“The Coulee DSA books club will begin reading Michael Parenti’s “Blackshirts and Reds” beginning Tuesday, May 25th at 7 PM. Parenti’s 1997 text is considered a classic among many on the left. Among many themes, the book explores how corporate power has embraced fascism throughout history, how historical revolutions freed populations from the forces of exploitation, the enduring power of Marxism, and the importance of class analysis in understanding and comprehending the political realities of our time. 

The Coulee DSA Book Club meets every Tuesday night at 7 PM, It doesn’t require regular attendance, so feel free to stop by or drop in and out as you have time. Reading is strongly encouraged but not required. The discussion often goes off on tangents and covers a broad array of topics, and we would love you to add your voice to the discussion! Reply to this email if you are interested in joining and we will connect you to the group. “

The post DSA book club is starting ‘Blackshirts and Reds’ first appeared on Coulee DSA.

On May 10th, 2021, the Rock Island Police Department occupied the council chambers of the city of Rock Island to intimidate the public and city council. The police, led by Executive Director Shawn Rosenlieb of the Illinois Fraternal Order of the Police and RIPD Chief Jeff VenHuizen, surrounded the back of the chamber, blocking the […]

Las Vegas Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) stands opposed to Lithium Nevada’s project to exploit the sacred land of the Fort McDermitt Paiute and Shoshone Tribe at Thacker Pass (Peehee mu’huh). We recognize the project will destroy the ecosystem and health of the earth with debilitating consequences for both the local environment and the lives of Paiute and Shoshone people. This is unconscionable and unacceptable — for environmental, feminist, and socialist reasons.

First, Thacker Pass’s destruction would lead to the poisoning of groundwater for up to 300 years by extracting the land for lithium. Marketing officials and corporate profiteers have capitalized on this form of land colonization as an adaptation to environmental concerns that rightfully condemn the empires of oil and gas built on incalculable harm to marginalized communities. Lithium enables the mass production of electric vehicles by providing a supply chain for the batteries needed to power Tesla cars.  Lithium batteries expand the capacity of auto companies to feed environmentally-conscious consumers’ demand for electric cars. Wall Street stuffed $3.5 billion into the pockets of its lithium vanguard to that end. Rather than finding new ways to generate revenue without exacerbating the destruction of ecosystems, the billionaire class has rebranded environmental degradation as environmental preservation. Thacker Pass is more than just a growth area, more than just a profit opportunity — it is a home for land, water, wildlife, hunting and gathering, and a history of harmony predating settler-colonialism. Peehee mu’huh is the refuge of ibi, a chalky rock utilized for treating ulcers, as well as toza root – an incredible anti-viral medicine. These, combined with the sagebrush used for brewing tea for respiratory illness, are pivotal in the lives of Indigenous disabled people. Lithium Nevada threatens the people of the Tribe’s access to these important items. In the words of the Nevada Statewide Native American Caucus, “greenwashing extractive industries does nothing but excuse anti-Indigenous harm.”

Lithium mining’s harm in Thacker Pass would also be deeply gendered. The epidemic of missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls, trans and two-spirit people (MMIWG2S) is a rampant crisis across Indian Country — one that has been identified as an ongoing genocide. Indigenous women are murdered at ten times the rates of other ethnicities and more than four out of five Indigenous women experience violence. More than half experience sexual violence. More often than not, this violence against Native women is perpetrated by non-Native people who take advantage of their power on stolen land. The lack of prioritization by settler governments — from the United States government to the Nevada state government — makes the actual scale of the epidemic impossible to calculate in lieu of adequate statistics, but we do know extractive industry expansion directly enables more violence against Indigenous people on their land and in their homes. As protectors wrote, “[ the destruction of Thacker Pass ] will lead to an increase in hard drugs, violence, rape, sexual assault, and human trafficking.” Lithium mining’s expansion will exponentially worsen this crisis of violence disproportionately impacting Indigenous women, trans, and two-spirit people.

