California DSA’s top priorities include electoral work, labor support, and housing. There are no doubt other priorities we could establish. Late capitalism provides us with plenty of opportunities to fight against various forms of social injustice, and many of our members across the twenty chapters of the state are involved with important struggles addressing structural racism, imperialist aggression, and ecocide—in other words, for equality, a sane international policy, and ameliorating the climate crisis by moving to a sustainable green economy. But within the limited resources of an all-volunteer state organization, these are the current designated areas, as voted on by our state council. 

The ARCH campaign (see Michael Lighty’s article in this issue of California Red) involves all three priorities. It is focused on changing the position of renters for the better through the state ballot, and its component parts (Propositions 5 and 33) are backed by a number of progressive unions, within a broad community-based coalition. 

At the local level, California Red would like to highlight four other DSA-backed campaigns: one each in the East Bay and Los Angeles, and two in San Francisco. As we approach the November elections we will continue to follow these and other local DSA campaign developments. 

DSA-LA Canvasses for Ysabel Jurado

We have launched and cleared the tower! DSA-LA had its official Ysabel Jurado general election canvass launch on July 14th in Eagle Rock, and it was a great start to the campaign. There was plenty of enthusiasm from our volunteers as they carried the energy of success from the primary into the general election campaign. The response from Eagle Rock residents in this initial canvass was equally enthusiastic for a Ysabel win because she is for the things they care about such as expanding affordable housing, ending homelessness, and tackling the climate crisis, to name a few. 

Still, we can’t let up and we have no intention of doing so. Each week, we will be phone banking to gather volunteers for that weekend’s canvass, and on the weekends, we will be knocking on doors reminding people that success in the primary is great, but success in the general is even better. So please join the Ysabel Jurado mailing list if you want to get involved. Here is the link for that. 

Shelby, a volunteer for the campaign, had this to say as to why she gives up some of her free time to support Ysabel: “Ysabel is an opportunity to be represented by someone who truly wants better for the district and has a clear plan to do so. With her background as a tenant rights attorney, I know she will work to establish much needed protection for renters. She cares about the community because she is an active member of the community, which we need more of in city hall.”

In order to help foster volunteer enthusiasm, we will soon be handing out nifty Ysabel campaign zines that will keep track of each person’s contribution of time and energy to the campaign. Besides being cool on their own, there will also be a prize at the end of the campaign for the person who contributes the most.

But we are getting ahead of ourselves. The end is months away, and we are making each week count because that is how we get a win for Ysabel Jurado. 

If you want to donate to this incredible campaign, please go to Ysabel’s website and donate. 

San Francisco: Preston and Fielder
San Francisco DSA members are mobilizing to secure seats on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors for two of their own. Dean Preston and Jackie Fielder, both endorsed by the chapter, are running as proud democratic socialists on bold platforms.

Dean Preston, seeking re-election in District 5, faces deep-pocketed opposition, including most publicly from Elon Musk. During his time in office, Dean has successfully taxed extreme wealth to fund affordable housing and rent relief, prevented tens of thousands of evictions, restored Muni lines and championed Free Muni for Youth, and more. 

In his vision for the next four years, Dean plans to launch a public bank to invest in small businesses, affordable housing, and green infrastructure. Bernie Sanders has thrown his weight behind Dean, stating in his endorsement: “We need bold leaders like Dean Preston in every state, at all levels of government.”

To volunteer click here 

To donate click here

Jackie Fielder, running for District 9 supervisor, is a Democratic Socialist, renter, water protector, and climate advocate who is dedicated to social housing, community safety, and a public bank. San Francisco DSA is excited to be backing her campaign, which promises to double the number of socialists in office on San Francisco's Board of Supervisors come November!

To volunteer click here
To donate click here

In addition to DSA SF, Fielder and Preston are backed by a strong coalition of unions and progressive community organizations. The chapter has been campaigning hard, making calls and knocking on doors on a weekly basis. The electoral campaigns have focused on building new chapter leaders and organizing new members. While SF DSA knows that electoral victories alone will not bring us to socialism, they view these campaigns as important ways to bring people into our movement and win meaningful reforms for working people.

PHOTO: Campaign kickoff for Dean Preston. March 24, 2024

Jovanka Beckles for State Senate, District 7

East Bay DSA member Jovanka Beckles is running for State Senate in District 7, encompassing a broad swath of the East Bay through Oakland, Berkeley and Richmond. A former member of the Richmond City Council, Beckles is a leader in the fight organized by the Richmond Progressive Alliance against Chevron’s company town platform for profits over people. She is currently serving on the Alameda County Transit District Board of Directors.  If elected, Jovanka would be the only current DSA member to hold a state-level office in California. 

