Anti-mask bans are making a comeback, and they are disrupting anti-capitalist resistance movements and suppressing civil liberties in the process.

A new vision for technology can radically challenge the myth that capitalism is the fastest route to innovation and progress for working people.

If you’re interested in democratizing the economy then you’re going to need to build a social base capable of such a dramatic transformation of our way of life. The only way to shift the balance of power toward the working class is to build the labor movement. Organized labor remains weak in the United States with about 10 percent of all workers organized into unions. This number has dropped nearly 25 percent since the peak of the AFL-CIO during the 1950s following the incredible surge in organization in the mass production industries during the New Deal and World War II. What is to be done to demonstrate our strength in organized numbers? Today we continue our series with labor organizers here in New York City fighting to build unions in the service sector. We’ve already spoken with workers at Starbucks, Trader Joes, Barboncino’s, and Nitehawk. Now we’re joined by organizers from Partners Coffee Union who are attempting to form a collective organization that can improve their material interests.

All decisions to rent or purchase office space or other real estate must be approved by the General Membership of the chapter. A temporary Building Subcommittee may be formed to research and present office space and other real estate options to the membership for a vote, dissolving after the chapter concludes its search. Any member of the chapter in good standing may participate in the activities of the Building Subcommittee. The Treasurer, Office Manager, and Executive Committee will be responsible for overseeing fundraising activities related to Milwaukee DSA’s office space and any other properties it rents or purchases.

Milwaukee DSA may raise money specifically for any real estate commitments. The funds available to pay for real estate commitments are made up of any money raised for this purpose, as well as any funds that were raised without a specific campaign, working group, committee, subcommittee, project, or event as the intended recipient. These are referred to as “unrestricted funds,” and the income to these funds as “unrestricted income.” Unrestricted funds and income include, but are not limited to, dues, general donations to the chapter, donations for maintaining an office or other piece of real estate, merchandise sales, and interest accrued on bank accounts.

Prior to the signing of any lease, unrestricted funds and/or funding commitments must be secured that are sufficient to cover one month’s rent for the space in question, as well as a security deposit if the terms of the lease require it.  If the aforementioned requirements are not met, no lease can be signed. If the space selected by the chapter’s General Membership is no longer available by the time these requirements have been met, another space may be selected by a subsequent vote of the General Membership.

If at any point the chapter’s monthly unrestricted income falls below 150% of the monthly cost of the chapter’s real estate commitments, the chapter’s General Membership must be informed at or before the next General Meeting. At the next General Meeting, there must be a discussion and a vote made by the General Membership on how to proceed. 

By Ash T

“The Spring Revolution is coming closer than ever!”

It’s not hard to see why so many comrades have completely lost hope in the state of the world. As we see ongoing genocides in Rojava and Palestine, many watch in horror as American bombs and money fund genocidal wars of conquest by the Turkish government and Israeli state. At the ballot box, we see the horrors of both the Biden government’s treatment of the Palestinian people and the possible future horrors that will await under a Trump presidency. The Palestinian struggle is something that is ongoing and our solidarity with the Palestinian people should be central in the coming days. 

However, this is not a call to pessimism. In fact it’s quite the opposite. One struggle goes unnoticed amongst fellow comrades that I’ve seen, and learning about it can give your average socialist something that seems too far gone on the left: hope. And you know which revolutionary struggle gives me hope? Myanmar. Myanmar, in my view, is a beacon of hope and in need of our solidarity. Their revolution against fascism and a repressive military junta is shocking the world as we speak. A group of ragtag militias, ethnic minorities, and even college students have taken up arms and are now making solid ground in the country. 

History

For some short context, Myanmar as a nation emerged out of conflict with the Japanese Empire, British, and later from themselves. In 1948, groups like the Karenni National Union and the Communist Party of Burma gained support from the country’s non-Bamar peoples. Since then, the Burmese state was ruled by various military governments, but this flared up after the 2021 Myanmar coup d’etat. After a short period of democracy under Aung San Suu Kyi, the Sit-Tat (commonly known as Tatmadaw) took power in the country. Win Myint and Aung San Suu Kyi were arrested and small elements of civil disobedience occurred with minority groups, who were most at threat when the military junta decided to oppose their existence.