Finally, we recognize lithium mining has the potential to replicate the exact same systems of colonialism that undergird white supremacist power relations on stolen land across the Western Hemisphere. Mining has always been the shock troop of colonization across the Americas. Eduardo Galeano, in his seminal Open Veins of Latin America, describes how the “installation of a mining economy had direr consequences than the fire and sword of war” (43). In the past, the mines not only displaced Indigenous people; they also contributed to the wholesale destruction of Indigenous civilizations. Argentinian historian and sociologist Sergio Bagú wrote how “hundreds of Indian sculptors, architects, engineers, and astronomers were sent into the mines along with the mass of slaves for the killing task of getting out the ore.” This brutality is one of the documented historical impacts of colonial greed for the riches of the earth on Indigenous people’s lives and livelihoods in the Americas.

The ruling classes’ desire to reap Indigenous resources has not changed. The incentive to extract by any means necessary is identical in 2021 as it was 500 years ago. As the New York Times wrote, “analysts estimate that lithium demand is going to increase tenfold before the end of this decade as Tesla, Volkswagen, General Motors and other automakers introduce dozens of electric models.” Thacker Pass was greenlit by the Trump Administration, but the Biden-Harris Administration, seeking to make the United States a leader in combating climate change, also has a vested interest in lithium extraction. Becoming a leader of lithium production would make the United States a global leader in raw materials to cut greenhouse gases by enabling green capitalism. But green capitalism is the road to green colonialism. The green capitalist perspective views stolen land and Indigenous people as necessary sacrifices for green industries and renewable energy resources. As a result of the Indigenous uprisings and socialist movements that curbed their monstrous activities across the Western Hemisphere, mining executives may not engage in the same blatant colonialist tactics of previous generations, but their actions will still profit off of the blood of people of color and minoritized communities. Demand for lithium, left unchecked, will contribute to a gold rush across the world that is detrimental to collective liberation, decolonization, and Indigenous sovereignty. Lithium mines will open in California, Oregon, Tennessee, Arkansas, North Carolina; lithium mines will then become the political capital of far-right forces in Bolivia, home to Salar de Uyuni, which holds half to two-thirds of all lithium in the earth. A country led by Movimiento al Socialismo, a mass party of Indigenous and socialist interests across society, will be identified by Wall Street as the linchpin of the future of capitalism — setting the scene for an unprecedented force for intervention by imperialists in Bolivia.

Lithium mining, at face value, seems like an acceptable alternative to traditional extraction. There can be nothing further from the truth. Lithium extraction at Peehee mu’huh would lead to horrifying consequences for the land and its people, the Fort McDermitt Paiute and Shoshone Tribe. Extraction will destroy the groundwater and Native medicinal ingredients vital for disabled people, as well as lead to even worse violence against Indigenous women, girls, trans and two-spirit people. It will fuel a capitalist scramble across the world, which will lead to new forms of colonialism. Lithium Americas, their pockets lined with Wall Street gold, hover over Paiute and Shoshone land like vultures of death. We must take a stand. We must fight under the leadership of the Indigenous protectors whose lives and livelihoods are directly threatened by extractivism.

We call on all comrades to support Indigenous land and water protectors. If you can, go to Thacker Pass. If you cannot put your body on the line at Peehee mu’huh, contribute to the People of Red Mountain to help pay for travel expenses, legal costs, and media outreach. If you cannot contribute funds, then share the People of Red Mountain’s petition widely in your own social circles. We must take a stand now at Thacker Pass for the sake of justice, both in the present and in the future, to halt the lithium rush in its tracks.

On February 1, 2021 Aung San Suu Kyi, the state counselor of Myanmar was removed from office by the Tatmadaw, the armed forces of Myanmar. Her ouster followed the Myanmar national election in November 2020 in which Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, won 60% of the vote and an outright majority in both chambers of the Burmese legislature. Suu Kyi was first elected to serve as Myanmar’s state counselor — a position created to allow her to constitutionally serve as Myanmar’s de facto head of state — in 2015, when the National League for Democracy won the national election by similar margins to the election they won in November. The Tatmadaw has held Suu Kyi and her close political ally President U Win Myint at an undisclosed location. They are both due to stand a secret trial on obscure procedural charges (Suu Kyi has been accused of using unregistered walkie talkies, which if convicted could lead to up to six years in prison.)^[2] the coup is ongoing but the story of Myanmar, the Tatmadaw, the National League for Democracy, and indeed Aung San Suu Kyi herself is far more extensive, and is important for understanding the situation in Myanmar and what it means for the rest of the world.