She is running on a broad platform of working class issues, including paid time off work for mothers, free early childcare, and women’s reproductive rights. Jovanka is fighting for fair wages, workplace power, and reforming Prop 13. She is a champion of quality public health care, transit and education, and demands services such as these to be free to all. She also calls for a Green New Deal for the East Bay. 

These commitments have earned her recent endorsements from two major California unions: Service Employees State Council and the California Teachers Association. They join a growing host of labor and community groups determined to stop the corporate-funded juggernaut of apostate Berkeley mayor Jesse Arreguin, who is backed by mega-dollars from Lyft and Uber and wealthy real estate interests against Beckles for the District 7 seat.   

With East Bay DSA scheduling canvasses and other events, Beckles has already anchored a ‘Divest from Apartheid’ campaign kickoff in mid-June, attended by dozens of EBDSA members and pro-Palestinian liberation organization activists.  On July 14 the chapter organized the first of four canvasses for Jovanka; the next one will be on August 24.  

• Click here for details.

• Click here to donate. 

• Click here to volunteer.  

If you are in Los Angeles, San Francisco or the East Bay, volunteer to help these DSA-endorsed campaigns. If you are elsewhere in the state, you can still help out by donating to the campaigns at the links above. Don’t let this opportunity to bring democratic socialists into public office pass you by. Watch future issues of California Red for updates and other DSA-backed campaigns.

---

Thank you to Dan L. from DSA-LA for contributing to this piece

San Francisco Reds: Communists in the Bay Area, 1919-1958

By Robert W. Cherny, University of Illinois Press, 2024

San Francisco Reds: Communists in the Bay Area, 1919-1958 is the third book by Robert W. Cherny published within a seven year span covering left labor San Francisco in the twentieth century. The first two, Harry Bridges: Labor Radical, Labor Legend (2022) and Victor Arnautoff and the Politics of Art (2017) are biographies with a strong emphasis on their subjects’ relationships with the CPUSA.  In San Francisco Reds Cherny documents the party itself, from its founding during the post-World War I Red Scare, through the glory years of the Popular Front in the 1930s and 40s, and on into its decline under unrelenting attack during the McCarthy era. 

Beyond its firm grasp of Communist activities and policy within the Bay Area’s political culture, against the backdrop of the Party’s national and international contexts, the book’s strength is its focus on several dozen individuals, for whom Cherny provides capsule biographies, tracking their lives and involvements with the party and with various social movements it supported over several decades. 

As with the previous books, the scholarly research is impressive and meticulous. Mostly relying on primary sources (archival and oral history interviews, many conducted by Cherny himself) the author also casts a wide net on secondary sources, leaning especially on California Red, longtime CPUSA leader Dorothy Ray Healey’s as-told-to memoir with Maurice Isserman. It is worth noting the lines of continuity here, as Healey (Old Left) and Isserman (New Left) were early leaders of DSA as well. 

Cherny portrays both leaders and rank and file Communists as they attempt to mold a “Soviet America” and find their way through the often treacherous thickets of policy changes and reversals mostly ordered from on high in the Communist International via the leadership of the CPUSA.  But this isn’t a story about robots and their masters (although there is some of that). Thanks to the portraits, it’s a history of passionate and mostly well-meaning people, many of whom develop tremendous organizing talents and energies, doing their best to make a better world by fighting fascism and racism, building unions, and running electoral campaigns

There’s Bill Bailey, who got himself beaten badly after sneaking aboard a German ship docked in the New York harbor in 1936 to tear down the Nazi flag it was flying. There are the young women like Caroline Decker and Dorothy Ray Healey who as teenagers moved from organizing unemployed demonstrations in the cities to the central valley fields to support strikes of farmworkers. There’s Sam Darcy, the district CP organizer who, believing his own eyes instead of the Comintern’s directives, moved decisively out of Third Period sectarianism and abstention from AFL unions to help seed west coast maritime organizing before, during and after the 1934 San Francisco General Strike. 

San Francisco Reds serves as a cautionary tale for socialists who would build a mass left wing party in the USA today, with parts reading like commentary on contemporary tasks. 

The story of the CPUSA—like that of the Socialist Party before it—makes clear that the dominant organization on the left invariably has fissures and fault lines, consciously exploited by the security apparatuses of the capitalist state to sow suspicion and dissension and weaken the potential for united action. Cherny also demonstrates how those splits are unconsciously exacerbated by members who find fighting one another more compelling than seeking points of common interest and fighting capital. 