The Burmese population appeared at protests across the nation in opposition to the junta, only to be gunned down on the streets. The Sit-Tat’s grip on the country is not a new sight, however, since the nation was wrecked previous to  the existence of the Tatmadaw by fascist, ultranationalist elements of the military. The problem of “Buddhist nationalism” with the Sit-Tat became a cause of  the Rohingya genocide. This is not to say that the existing government wasn’t complicit in this genocide. Aung San Syu Kyi was noted to have allowed the whole process to happen, not doing anything about the Sit-Tat’s brutal massacres. Buddhist monks in the 969 movement fanned the flames of Islamophobia, and the government used this to mandate a Buddhist nationalism and a Bamar-centric system that left minorities in the dust.

This is where the revolutionaries come in. The Burmese Revolution or the People’s Defensive War began shortly after the repression. One interesting thing as a result is the shift in politics at play in the region. After the military went on the offensive on its own people, the people of Myanmar themselves decided enough is enough and the minorities and oppressed people of Myanmar decided to take matters into their own hands.

The War

One of the enshrining unified ideologies of most people in the rebellion is the idea of federalism and democracy. Their political ideology seems to be a very big tent style organization with disgruntled minorities like the Chin and the Karenni in under one large flag. 

After scrolling and wandering and talking to various people on the Burmese side of the Internet, you see a wide array of opinions of what to do when the fascist junta is obliterated, but most agree on a democracy for all people in the nation. Looking at the military side of things, the NUG rebels are made up of various people in Burmese society. Ethnic minorities, college students, deserted soldiers, and almost every sector of Burmese society has decided to fight against the junta and strive for something better.

And they’re doing quite well at it. One video shows PDF revolutionaries being able to take a police station with AK-47s while wearing flip flops. NUG leader, Duwa Lashi La, has said that the PDF forces have made “stunning gains” in the past 3 years. A large portion of the country has decided to take up arms and fight the Sit-Tat. The fascist military junta is now overworked and dying by the hand of revolution.

It’s easy to look at the state of affairs in the world and feel depressed. But people in Myanmar are fighting an objectively good fight. The Burmese struggle needs our solidarity.

by Sara G.. 

Austin Socialist News Bulletin – March 2024

March in Austin is dominated by the juggernaut of South by Southwest. Locals familiar with the hectic influx of visitors create elaborate plans to avoid downtown. Austin DSA dove straight into the fray, working with the Austin for Palestine coalition on two weeks of protests, organizing, and, of course, great live music. The motives of this successful campaign have been previously covered. Below are other highlights from this busy month.

In the past month…

• Austin DSA member Jose Garza won an overwhelming victory for reelection as Travis County District Attorney. For four more years, we will have a class ally in office prosecuting wage theft and supporting community justice initiatives.

• With a very short turnaround time, Austin DSA organized a showcase for musicians who dropped out of official SXSW shows. The event at Double Trouble featured Enola Gay, Currls, Ardamus and Ratarue, Vera Ellen, Tetchy, Holiday Ghosts, and High As Fuck. 

• Our chapter also passed an internal resolution to re-affirm our commitment to anti-zionism, and to holding elected officials accountable if they support apartheid in Israel through actions such as voting for military spending.

• Austin Against Apartheid has successfully signed up more businesses to refuse to stock food products that contribute to the Israeli occupation of Palestine. Customers can also commit to not shop at businesses complicit in apartheid by signing the pledge.

• A group of us recently wrapped up a reading club for Class Struggle Unionism (Joe Burns, Haymarket Books) where we examined the vital role that class struggle plays in motivating real change in the workplace through productive union work. Burns, with his decades of labor activism and research, draws the line between capitalism’s need for bodies to produce goods and services, creating extreme concentrations of wealth for those at the ownership level – the “employment transaction” – and how class struggle-focused unionism can fight it. Drawing on lessons learned, and not learned, from the history of the US labor movement, Burns makes a case for union organizing driven by the belief that we must challenge the very societal power structure responsible for this inequality. He stresses the importance of confronting existing labor laws designed to undermine union progress and worker coalescence; disregarding, for instance, laws that make organized walkouts and picket lines illegal. Accomplishing this requires democratic radical efforts that connect the workers’ fight for basic needs, like fair compensation and humane regard, to a dismantling of a capitalist system dependent on worker exploitation. (credit: Vera S.)

The post Austin Socialist News Bulletin first appeared on Red Fault.

