussion and direct participation, as legal action mostly requires being a lawyer. But we can certainly participate in support campaigns, including publicity, education and organizing. Since the highest court in the land is in the hands of Trump appointees, this first line of defense may only get us so far, with its main utility buying time. It may ultimately be more effective for education of the public than actual legal redress—especially if the fascists choose to ignore and sideline the courts. For what it’s worth we note that of the eighty suits filed against Trump he has won 12 and lost 22. 

The second front is electoral—organize to overturn the thin majorities of Republicans (now a fully fascist party) in the House and Senate. It is critical that at least one house of Congress goes to the Democrats in order to block the worst actions of the trifecta held by Trump et. al. At this point there is no guarantee that there will be elections in 2026, or if there are, that they will be conducted fairly. So this part of the strategy requires state and local work around election protection, as well as a candidate selection process that makes certain no Trojan horses like Manchin or Sinema are among the Democrats running, and replacement of weak straws like Schumer among the current leadership. Then, of course, there’s actually electing candidates in 2026.

Alongside these two frontline areas it will be crucial to construct robust non-violent direct action (NVDA) wings of our movement. Sit-ins, marches, occupations, other forms of civil disobedience and face to face confrontations against the people moving the country to dictatorship will gain news coverage and, with successes, provide information and courage for the long term. Such activities will bring in new recruits. (They will also require savvy and well-prepared security. Depending on how things unfold the MAGA forces might well unleash their violent rabble on peaceful demonstrations.)

There is at best a two-year shelf life on these two lines of defense, which is why development of street support for them is so critical; the latter will likely become the key component of what follows. If lines one and two crumble the final line of defense before full on dictatorship will be mass action. What might that look like? 

Here is where unions come into the center of the picture, and we must begin preparing now if there is to be any chance of success. Maximum impact on this far right government and oligarchy (which since January have become synonymous) will be earned when masses of workers refuse to work. The more that the consent of we the governed is withdrawn from the abuse we are suffering, the more leverage we will have.

Forward toward the…

I have never been one of those people who think it’s a good idea to call for a general strike to deal with a problem, even if the problem—say, the United States going to war under false pretenses—would deserve to be met with that solution. Why not? Because there are sound reasons why we’ve only seen around fifteen (depending on how you define them) citywide general strikes in nearly two hundred and fifty years of American history, and none since 1946. We’ve had exactly one national general strike, in 1886, which after achieving only limited success toward its goal of an eight-hour workday, brought on the first Red Scare. 

Called by the young American Federation of Labor (AFL) and supported by large sections of the Knights of Labor on May 1, 1886, the strike was honored by some three hundred thousand workers (in a non-agricultural workforce of around twelve million). It eventuated over a period of years the establishment of International Workers Day on May 1 in nearly one hundred countries around the world, but not here, the country in which the events occurred that inspired the holiday. In the wake of that setback, the eight-hour day movement had to wait nearly half a century before it became the law of the land.

This historical record might not encourage hope for a general strike’s success today. Neither does the current state of organized labor, which is weaker in terms of workforce density than it has been in a century, and contrary to what is required for a general strike, fractured along several fault lines. 

Don’t call: organize

But recent developments mean the political landscape is shifting. Many strikes erupted in 2022, the most important of which was the autoworkers’ victory over the Big 3. In its wake the UAW’s president Shawn Fain issued a challenge to the rest of the labor movement: line up your contract expiration dates for May 1, 2028 and prepare to act the way a united working class should act. No leader of a major national union has talked—concretely—like this for decades. 

Although we have seen no citywide general strikes since 1946, in 2018 the “red state revolt” of education workers featured anti-austerity walkouts that in their scale were essentially general strikes of public education. Currently in California a number of major urban teacher unions have been meeting and planning to bring these ideas together: a common contract expiration date and united action when the contracts expire. 

When Trump’s Department of Homeland Security announced earlier this month that it was cancelling TSA workers’ collective bargaining rights, Sara Nelson, head of the Association of Flight Attendants, responded that workers have “very few options but to join together to organize for a general strike”.

The wording is precise: not a call, abstractly, for a general strike, but to organize for one. This was the beauty of Fain’s call. Embedded in how he issued the call was how to make it happen. Even so, it will take a massive effort to pull it off. The plan was presented before Trump’s election with a three-and-a-half-year timeline—appropriate for scaling up this way. But given the speed at which the fascists are breaking government and completing their coup, we will probably need to move up the schedule. Is that possible?

An extraordinary event, a general strike takes a rare combination of circumstances to bring it about, let alone win.  Four preconditions are required:  widespread anger among working people; a high degree of cooperation in a strong enough labor movement; union leaders confident enough in their level of organization that they are willing to stick their necks out and call for it to happen; and a spark or symbolic incident that crystallizes people’s willingness to act.  

In light of the relatively small size of the labor movement today, coalition with other progressive organizations is crucial: finding common cause with community organizations representing working class, poor and otherwise marginalized constituencies, with international solidarity and anti-war movements, with NGOs of all types, will be important.