In 1948 Myanmar, then called Burma, gained independence from the United Kingdom. After over a decade of political instability the elected government was overthrown by a military coup in 1962.^[9] The newly-reigning Tatmadaw under the leadership of Ne Win suspended the constitution, banned all political parties, and presented a state development plan that rejected both western values and Maoist influences in favor of a new flavor of Burmese nationalism.^[1][23][24] The institutional power of the military remained until 1988 when a national uprising weakened the military’s control of government. Subsequently the military renamed the country to “Myanmar,” cracked down on suspected communists and formed the State Peace and Development Council, through which the Tatmadaw could continue to control the country.^[4]

The 1990 general election, the first multi-party election in the country since 1960, saw an overwhelming victory for the newly formed National League for Democracy. The ruling council refused to recognize the election results and imprisoned several NLD leaders, among them their chief candidate Aung San Suu Kyi.^[4]

Aung San Suu Kyi was born the youngest daughter of Aung San, Myanmar’s foremost independence leader. Though she spent much of her life pursuing education at Oxford and other UK institutions she returned to Myanmar in 1988 in time for the mass uprisings. She along with several others founded the NLD. Suu Kyi was placed under house arrest in 1989 during the campaign, and would remain under house arrest for 15 of the following 21 years. In 1991 she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for “her non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights.” In 2010, the Myanmar military government, under intense international pressure released Suu Kyi from house arrest just after Myanmar’s 2010 general election, which the NLD boycotted over concerns of election fairness. In 2015, after years of being blocked from holding national office, Suu Kyi was elected president of Myanmar in a landslide victory.^[12]

However Suu Kyi’s long-awaited presidency would be punctuated by much of the same violence and military control. Most prominently Suu Kyi’s government presided over a deadly multi-year military campaign to extirpate Myanmar’s minority Rohingya Muslim population.^[5] During the campaign the Tatmadaw was accused of extra-judicial killings and assaults, as well as burning Rohingya villages in Rakhine state.^[7] A UN report from 2018 estimated 25,000 Rohingya people were killed by the Burmese military, and another 700,000 were forced to flee across the border into Bangladesh.^[11] Suu Kyi’s government defended the campaign of ethnic cleansing calling it a campaign against terrorist insurgents and accused the media of spreading misinformation about the campaign. Furthermore Suu Kyi defended the Tatmadaw in 2019 at an International Court of Justice hearing, claiming again the campaign was merely a counterinsurgency effort against Rohingya nationalist paramilitaries. The hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees created was, in Suu Kyi’s opinion, an unavoidable byproduct of the campaign.^[13]

And despite all of Suu Kyi’s efforts to defend the Tatmadaw around globe, and despite her affording them limitless freedom to pursue ethnic violence and genocide, she is now their prisoner and may very well be their prisoner indefinitely. Suu Kyi finds herself now in the same position she was in for many years, a prisoner of the Burmese military regime. Except this time she is much older, and has the blood of millions of innocents on her hands. No longer is she the tragic persecuted saint that western media portrayed her to be prior to 2015.^[6] Instead she is now just another fallen despot haunted by a legacy of ethnic violence. Suu Kyi finds herself now compared to Henry Kissinger, Barack Obama, Shimon Peres, Juan Manuel Santos, and other violent warmongers who somehow possess a Nobel Peace Prize.^[10]

Neither Suu Kyi nor the National League for Democracy ever intended to radically restructure the Burmese government upon their assumption into power. Suu Kyi’s campaign frequently called for talks with the fascistic Tatmadaw leaders, calling for procedural solutions to allow the Tatmadaw to continue to exist alongside a democratic Myanmar.^[14] In her political campaigns Suu Kyi made the same twofold mistake that liberals frequently do when seeking power. Firstly, she fails to consider that procedural changes inevitably become insubstantial as long as the powers seeking to maintain the status quo can dictate those procedures. Secondly and most critically, she fails to recognize that fascists never allow themselves to share or democratize power even if it partially adheres to their immediate wants. Fascism’s goals require the consolidation of all available power, as it is designed specifically to prevent the same parliamentary democracy that Suu Kyi is trying to establish.