Towards a Socialist Opposition in Florida

We are pleasantly surprised by the Florida Supreme Court’s decision to approve the abortion rights ballot initiative. This is our chance to strike a small but powerful blow against the police state oppression of pregnant Floridians. We can enshrine our right to abortion in the Florida Constitution.

Pinellas and Tampa DSA will join DSA’s statewide campaign for the initiative and do all that we can to contribute. You’ll see us canvassing, fundraising, and rallying together, fighting for reproductive freedom.

No matter what happens, we will affirm the inherent right of pregnant people to defy these atrocious abortion bans. We will continue to criticize the initiative where it does not go far enough, and connect working class people with the resources they need to live free.
We will survive this fascist cruelty with our dignity intact. Together in solidarity, we will build a socialist opposition in Florida!

Join DSA today!

The post Pinellas and Tampa DSA Joint Statement appeared first on Tampa DSA.

Tonight, we continue our series of interviews with NYC- DSA’s 2024 slate of endorsed candidates and will be talking with Eon Tyrell Huntley, a retail worker, father and tenant running for Assembly District 56 in Bed Stuy and Crown Heights. 

We’ll talk to Eon about the beauty of Bed Stuy, fighting for affordable rent, standing in solidarity with Palestine despite facing AIPAC money and so much more.

To learn more about Eon: www.eonforassembly.com 

This article appeared in Issue 2 of The Northeast Tennessee Organizer.

Don’t look now, but the Johnson City Commission is engaged in a campaign to gut local democracy under the banner of “Excellence in City Government.” Johnson City is going through a crisis in affordable housing. The city is facing two lawsuits involving credible allegations of mass sexual assault and human trafficking enabled by police. In this context, the Commissioners have decided that the “excellence” referred to in their Strategic Plan for 2020-2025 means removing the voice of the people from city government.

The Commission’s Power Grab Platform of 2024, introduced for a first read at their March 21 meeting, is a slate of four proposed changes to the city charter that attack civic engagement under the guise of improved efficiency. Here’s what they are trying to do.

Ordinance 4875-24: Removing the Public from the Public Budget

Currently, the Commission has to publish two drafts of its budget plan, one during the drafting stage and another upon finalization. Under this ordinance, they would only have to publish the final version, and only a mere ten days before they vote on it. Instead of presenting our public budget as something we have a say in, the Commission wants to present it as a done deal, then pass it before regular people have time to blink.

Assistant City Manager Steve Willis and City Commissioner Joe Wise suggest it is a question of cost-savings, efficiency, and “clarity.” Doing this, they say, would save $3,500 in advertising costs. Assistant City Manager Steve Willis stated that publishing the working budget “provides no value to [the Commission] as an elected board, nor does it provide any value to our taxpayers.” At around 34:47 in the livestream video, Commissioner Wise further suggests that the public is not smart enough to understand what a first draft is.

We would ask Mr. Willis and Commissioner Wise a rather basic question about their ideas of value and efficiency: Is the people’s participation in allocating Johnson City’s $166,000,000 General Fund so little appreciated that the Commission considers a $3500 savings in ad expenditures to be of greater value? Why do the commissioners value so little the public who elected them?

You can learn a lot about someone’s values by looking at what they say is costly. What is not too costly for the Commission is its $35,000,000 debt-funded investment in the West Walnut Street project. What is too costly is spending $3500 to foster civic participation in local government. If they think the ads haven’t worked well, why aren’t they looking for better ways to build participation?

This is indeed, as Commissioner Wise hoped, a proposal that provides “clarity.” We can see clearly that the Commissioners’ vision of “Excellence in City Government” is to free the government from accountability to the people.

This ordinance received unanimous support from the Commissioners with no debate.

Ordinance 4876-24: Not Even Pretending to Listen Anymore

This ordinance would allow the Commission to pass ordinances after only a second reading, whereas the current Charter language mandates a three-read process spread out over three Commission meetings.
Here is the idea behind the three-read process.At the first read, the Commission presents the proposed ordinance to the public. The period between this and the second read gives the public time to discuss the proposal with others, do research, and formulate their responses for the public comment period that comes at the second read. Between the second and third reads, we expect the Commissioners to consider the public’s comments before they make their final vote on the ordinance, which happens at the third read.