It is likely that building block actions will contribute along the way—sectoral strikes, demonstrations and occupations, with (best outcome) growing solidarity and tactical sophistication developing through successes and failures. Labor leaders will need to be convinced through this process that militancy is a practical matter. This will no doubt not be a linear process; more like a chaotic one, the lessons of which need to be considered on the fly, tested and retested. A general strike—the ultimate weapon of the working class—will result from intent, experience, reflection and a bit of luck.  

Attitude counts

That’s as far as my best guess can take us. I’ll close by emphasizing that unity of the forces of resistance to fascism and oligarchy is created by coalition building and enabled by an attitude not always present in the culture of the left. We are far too prone to being alert to openings to argue, to disagree, split, stay in silos, and allow purity of principle to keep us divided. This is especially the case within organized labor. Seeking differences is relatively easy. We are less used to (and less good at) seeking openings to find our common interests and purpose and then acting together as one. But without that attitude of openness and unity-seeking, coalition building becomes far more difficult.  

Fighting fascism is not a time and place for purity, single-issue politics or doing things the way we’ve always done them. It’s a time to set aside the narrow lens for a broad one. By all means continue to work on your social justice cause, the one that you have passionately cared about and pursued for years or decades, whatever that may be. But don’t let that divert you from the task of standing with others in the alliances that are now forming to build the strength necessary to defeat Trump, Musk and their fascist assault. We’re in this together or we’re not going to make it.

California DSA members will be among those marching on the state capital on April 24th to abolish Pacific Gas & Electric. Protesters plan to pack an 11 AM California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC) meeting at 1516 Ninth Street in Sacramento, then rally on the Capital Mall at 2:30.

California Red readers understand already that decisions by private utility executives determine who among us will enjoy reliable, life-sustaining service—and who will be burned alive in utility-ignited firestorms. PG&E has been a long-time target of protests by DSA members and others, but this could be the year when we finally pivot from protest to actually breaking the utility’s god-like grip on our power supply.

The Investor-Owned Utility Act (SB 332) would immediately curb PG&E’s many corporate abuses that have impaired service reliability, inflated customer rates, and criminally endangered public safety. But equally important, SB 332 carefully lays the groundwork for replacing PG&E and other Investor-Owned Utilities (IOUs) with a “not-for-profit” public utility. 

 This is a very big deal.

Anytime your utility pleads guilty to 84 criminal counts of homicide—as PG&E did in 2020 after its equipment burned down the town of Paradise—it’s pretty clear you have problems. To deal with some of the most immediate ones, SB 332 would require annual audits of utility equipment, speed up “undergrounding,” and replace equipment that has outlived its usable life in high fire-risk areas. SB 332 would also: 

• Prohibit the shut-off of utility service for vulnerable ratepayers to ensure their health and safety needs are met.

• Require prompt action to cap IOU rate increases for residential customers to no more than the basic inflation rate.

• Tie executive compensation to meeting specific safety goals.

The structural problem

So far, so good. But SB 332 also addresses the deeper, structural problem with IOUs: When utility shareholders pocket their profits, there is less money available to meet the needs of customers. Utilities can’t print money.  When shareholders skim profits and top executives award themselves fat bonuses, there is less money to provide service. Broadly speaking, the utility’s options at that point are to sacrifice reliability, compromise on safety, seek higher rates--or all three.

SB 332 solves this problem by creating a not-for-profit utility where shareholder profits—and executive bonuses tied to those profits—don’t exist because the utility’s sole allegiance is to customer service, and to the skilled workforce that is essential to providing it.

SB 332 states the problem succinctly:

Past and present experience demonstrates that the IOUs prioritize profits over the safety and well-being of the ratepayers and residents of California, and thus, to support public necessity and public purpose, must be replaced with a well-researched and structured successor entity that focuses on the needs of ratepayers, workers, fire survivors, and community members instead of shareholders.

Can the Legislature really do this? Yes! Article 12 of the California Constitution says private corporations providing power to the public are “public utilities subject to control by the Legislature.” The Legislature took the first step down this path in 2020 by creating Golden State Energy when PG&E was in bankruptcy and its future looked shaky. An alternative now existed—if only on paper. SB 332, introduced this February by State Senator Aisha Wahab, takes the next step by providing a blueprint and timeline for a real-world transition from PG&E to GSE.

Analysis and implementation

Here’s how it would play out: 

The California Energy Commission by June 30, 2026 will create a Study Team to perform a comparative analysis—and an implementation plan for replacing PG&E with a successor not-for-profit utility. By December 31, 2026 the Study Team will select an Advisory Council to represent diverse constituencies, including:

• Labor unions

• Tribal interests

• Low-income residential ratepayers

• Wildfire survivors

… along with experts in equitable rate design, distributed energy resources, and grid architecture, as well as experts in justice issues: environmental, energy, utility, racial and economic.