But the consequences of Suu Kyi’s strategic and moral failings are not hers alone. The Rohingya Muslims remain a persecuted people, unwelcome in their homes in Myanmar, Bangladesh, India, and Thailand.^[8] Earlier this year Bangladesh began forcibly relocating Rohingya refugees inside the country just before fires devastated the existing Rohingya refugee camps.^[15][18] The Rohingya are a stateless people, without a permanent home continually shuffled around by governments who see their lives and humanity as problems. Suu Kyi’s complicity (and yes, active participation) in the Tatmadaw’s Rohingya genocide denies the Rohingya people what they need most: a home where they can be accepted and welcomed as equals.

Since the coup this past February the people of Myanmar have protested fiercely against the return of the military regime.^[3] The military has responded to the protests with a violent crackdown, including multiple instances of violence against civilian protesters that have left dozens dead.^[16][20] More generally the Burmese police have taken to dispersing protests with rubber bullets, tear gas, and water cannons as people demand the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and other civilian leaders.^[19] If Suu Kyi’s responsibility as an elected leader in a fascistic military police state was to disempower and deconstruct the oppressive force, then she was, during her time in power, woefully derelict in this duty. Suu Kyi did not attempt to, while in power, remove the military’s constitutional protections, remove their representatives from national government, nor have military leaders tried in national (or international) courts. Her failure to properly disempower fascism is the failure of institutional liberalism around the world, both in ideology and practice. But the consequences of this failure are shared by people around the globe who suffer the brunt of fascism’s brutality.

Commensurate with this failure is the international reaction to February’s coup which amounts to little more than a resounding shrug. Governments around the globe have responded with statements either expressing concern for, or condemning the coup attempt. A UN security emergency meeting held in February could not produce a resolution urging the “restoration of democracy” in Myanmar.^[17] The most severe international reactions to the Myanmar coup come from New Zealand, which has suspended international relations with Myanmar,^[21] and the United States which has imposed new sanctions on coup leaders^[22] (and I encourage you to read Tony’s excellent piece on why sanctions will not work). The unfortunate truth is that the international community cannot help so long as its membership (and yes, this includes western liberal democracies) is complicit in many of the same crimes and abuses perpetrated by the government of Myanmar. Only by understanding how fascism operates and draws strength, and empowering people, not national leaders, can we begin the destruction of fascist institutions and protect the people most harmed by its abuses.

References

1. https://newint.org/features/2008/04/18/history – A somewhat simplified history of Myanmar post-independence
2. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-55902070 – The BBC’s summary of the coup in Myanmar and subsequent events.
3. https://www.nytimes.com/article/myanmar-news-protests-coup.html – The New York Times’ summary of protests in Myanmar since February 1.
4. https://www.npr.org/2013/08/08/210233784/timeline-myanmars-8-8-88-uprising
5. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-41566561 – A NPR timeline summary of the 1988 protests in Myanmar which catapulted Aung San Suu Kyi to power.
6. https://www.marxist.com/myanmar-saint-aung-san-suu-kyi-and-the-hypocrisy-of-imperialism.htm – A Marxist perspective on Aung San Suu Kyi’s participation in the Rohingya genocide as well as her denials at the ICJ. (see afterword)
7. https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2017/09/07/burm-s07.html – A recounting of the Burmese military’s actions against the Rohingya people
8. https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2017/09/09/rohi-s09.html – India and Bangladesh’s support for Myanmar throughout the Rohingya genocide
9. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/myanmar-history-coup-military-rule-ethnic-conflict-rohingya – A history of the military rule in Myanmar
10. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/oct/01/the-nobel-peace-prize-is-a-whos-who-of-hawks-hawks-hypocrites-and-war-criminals – Opinion piece about Nobel Prize winners complicit in war crimes
11. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/aug/27/myanmars-military-accused-of-genocide-by-damning-un-report – UN report about the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar
12. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/10/02/what-happened-to-myanmars-human-rights-icon – A long form profile of Aung San Suu Kyi’s fall from grace, with both Burmese and Rohingya perspectives on the military campaign.
13. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/dec/11/aung-san-suu-kyi-tells-icj-myanmar-genocide-claims-factually-misleading – Aung San Suu Kyi’s testimony to the ICJ
14. https://web.archive.org/web/20140517165917/http://www.cbc.ca/news/world/suu-kyi-calls-for-talks-with-junta-leader-1.895078 – Recounting of Aung San Suu Kyi’s strategy with respect of the Tatmadaw government back in 2014
15. https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2021/02/04/rohi-f04.html – Bangladesh’s relocation of the Rohingya people
16. https://www.independent.ie/world-news/asia-pacific/myanmar-police-attack-medics-in-crackdown-on-coup-protesters-40161221.html – Reports of police attacking medics in Burmese protests
17. https://www.gulftoday.ae/news/2021/02/03/unsc-takes-no-action-on-coup-in-myanmar – Report of the UN taking no official action on the Myanmar coup
18. https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2021/03/25/pers-m25.html – A report of the fires in the Rohingya encampments in Bangladesh and perspective about anti-Rohingya sentiment throughout South Asia
19. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-55991210 – Reports of police using lethal force in dispersing anti-military protests
20. https://web.archive.org/web/20210220233737/https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/two-civilians-killed-myanmar-security-forces-mandalay.html – Reports of civilians killed by police forces in Myanmar
21. https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/world/new-zealand-suspends-ties-with-myanmar–to-ban-visits-from-military-leaders-14144806 – New Zealand cuts off diplomatic ties with Myanmar after the coup
22. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-myanmar-politics-idUSKBN2AA2OF – The Biden administration announces sanctions against coup leaders
23. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3023680?seq=3#metadata_info_tab_contents – An academic article from 1963 dissecting Ne Win’s “Burmese Way to Socialism” plan
24. https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/guest-column/china-myanmar-no-interference.html – An article detailing the history of the coup government’s squabbles with the PRC. (Be cautious though, this one can get a little propagandistic)