Folding the first and second reads into a single meeting eliminates the public’s opportunity to consider the proposal before having to respond to it. The city may point to other local governments that have a two-read system. Our response: “the other kids are doing it” doesn’t make it the right thing to do. The elimination of the second read works toward the elimination of the public voice.

Is there really an opportunity to participate when agendas are released at the last minute and buried on an outdated Commission website as if by intent? Can a two-read ordinance process really allow for participation by the working people who make Johnson City run, whose schedules are determined by their employers and who must submit their time-off requests at least two weeks in advance? Is it not already difficult for people to participate in their city government?

We understand that the Commissioners are not themselves in a position to be held at another’s whim, but such conditions are a fact of life for a majority of the residents this Commission claims to serve.
This ordinance received unanimous support from the Commissioners with no debate.

Ordinance 4877-24: Undermining Good Jobs by Creating Indefinite Temp Workers

This ordinance would empower the City Manager to fill city jobs with temporary workers for periods longer than 90 days. The current Charter allows the City Manager to appoint temp workers for a period not to exceed 90 days.

Allowing the unelected City Manager greater control over vulnerable temp workers goes against democratic governance because temps can be fired more easily. This gives them less of a voice to speak up for themselves, and it also damages their ability to speak up if they see something that could hurt the public. Given the ongoing horror story involving Sean Williams and the police force, the public is not served by allowing this kind of power into the City Manager’s hands.

On top of that, keeping people as permanent temps instead of permanent hires hurts our city by undermining good jobs. All workers deserve stable jobs with decent pay and a union so they have a meaningful voice at work.

Rather than concentrating power to hire and fire in the hands of an unelected City Manager, we think such powers should be subject to review by elected officials. We strongly oppose any move that would hinder city workers’ ability to form a union.

This ordinance received unanimous support from the Commissioners with no debate.

Ordinance 4878-24: Making It More Complicated to Vote While Handing Commissioners Nearly Two More Unelected Years in Office

This ordinance would move local Johnson City elections from November, where they coincide with high-turnout state and national elections, to August, where they would coincide with county elections. To address the scheduling challenges arising from this date change, the Commissioners propose giving themselves nearly two extra years in office instead of holding a more democratic special election.
This ordinance is a one-two punch at democratic governance, where moving the elections to a lower-turnout date sets up the second blow of Commissioners extending terms without elections.

First Punch: Commissioner Joe Wise claimed it is “confusing to voters” to have some city and county elections in August and others in November. Moreover, around 42:25 in the March 21 livestream recording, Commissioner Wise acknowledges that August election turnout is historically low. His pitch is that moving the city elections to that historically low date will somehow solve the August turnout issue. Instead of supposing that moving city elections will solve August turnout, , why aren’t Commissioners talking to county officials about moving their elections to high-turnout November? After all, that’s why the Johnson City Commission moved city elections from April to November just a few years ago.

It can be challenging and costly for working-class people in our low-wage economy to find time to vote, or even to find a way to the polling station. One election in November serves regular people better than two across August and November. The City Commission’s proposal does not reckon with this at all.
Second Punch: If the Commissioners are so confident that they are delivering “Excellence in City Government,” should they not welcome the opportunity to renew their mandate? It’s nice the Commissioners all agree they are doing such a good job that two of them, along with the three that will be (re?)elected this November, deserve an extra year and nine months tacked onto their terms, but we would rather hear what the public thinks. Maybe our Commissioners believe that these extra years will allow time for the horrible events surrounding the Sean Williams lawsuit to fade from memory.

Let us not forget that Commissioner Brock has already rationalized one extended term when the Commission moved city elections from April to November in 2014. It’s certainly true that skipping elections is “easier,” particularly for certain people.

This ordinance received unanimous support from the Commissioners with no debate.

This is the Power Grab Platform of 2024. Each plank of the platform was approved unanimously, and although these are big changes, there was not a single point of debate raised by any Commissioner.

A Johnson City for the Few, or a Johnson City for All?

The Johnson City Commission is pushing a platform aimed at rolling back democracy for the people of Johnson City and grabbing more power into their own hands. They should be fostering the democratic civic engagement of all Johnson City residents. Instead, they put even more obstacles in the way of regular people.