The infiltration of the Black Panther Party in the 1970s by COINTELPRO FBI disruption? Been there and done that in the CP throughout its earlier history. It’s hard to say, though, whether the worst enemy of the party was the government and ruling class, or at times itself.  

The Party was in a tough spot as the Cold War progressed. The dire conditions of Depression and war that had fueled its earlier growth had given way to prosperity, even to the extent of some dispersal of profits to the working class. Between the undeniably better conditions (less so for non-whites), the multi-pronged legal, undercover and political attacks on the party in the McCarthy era, bitter infighting among factions, and the Khruschev revelations about the murderous Stalin era in the Soviet Union, underscored by the invasion of Hungary, the organization collapsed. 

The CPUSA lost half of its membership (from 75,000 to 37,000) between 1947 and 1950; two thirds of what remained dropped away within a year of the 1956 double whammy. 

Cherny gives short shrift to other organizations on the left. He mentions Joseph James and C. L. Dellums in connection with the fight to integrate the Boilermakers union at Marinship during World War II, but doesn’t note their Socialist Party membership. Ray Thompson, a leader in the East Bay in another site of the struggle, is given the full nod as a Communist. 

His description of the Smith Act prosecutions in the 1950s tells us that Communist maritime union leader Al Lannon, “among the first Smith Act defendants…served two years in prison.” The Smith Act, later found unconstitutional, was passed in 1940, and its first victims, in 1941, were Trotskyist leaders in the Minneapolis Teamsters union—an outcome cheered on at the time by the CP. 

We find the occasional moment of dry humor here and there in San Francisco Reds. The last section of the book resembles the documentary movie trope where we see as the credits roll what happened to the central characters after the period described in the film ends. Cherny shows us that most of the activists who dropped out of the party continued to fight for social justice in other ways later in their lives. In detailing the later activities of a prominent left wing law firm, he tells us that “Hillary Rodham spent the summer of 1971 as an intern at Truehaft and Walker but was apparently not radicalized.”

Like Isserman does at length in his If I had a Hammer, the latter portion of San Francisco Reds explores in brief the baton being handed off from one generation to the next of the left. In recounting the story of the House UnAmerican Activities Committee hearings in the late fifties and 1960, we see how much the famed free speech struggle at UC Berkeley and less well-known sit-in battles to integrate employment in the hotel and auto sales sectors of San Francisco’s economy relied on children of the Old Left stepping up. The party’s legacy was a mixed bag. But the values it championed, however poorly, did not die with it. 

The June mini-issue of California Red noted that we have been bringing you the state’s democratic socialist news for a year now, and we felt it was important to get direct feedback from you, our readers on how we are doing. Forty-six of you took the time to fill in the survey (thank you!). Here are the results, listed by percentage of responses.  

Of the survey respondents, 54% read CR every month; 39% read it occasionally; and 6% rarely or never read it. 25% read one article or less; 48% read a few articles; and 26% read most or all of the articles.

How often do readers read CA Red?

---

How many articles are read per issue?

The category of article liked best is local DSA chapter news (a third), followed by political opinion pieces (22%), with labor and California DSA news tied at 17%, and book or movie reviews trailing at 7%. 

What type of articles do readers prefer?

In open-ended responses, you said that what you liked best about CR was hearing about the work of other chapters in the state, learning about California DSA State Council activities and decisions, its graphic design, and how thoughtful the articles were. 

The question asking what you liked least mostly received comments like “It’s good” or “No complaints”; of the few criticisms received, we got one requesting more Palestine movement coverage; another asking for greater frequency of publication; and one wanting news from more chapters.

In terms of what we could do to improve, we got a suggestion to expand to multi-media; publish a print version; deliver more in-depth pieces; hold more debates; tell how chapters are accepting California DSA goals; and integrate with national DSA communications. 

Our call for more authors got eight responses from readers willing to contribute articles. You will be hearing from them in the near future.

The all-volunteer team of California Red thanks the respondents for their thoughtful answers, and for our readers’ continued interest in the only regular democratic socialist news publication devoted to coverage of the Golden State. 

Joe Biden has long been a warmonger and a perpetrator of genocide, a shill for corporations, an enemy of immigrants and the environment, and a failure to the working class. He has earned a disgraceful end to his career.

While Biden’s departure from the presidential race today improves the chances that we may avoid a Trump presidency, whoever the Democratic nominee is will undoubtedly fall short of what the working class deserves.