In the past week, the state of Israel has escalated its violence against Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Israel is expelling Palestinian families in Jerusalem’s Sheikh Jarrah and Silwan neighborhoods to make way for more Jewish settlers. When Palestinians protested these expulsions, Israeli police responded with violent repression, including attacks on Arab worshippers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque during prayers nearing the end of the month of Ramadan. In Gaza, an Israeli bombing campaign has so far killed 103 Palestinians, including 27 children, and injured over 500 more. Israeli street mobs chant “death to Arabs.”^[1]

This violence is not new to the Palestinian people. May 15, 2021, marks the 73rd anniversary of Nakba Day, commemorating the Zionist expulsion of Palestinians from their homes. The Nakba began in 1948 when Zionist paramilitary groups launched an ethnic cleansing operation, killing 107 Palestinian Arabs in the Deir Yassin Massacre, including women and children. Zionist forces carried out other atrocities, displaced 700,000 Palestinians from their homes, emptied 400 villages and cities, and left tens of thousands of Palestinians dead.

This is how the Jewish state of Israel was created.

To Palestinians, the Nakba never ended. For decades, Israel has violated international law by creating hundreds of illegal settler colonies in the occupied territories of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Israel has restricted Palestinians’ freedom of movement in the West Bank, and with the Gaza blockade, trapped 2 million people in an open air prison. Israel has created a system of apartheid: systematic discrimination and separation on the basis of ethnicity.

We, the Silicon Valley Chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, condemn these continuing acts of ethnic cleansing and violence, and we stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people. We reject the media narrative of calling these atrocities “clashes” and “conflicts”, creating a false equivalence between a U.S.-backed settler colonial state and those they have dispossessed and violently oppressed for decades. We support the right of Palestinians under occupation to defend themselves from Israeli violence. We support the anti-racist Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign initiated by Palestinian civil society in 2005 to end Israeli apartheid, and call for an end to U.S. aid to Israel.

As socialists, we must fight racism and all forms of injustice, both at home and abroad. Removing Palestinians and denying their right of return is an act of deep injustice even in times without violent conflict. We understand the fight for Palestinian rights as part of the human struggle against capitalism, imperialism, and all forms of oppression. Palestinian liberation is our liberation too; until all of us are free, none of us is free.

Silicon Valley DSA invites community members to show support for the Palestinian people:

• Saturday, May 15 at 11am. 20th Annual Palestinian Cultural Day. 70 W Hedding, St. San Jose.
• Saturday, May 15 at 2pm. Rally for Palestinian Liberation – Palestine Action Network. Valencia and 16th in the Mission, San Francisco.
• Sunday, May 16 at 6 pm. Join us to Protest for Palestine at San Jose City Hall.