We envision a city in which the people have a meaningful say in the city’s budgets, ordinances, appointments, and elections. We envision a city where the public authorities do what they can to expand opportunities for democratic input rather than restricting them. We envision a city that puts the well-being of all people front and center rather than serving first and foremost those with money and connections.

The Johnson City Commission finds encouraging citizens to participate in their government too costly and inefficient. If their idea of efficiency does not include actual human beings, what is it for?

Ordinances 4875-24, 4876-24, 4877-24, and 4878-24 present a combined attack on democratic city governance. So, what can we do about it?

The City Commission has to give two more public readings of these ordinances, on April 4 and April 18. City Commission meetings are at 601 East Main Street, beginning at 6:00. If the ordinances pass, amended or unamended, they must be voted on by the public in a referendum that takes place August 1.

Our next step is to get as many people as possible to show up on April 4 to testify against these ordinances. It’s a good idea to arrive early if you can.Northeast Tennessee DSA members and our allies will be there fighting for our own vision of “Excellence in City Government,” a Johnson City that centers ordinary people in public affairs rather than pushing them to the margins.

Our Commissioners still have the opportunity to do the right thing. Since they’re putting forward a platform that limits the participation of regular people, it seems more likely that regular people will have to defeat this power grab and reclaim ground for democracy by voting No on August 1.

We invite you to join us in demanding a Johnson City for All, not just the monied few.

More Links:
March 21, 2024 City Commission Agenda Packet & Meeting Video
Current City Charter

Whereas, and in line with Convention Resolutions #4 and #62 from 2019, the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) is an anti-imperialist organization;

Whereas, and in line with Convention Resolution #50 from 2019, the DSA is an anti-colonialist organization committed to advancing decolonization projects;

Whereas, and in line with Convention Resolutions #41 and #45 from 2017 and Resolutions #4 and #31 from 2021, the DSA is an anti-racist organization;

Whereas, and in line with Convention Resolutions #7&8 from 2017 and Resolution #35 from 2019, DSA National has publicly declared on numerous occasions in recent years that it “unapologetically stands in solidarity with Palestinian people everywhere;”

Whereas, Zionism – as popularized by Theodore Herzl and explicitly described by him as “something colonial,” meant to be “a wall of Europe against Asia… an outpost of [Western] civilization against [Eastern] barbarism” – is and has always been a racist, imperialist, settler-colonial project that has resulted in the ongoing death, displacement, and dehumanization of Palestinians everywhere (i.e., in Palestine and in diaspora around the world);

Whereas, the establishment of a Jewish ethnostate in Palestine (i.e., the so-called “state of Israel”) and its maintenance via ongoing and illegal occupation, apartheid and ethnic cleansing represent the culmination of Zionists’ century-long colonization of Palestine;

Whereas, and antithetical to the DSA’s contemporary principles and policies, DSA’s founding merger was heavily predicated on ensuring that the DSA would uphold DSOC’s position of supporting continued American aid for Israel’s Zionist settler-colonial project, as explicitly noted in our organization’s founding merger documents (e.g., Points of Political Unity) and by Michael Harrington himself in his autobiography;

Whereas, and antithetical to the DSA’s contemporary principles and policies, a number of DSA endorsed electeds (e.g., Jamaal Bowman & Nithya Raman) have consistently demonstrated a commitment to Zionism through their public opposition to BDS and/or support for legislation that harms Palestinians everywhere (e.g., public support for and votes in favor of U.S. financial aid to Israeli military, which forcefully advances the ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestine through systematic tactics of abuse, forcible displacement, and murder of Palestinians; governmental adoption of definitions of antisemitism that conflate anti-Zionism and antisemitism, leading to the suppression of speech of Palestinians and those in solidarity with them);

Whereas, the DSA’s historic and contemporary association with and enablement of Zionism has jeopardized DSA rank-and-file membership’s confidence in the integrity of DSA’s overall politics, as well as our organization’s working relationships with major Palestinian-led grassroots organizations across North America;

Whereas, DSA membership has overwhelmingly denounced Zionism through its stated principles and convention mandates since 2017 but has yet to articulate these newfound principles into a more coherent praxis;

Whereas, the resolution “Make DSA an Anti-Zionist Organization in Principle and Praxis” (MSR #12), failed to be heard or deliberated on at the 2023 National Convention, and there is an urgent need to address this on a chapter level;

