Brian Owendoff sent racist text messages about Portland City Councilors to a group chat of local pro-corporate political agitators. Our research reveals he’s just one node in a network of powerful people trying to cut taxes for the rich, balloon the police budget, and make it harder for Portlanders to survive.

Brian Owendoff, the commercial real estate developer and recently-unmasked bigot, is many things to many people. 

To the City’s well-heeled real estate class, he’s a longtime wheeler and dealer of Portland’s prime commercial parcels. To the Portland Metro Chamber (Portland Business Alliance) he’s a former registered lobbyist and frequent collaborator. Owendoff is also a noisy critic of the Left; he’s published dozens of articles to his Substack attacking DSA. 

The Owendoff network is far-reaching. Democratic Party elites like City Councilor Dan Ryan rely on his counsel. Corporate power players like Jordan Schnitzer have rubbed elbows with Owendoff in multiple board roles over the past decade-plus. He’s also a central figure in the emerging ecosystem of right-wing and corporate dark money PACs trying to intervene in Portland’s elections.

Online Agitator

Tuesday’s revelations, first reported by the Portland Mercury, was not the first time Owendoff made headlines for disparaging local politicos. Years before he called Portland City Councilor Angelita Morillo a “burrito”, Owendoff was in hot water for attacking another sitting Portland official. In 2011, Owendoff was fired from his job at real estate firm C.B. Richard Ellis after he was linked to anonymous comments posted to the OregonLive website, which disparaged then-Mayor Sam Adams.

Despite his toxic political persona, Owendoff’s rise to become a powerful real estate and influence broker continued unabated. 

Owendoff is currently a member of and contributor to the real estate industry’s latest political venture, the Revitalize Portland Coalition (RPC). RPC is a coalition of interests who benefit from Portland’s housing and homelessness crisis, led in part by real estate magnate Jordan Schnitzer. The Coalition spent lavishly to sink Measure 110 and has previously endorsed a slew of corporate-friendly candidates, including bike cop Eli Arnold and Bob Weinstein (more on Bob below), both of whom lost their recent City Council races.

Another Owendoff connection: Schnitzer Industries has long occupied a board seat at the Portland Metro Chamber, where Owendoff was formerly a registered lobbyist and board member.

Big Business

Schnitzer and PRC together represent a significant nexus of power in Governor Tina Kotek’s effort to sabotage Preschool for All, which is also a frequent target of the PACs in Owendoff’s orbit. 

Among those invited to the group-chats where Owendoff sent racist text messages last week were a host of right-wing political hopefuls and activists with their own ties to Portland’s business lobby. 

Bob Weinstein co-founded dark money PAC Partnership for Progress (PfP) with failed City Council and County Commission candidate Vadim Mozyrsky.  PfP promoted Eli Arnold, the bike cop endorsed by Schnitzer’s Revitalize Portland Coalition. Arnold is also an Owendoff group chat member.

The incestuous political relationships within Portland’s ruling class are headspinning, but no analysis would be complete without reference to Vikki Payne. Payne is another Owendoff group-chat participant, who founded the Future Portland PAC to attack local labor unions and non-profits. 

Dark Money

Until she was fired last year, Payne worked for the campaign and office of Multnomah County Commissioner Julia Brim-Edwards. According to the Mercury, “…while Payne was working for Brim-Edwards, Future Portland propped up Brim-Edwards’ proposed legislative policies and statements…” 

Despite her outside support for Brim-Edwards’ priorities, including her longtime effort to cut Preschool for All, Payne got the axe after being caught hosting PAC events on County  time.  

Payne isn’t just an Owendoff compatriot. Future Portland is a “pragmatic partner” of the Schnitzer-led Revitalize Portland Coalition and the right-wing Northwest Fresh podcast, hosted by now-fired Dan Ryan staffer Andy Chandler (more Councilor Ryan public records to come!). Northwest Fresh is a regular platform for local anti-trans activists, Republicans, and anti-public school advocates, as well as current City Council member Dan Ryan and Mayor Keith Wilson.

Phew! Unraveling the political machinations of Portland’s ruling class can make your head spin. But remember: the enemies of Portland’s working class are not an unknowable Illuminati; they are real people with names, prejudices, and weaknesses. We are uncovering new connections all the time, and since these folks can’t help themselves, we expect this map to grow. Watch this space!

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If you enjoyed this article, please donate an hour of your hard-earned pay to each of Portland DSA’s working class champions for office:

For Portland City Council, we endorsed Councilor Angelita Morillo, she joins now re-endorsed Councilors Mitch Green, and Tiffany Koyama Lane.

In Salem, we re-endorsed Incumbent Farrah Chaichi for House District 35, alongside our earlier endorsement of Tammy Carpenter for House District 27. Salem DSA also endorsed incumbent Leslie Muñoz for House District 22.

We stand in solidarity with comrades in the Twin Cities and around the country who demand that ICE be abolished and cruel immigration policies be reformed. We continue to demand that our local and state government bodies cut all ties and coordination with federal “law enforcement” gangs that seek to enforce white supremacy and terrorize the working class. It should not take murders in broad daylight for us to stand up and say: ICE MUST BE ABOLISHED.