---

See also:

• National DSA Statement

Endnotes:

1. Chanting “Death to Arabs,” Israeli Mobs Attack Arab-Owned Businesses and Assault Driver

The post Silicon Valley DSA Stands in Solidarity with Palestinians appeared first on Silicon Valley DSA.

How would your life change if you no longer had to worry about healthcare? Maybe you would quit that job you hate and start a business, or work part-time so you could spend more time with your kids. Maybe you could finally get that dental work you have been putting off, or use the money you save on insurance premiums to pay off debt.

We say “healthcare is a human right” because it is a moral and practical imperative to ensuring people can live lives of value, and because providing it would eliminate unnecessary suffering in all our communities. Ensuring universally accessible healthcare would literally SAVE LIVES.

Just as importantly, it would break the shackles that our current for-profit healthcare system places on average Americans. In the “freest nation in the world”, many of us are beholden to jobs we hate, working long hours to pay up to a third of our income for insurance (if we are lucky enough to have it), never able to reach the financial or life goals we set for ourselves. A universal, single-payer healthcare system will open up opportunities for the average American. It will give everyone more flexibility in employment, prevent crippling medical debt, and ensure care to marginalized populations.

Right now in Wisconsin we have an opportunity to take a step closer to this goal, by accepting federal Medicaid expansion funding and using it to expand the WI BadgerCare program to cover those making between 0-138% of the poverty line. This would provide affordable healthcare to an additional 91,000 Wisconsinites, while saving our state approximately $630 million in taxes. While Governor Evers has proposed this expansion in his biennial budget, our legislature does not currently support accepting these federal funds.

Coulee DSA is fighting in coalition with other groups across the state to demand the WI legislature include BadgerCare expansion in their next budget. You can help by reaching out to your local legislator to let them know you support this legislation or by helping CDSA spread the word at our upcoming canvassing events in Viroqua.

Coulee DSA’s Health Care Justice working group meets every other Wednesday at 7 PM. Contact us at couleedsa@gmail.com if you are interested in learning more or joining up.

The post Demand BadgerCare Expansion Now! first appeared on Coulee DSA.

Do we live in a secular age? Is capitalism a religion? In this episode, Stephen Crouch asks author and professor Eugene McCarraher about the "misenchanted" qualities of capitalist society. Dr. McCarraher is the author of the 800-page tome entitled, Enchantments of Mammon: How Capitalism Became the Religion of Modernity (2019). During the episode, Dr. McCarraher discusses the shortcomings of Marxism and the Protestant work ethic, and suggests a better path forward through the anti-capitalist Romantic tradition with its "enchanted" view of the world. Dr. Eugene McCarraher is a Professor of Humanities and History at Villanova University and the author of Christian Critics: Religion and the Impasse in Modern American Social Thought. He has written for Dissent and The Nation and contributes regularly to Commonweal, The Hedgehog Review, and Raritan. His recent work, The Enchantments of Mammon: How Capitalism Became the Religion of Modernity, was supported by fellowships from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the American Council of Learned Societies.

Resources listed include magazines, publishers, podcasts and other project that should to educate you in organizing, theory, and history. Outlets Democratic Left : A Publication of Democratic Socialists of America […]

This weekend, OCRA coalition partners and comrades, namely OKC DSA, For The People OK (FTP), Autonomous Brown Berets of Oklahoma (ABB), Student Socialist League OK (SSL), and Scissortail Defense Network […]

Did you know that Coulee DSA has a book club? It started shortly before Covid hit, and currently meets online every Tuesday night at 7 PM. The group discusses books, articles, and essays, as well as podcasts and documentaries. Next Tuesday, 5/11, is a great time to join as the group is starting a new book, Before The Next Bomb Drops: Rising Up from Brooklyn to Palestine by Remi Kanazi.

The group doesn’t require regular attendance, so feel free to stop by or drop in and out as you have time. Reading is strongly encouraged but not required. The discussion often goes off on tangents and covers a broad array of topics, and we would love you add your voice to the discussion! Reply to this email if you are interested in joining, and we will connect you to the group.

The post DSA Book Club’s Next Read – Before The Next Bomb Drops first appeared on Coulee DSA.