Whereas, in failing to pass an Anti-Zionist resolution in the spirit of MSR #12, DSA is not a safe space for Palestinians and those who organize for Palestinian liberation, as evidenced by the digital and physical threats against Palestine organizers at the 2023 convention;

Therefore, be it resolved, the Tampa DSA chapter denounces the organization’s Zionist roots and reaffirms its commitment to being an anti-racist, anti-imperialist organization by explicitly committing to being an anti-Zionist chapter– in both principle and praxis;

Be it resolved, Tampa DSA once again reaffirms our organization’s commitments to Palestinian liberation and the broad, international BDS movement by conveying our expectation that all of Tampa DSA’s endorsed candidates hold true to the following basic commitments:

1. Publicly support the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement;
2. Refrain from any and all affiliation with the Israeli government or Zionist lobby groups, such as, but not limited to, AIPAC, J Street, or Democratic Majority for Israel (DMFI), including participating in political junkets or any event sponsored by these entities;
3. Pledge to oppose legislation that harms Palestinians, such as…
   • Any official adoption of a redefinition of antisemitism to include opposition to Israel’s policies or legal system, or support for BDS (e.g., IHRA definition of antisemitism);
   • Legislative and executive efforts to penalize individuals, universities and entities that boycott Israel;
   • Legislative and executive efforts to send any military or economic resources to Israel;
4. Pledge to support legislation that supports Palestinian liberation, such as…
   • Legislative and executive efforts to end Israeli apartheid and ethnic cleansing against Palestinians and promote Palestinians’ rights to return to and live freely on the land (e.g., H.R. 2590);
   • Condemnation of Israeli apartheid and colonial practices  (e.g., H.Res. 751);
   • Attempts to end the spending of U.S. tax dollars on Israel and/or sanction Israel until it ceases its practices of apartheid and colonialism;

Be it resolved, our local chapter’s candidate questionnaires will continue to include a question that inquires about the candidate’s position on BDS;

Be it resolved, potential candidates who cannot commit to the aforementioned basic expectations will be disqualified from endorsement by the Tampa DSA at every level;

Be it resolved, the Tampa DSA, in collaboration with trusted Palestine Solidarity movement partners in the grassroots (e.g., Palestinian Youth Movement) and the DSA International Committee, will provide all endorsed candidates with anti-Zionist educational materials, 1-to-1 training opportunities and ongoing, open-door counsel as needed;

Be it resolved, upon receiving fair and ample opportunity for education about the Palestinian struggle for liberation, endorsed candidates who do not commit to the aforementioned basic expectations will have their Tampa DSA endorsements swiftly revoked;

Be it resolved, Tampa DSA members – regardless of endorsement status – who are credibly shown to:

1. have consistently and publicly opposed BDS and Palestine (e.g., denouncing the BDS movement in public interviews; writing public op-eds denouncing the BDS movement; drafting and voting in favor of legislation that suppresses BDS, such as legislation that suppresses speech rights around the right to freely criticize Zionism/Israel and/or the right to boycott), even after receiving fair and ample opportunity for education about the Palestinian struggle for liberation, 
2. be currently affiliated with the Israeli government or any Zionist lobby group(s) such as, but not limited to, AIPAC, J Street, or Democratic Majority for Israel (DMFI), or
3. have provided material aid to Israel (e.g., Congresspeople voting to provide Israel with material aid; gave direct financial donations of any kind to Israel and/or settler NGOs who carry out the mission of Israeli settlement and Palestinian dispossession/displacement, such as the Jewish National Fund, the Israel Land Fund, the Hebron Fund, and Regavim)

will be considered in substantial disagreement with DSA’s principles and policies, and thus, the chapter will initiate the expulsion process in line with Article III, Section 3 of the Tampa DSA Bylaws;

Be it resolved, members expelled on these grounds may be reconsidered for membership reinstatement once per year provided they write a statement to chapter membership that 1.) demonstrates a basic understanding of Palestinian issues and Zionism and 2.) apologizes for past anti-solidaristic behaviors with a commitment to putting their new anti-Zionist principles into practice;

Be it resolved, membership reinstatement of reformed Zionists will require recommendation for reinstatement by their local chapter, followed by a majority vote in favor of reinstatement by the National Political Committee, as per the national Bylaws.

The post Resolution: For an Anti-Zionist Tampa DSA in both Principle and Practice appeared first on Tampa DSA.