The Energy Commission, through a public process, will vote on the recommended successor utility by September 30, 2028. The Commission, again through a public process, will vote by October 31, 2029 on approving the implementation plan.

SB 332 gives the Study Team broad powers, including access to books, records and documents “of any nature” from the Energy Commission, from the Public Utilities Commission, and from the IOUs themselves. 

Legislators want to know if the successor utility is likely to achieve certain policy objectives, including:

• A demonstrable reduction in electricity costs for customers over a 30-year period.

• Increased transparency and accountability in governing structures, financial spending, and infrastructure decisions.

• Maintaining pensions and increasing benefits for utility workers, as well as increasing “good union jobs and inclusive workforce development” in the region.

Protecting workers during the transition

Wisely, SB 332 is acutely sensitive to the need to protect workers during the transition process. It directs the Study Team’s feasibility assessment to “safeguard or strengthen” worker benefits—including union protections—during and after the transition period, and to provide for workers’ rights and “a just transition for workers impacted by the decommissioning of unsafe, polluting infrastructure.”

By no later than 2032, SB 332 wants to “safely decommission” any unsafe and polluting infrastructure that is transferred to the successor utility. SB 332 also aims to decommission gas infrastructure and transition toward electrification—an important environmental priority in the era of climate change. 

Squaring the priority of safe, reliable and clean electric service with the priority of affordable rates is a huge task. Replacing PG&E is going to cost money. But leaving things the way they are also costs money—a lot of it. Gas explosions are expensive. Wildfires can be fantastically expensive. Damage from interrupted service, while less visible, is also expensive. SB 332 suggests financing mechanisms to help us invest in avoiding disasters rather than face the far greater costs of cleaning up after them. 

Electricity is the foundation of modern American life. SB 332 is designed to give us—the public—substantive control of our utility service—a chance to push back against exorbitant rate hikes and corporate wrong-doing. It is a critical first-step in reclaiming our right—everyone’s right—to clean, safe, reliable and affordable utility service. 

SB 332 is a very big deal.  For further information: stop-pge.org

On March 17, the Indiana State Police arrested a Central Indiana DSA member and activist Chrissy Smith who was attending a permitted rally in support of arts education at public […]

Thorn West: Issue No. 228

State Politics

• Former Orange County congress member Katie Porter is the most recent candidate to announce their candidacy for California governor. Current governor Gavin Newsom will be unable to run in 2026 due to term limits.

• Governor Newsom interviewed Steve Bannon on his newly launched podcast. It is the third episode to feature a friendly interview with a member of the far right.

City Politics

Los Angeles chief administrative officer Matt Szabo predicted a $1 billion budget shortfall in the next fiscal year in a presentation before city council, projecting the need for “thousands” of layoffs of city employees. The current fiscal crisis was precipitated by raises for LAPD officers, and is exacerbated by police liability claims. Mayor Karen Bass, released a statement warning that her draft budget for the upcoming fiscal year, due to be released within a month, will represent a “fundamental change in the way the City operates.”

Health Care

• As Republicans discuss cutting billions of dollars in Medicaid funding over the next ten years. Capital & Main projects the devastating cascading effect this will have on health care in California.

• Medi-Cal, California’s implementation of Medicaid, is $6.2 billion over budget, a result of rising pharmacy costs, and increased participation in the program. The state has borrowed from its reserve fund to partially make up the shortfall.

• There was a diagnosed case of measles in LA County last week, in a patient who had just flown into LAX. Press release from the LA County Department of Public Health here.

Police Violence and Community Resistance

• Recordings made by an LAPD officer in the department’s Recruiting Division captured a stream of racist, sexist and homophobic comments from multiple officers across dozens of conversations. A probe is underway.

• [CW: police violence] LAPD officers shot and killed an unarmed driver during a traffic stop last week.

• Amid a budgetary crisis, advocates worry about the future of a successful pilot program that diverts emergency mental health calls to an unarmed crisis response team. LA Forward is hosting a zoom call to organize a defense of the program, here.

• Sheriff Robert Luna is suing the Los Angeles County’s Civilian Oversight Commission, seeking to withhold documents related to deputy misconduct that the commission has subpoenaed.

Housing Rights

• Funding for a federal emergency rental voucher program, which provides assistance to tenants facing homelessness, is projected to run out in the upcoming fiscal year.

• An audit has revealed that LAHSA, the organization which currently provides homelessness services across LA County, has been lax in tracking its use of funds. LA Public Press provides further details on plans at the city and county level to restructure how homelessness services are provided.

The post Budget Crises at City, State + Federal Level Put Vital Services at Risk appeared first on The Thorn West.

Update delivered to the chapter at the 2024 MDC DSA chapter convention.

A play on victimhood and political vanity performed in Nowhere, Ohio will leave viewers confused and mystified.

Tenants in Rockville are organizing to bring rent control to their city. Light resistance on their local city council, however, is frustrating ambitions.

A society ruled by violent and antisocial impulse can’t persist. This warning went unheeded, and Troy was sacked. Will we listen to the next Cassandra?