More Americans are becoming painfully aware that the leadership of the Democratic Party is completely unprepared to fight the far right with the ferocity required. Democratic insiders admitted recently that Biden was only anointed in 2020 not because he could beat Trump, but because they wanted to beat the overwhelmingly popular democratic socialist candidate Bernie Sanders.

Since becoming president, Biden has taken every opportunity to ruin his chances of reelection. Most notably, he continues to fund and actively support Israel’s horrific genocide of Palestinians in Gaza, tanking his popularity among young voters. He has offered zero vision for the future other than “Nothing will fundamentally change”—and as social and economic conditions get worse, we see that even that was a lie.

Neither major party has a vision that serves the working class. We need a serious alternative to the Republican Party’s proto-fascism and war on unions, immigrants, women and transgender people, and democracy itself—and an alternative to the Democratic Party’s complicity.

We need a new party that represents a mass movement of everyday people who want to stand up and fight for a world that’s free of war, bigotry, and corporate exploitation. We deserve a party that will champion worker power, fight for liberation and dignity for all people, end the climate crisis, and create universal programs like public housing, free college, and Medicare for All.

Join DSA to build that party with us.

Tune into our public call on Tuesday, July 23rd at 9pm Eastern, 6pm Pacific to learn more about how you can join DSA and build a future that works for the many, not the few. RSVP: dsausa.us/goodbyebiden

The post Statement on the End of Joe Biden’s Presidential Campaign appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).

By Travis Covitz

As Rochester enters its second Pride Month, it is an appropriate time to ask: what is the political state of Queer Rochester? 

I was one of the individuals interviewed in a recent Guardian article that declared Rochester is a ‘safe haven’ for transgender people. Since then, I have had many conversations with queer and trans leftists in Rochester, who all have different perspectives on the nature and politics of our local queer community. I have shared drinks with liberal gay folks, and gained insight into their moderate lens of the state of Queer Rochester. My value of preserving queer history has also inspired me to seek out the long-term community activists, who have taught me some of the information necessary to understand the current context of queer politics in Rochester. This context is one of many clusters that do not form a larger matrix—Queer Rochester lacks unity as a coherent political class.

Even if it was fair to call New York a ‘safe haven’ in 2023, this year has proven how that status is not a guarantee. In Nassau County, the County Executive attempted to ban transgender students from participating in school sports. The GIRDS Act (“Gender Identity Respect, Dignity, and Safety Act”), which would protect incarcerated transgender New Yorkers, failed to reach the State Senate floor during the most recent legislative session. The New York State Representative for nearby Livingston County, Marjorie Byrne, led a legal challenge to the Equal Rights Amendment (“ERA”) which will be on New York ballots this fall. The ERA would expand anti-discrimination protections to protect women, queer people, disabled people, and those exercising their reproductive rights. Here in Rochester, the Phelps Avenue Shelter—the only homeless shelter in our area for LGBT+ adults—closed, and a frightening homophobic hate crime recently occurred on Monroe Avenue. Of these stories, the hate crime received the most local news coverage. The political assaults have been left relatively invisible by the local Rochester media.

Fortunately, courts have overturned the transphobic decisions from Nassau County’s Executive and State Supreme Court Justice Daniel Doyle, who ruled in favor of Rep. Byrne. But the fact remains that queer Rochesterians cannot allow ourselves to be lulled into a false sense of safety. The referendum was challenged by a legislator in our own backyard. Rhetoric of queer people as ‘groomers’ has reached the Pittsford government as seen in their attacks on drag performance. Parents in local school districts have been fighting against the normalization and acceptance of transgender students. Several Black queer people in Rochester have died in the past year, and the family of Davon Davis—a Black trans man killed in Brighton in 2022—continues to be failed by Monroe County. 

Queer Rochester is divided by a legacy of white chauvinism and neoliberal gays abandoning the needs of working-class, homeless, Black, and brown members of the Rochester queer community. Assimilation and mere acceptance of gay existence has muted the ability of the Rochester queer community to see how queer rights are linked to issues of policing, capitalism, and more. Meanwhile, the Rochester Left—including Roc DSA—has seen the power of political education and getting the masses to understand the interconnected nature of social issues in winning multiple local campaigns. The Ceasefire Resolution, the No BID Campaign, the Pause on the Reassessment, and the Housing Vacancy Study had joint press conferences as well as residents at Speak to Council who came with their own cause that then shared support for the other campaigns. This was incredibly successful. 