Innocent people continue to die in ICE custody. Families in our country – which claims to be a beacon of justice – are targeted every day by racist stormtroopers breaking into schools, hospitals, and other spaces that should be safe for all. Those who are injured, abducted, and killed in these illegal and unnecessary confrontations are afforded no justice. The ripple effects of this violence shatter families and shake entire communities. This is all by design.

Armed thugs wearing masks do not keep us safe; they keep people scared. Fascists encourage violence and fear because they are scared themselves. They are scared of what we can accomplish when we stand together. They are terrified of losing their grip on power. They want us to lay down and give up our resistance to their racist agendas, but we refuse to cower in fear in the face of authoritarianism. ICE represents a horror that a caring society will not allow, and we in Madison join our comrades in Minneapolis and around the country in standing up and fighting back.

We call upon everyone to stand together in this moment against fascism. We must fight all further funding of ICE and similar carceral spending. Democratic politicians are running scared, worried about the optics of “abolishing ICE” or “defunding”, but we know that the vast majority of humans want our resources invested in actually helping people, not on building cages and propping up an engine of cruelty. 

Defund ICE, build real housing! 

Defund ICE, invest in education! 

Defund ICE, fund the resources that allow us all to thrive! 

We refuse to let the fascist Trump regime and their gestapo rip us apart, and we refuse to be silenced. A better world is possible: a world without ICE.

What does it mean that so much of the discussion around Renee Good emphasizes her vaunted status as a mother and a citizen, and tends to elide the fact and significance of her queerness? Which characteristics does this focus tacitly endorse as meriting protection and which are prone to fall out of our analysis? We are right to identify that these ticks in the boxes of ‘moral goodnesses’ did not and could not protect her – her whiteness, her status as a mother, her smile. But we also need to understand which characteristics endangered her and which are, further, responsible for the propagandistic effect of the snuff film DHS produced of her.

Renee Good was a non-conforming, unsubmissive, queer woman. This is enough for a Nazi to advance on her vehicle and shoot multiple rounds in her face as he calls her a “fucking bitch”. Good’s queerness, both in her choice of partner and her practice of solidarity politics, is material to her targeting and execution. To queer is precisely to intervene into and resist hegemonic structures of power; to queer is to bend the arc of normativity’s force. To queer is to insist on the dignity of a life that the supremacist state wishes to eliminate: to legislate or incarcerate or convert away. Renee Good’s queerness is thus manifestly relevant to her resistance, and to the state’s justification for her targeting and murder.

I argue here that we must also pay attention to the racialized violence that, as I discuss in an earlier piece, accompanies gendered violence and which tends to be even less articulated in mainstream discussion. Renee Good is not the first person to be killed by the secret police, or even shot at in their cars. And in the wake of her murder, DHS and ICE moved to occupy Minneapolis, adding to their terror-from-a-distance of threatening food stamps and childcare money. The occupation has made a beeline to the most vulnerable communities, among them Somali and Native communities, attacking and abducting people with a speed and volume that prevents the same depth of articulation of each resister’s life. Yet we see the same principle acting in all cases: the targeting of what white supremacist domestic policy has identified as threats to this oppressive order.

The inability to countenance the violence ICE is enacting as a matter of course on black and brown people and communities– or our susceptibility to the normalization of the agency’s charter to target these populations since its inception in 2003– has a meaningful impact on the kind of carceral abolition we can imagine and demand. We understand the history of police in america as a history of slave catchers: an agency devoted to the perpetuation of the legal status of Black people as owned property, as chattelized beings without bodily autonomy and without rights and protections. In this way the police as they exist now continue to be agents of the United States’ white supremacist project, the very same project that ICE and their terror tactics pursue. That is why, to every call to abolish ICE, we add the call to abolish the police: the existence of armed groups tasked with the ideological order of the country is a threat to everyone, even to those who have footholds within that order. 

Above, I call the video released by DHS of Renee’s execution a “snuff film”. I am not the only one to identify this as a propaganda tactic, as a call to the misogynists and gaybashers: ‘see, if you join ICE, you can execute “lesbian bitches” with impunity’. We can imagine the quickening of the fascist’s pulse as they take in this de facto recruitment video, even as all of our hearts sank watching (or avoiding watching) the same. I write this piece in an attempt to make plain the logic of ICE’s operation, so that we do not see Good’s execution as an exception insofar as she was white, a mother, and a citizen, but that we rather understand her queerness as dissent, understand queerness itself as a target for elimination, and understand how this is continuous with ICE’s genocidal plans against Black, Native, Latin@, and other racialized people. In my opinion this understanding is crucial to forging and enacting solidarities that are critical in this moment, and in the moments which develop from it. 

Bodily autonomy means: freedom from police, from incarceration, from state violence. 

Bodily autonomy means: choosing our communities and relations, and the forms of those relations. 

Bodily autonomy means: a right to migration, to assembly, to resistance. 

The struggle against ICE is fought precisely for these freedoms and autonomies, and this makes critical analysis of gender and race– and particularly their joint analysis– indispensable. 

Caitlin Murphy