The ERA is, in and of itself, a cause uniting reproductive rights, queer rights, and disability rights—the amendment literally creates anti-discrimination protection at once for those who are pregnant, seek and obtain abortions, are disabled, or are not cisgender, gender conforming, and heterosexual. Informing people about the ERA and the need to flip the ballot come November, so they may vote in the referendum, inherently leads to questions about building solidarity. It is an opportunity to talk about homelessness and incarceration as queer issues, and organize those who care about queer rights into a united front that fights alongside us against crisis pregnancy centers, Zionism, and the capitalist class. There are already several community organizations doing the work to support the disenfranchised—Queer Rochester does not need another new organization. It needs to be actively invited into the existing work.

As DSA members, as leftists, we can take my assessment of the disorganized state of Queer Rochester. We can see who has been allowed to slip through the cracks and what stories get attention. We can learn from the success of uniting campaigns to the City Council. We can look for those who are invested in the ERA, and we can show them all the other ways Rochester’s queer community is being failed—and we can help them fight, and win.

The post State of Queer Roc first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

The Activist Editorial Board summarizes the second day of the 2024 YDSA national convention. After being taught how to use OpenSlides  and the history of Robert’s Rules of Order on day one, delegates began debating, persuading, and voting on resolutions on day two. 143 delegates gathered on Zoom, participating in three “deliberative blocks,” with votes…

The post Activist Updates: 2024 YDSA Convention Day 2 appeared first on YDSA.

The Colorado Springs and Denver chapters of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) together stand firmly beside the people of Palestine and all those on the side of liberation and humanity. We reaffirm our unwavering and unequivocal solidarity with our partners in the Colorado Palestine Coalition and the broader Palestinian liberation movement, especially Palestinian-led organizations including the Palestinian Youth Movement and Within Our Lifetime. We call on the National Political Committee (NPC) to immediately pass the resolution ‘Making DSA an Anti-Zionist Organization in both Principle and Practice’ (MSR #12), that was tabled for the NPC after being pushed off the floor at the 2023 DSA National Convention. 

To quote our comrades in Albany YDSA, “Palestine is not dividing the left, it’s defining the left.” It’s long past time to shut the door on our organization’s tolerance for candidates who are ‘Progressive Except for Palestine’. We commend the NPC’s recent withdrawal of DSA national’s conditional endorsement of Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC), whose many recent words and actions have reinforced the Islamophobia and anti-Arab racism at the heart of the US imperial project and enabled Israel’s US-sponsored genocide of the Palestinian people, including: endorsing the war criminal Joe Biden [1] and shielding him from calls to step aside [2], publicly criticizing Palestinian liberation organizations as antisemitic [3], platforming Zionists intent on demonizing the movement for Palestinian liberation and agreeing with their bad faith critiques [4], equating anti-Zionism with antisemitism, demanding that Hamas release all hostages with no acknowledgment of the thousands of hostages held (and tortured) by Israel or the many offers by Hamas to release hostages in exchange for a permanent ceasefire, and continued insistence that Israel has a “right to defend itself” [5]; all while denying the right, enshrined in international law, of the oppressed people of Palestine to defend themselves, resist annihilation, and engage in armed struggle against their violent colonial occupiers. 

We condemn New York City DSA’s push to endorse AOC without condition – a decision which undermines the work of principled electeds and working class organizers across the country. Refusing to draw a clear moral line on Palestinian liberation damages the morale of DSA members and turns potential recruits away from DSA’s socialist project; leaves principled anti-Zionist politicians vulnerable to AIPAC attacks and principled activists vulnerable to state violence; and contributes to the social conditions that allow Zionists to murder, assault, and intimidate Palestinians and their allies. AOC’s re-endorsement was an affront to our anti-racist, anti-Zionist, and anti-imperialist internationalist values and a hindrance to our work to build multi-racial working-class socialist power. While we commend the NPC’s attempts to rectify this situation by extending a conditional endorsement, we demand more accountability in the endorsement process at the chapter level in the future to prevent the kind of fallout caused by the initial vote to re-endorse. Rank and file DSA members put our trust in the NPC to uphold our values and support our work, and passing MSR #12 would go a long way towards solidifying that trust and assuaging our concerns about future endorsements and electoral efforts. 

True socialist power is built from the grassroots and in solidarity among the working class, not from proximity to and conformity with ruling elites. DSA’s local chapter work is fueled by countless hours of unpaid, working-class labor. Many of our members have risked arrest and experienced state repression as a result of their support of Palestinian liberation and other anti-fascist organizing. We reject the endorsement of any candidates who do not take a strong, principled, and consistent stance on solidarity with the people of Palestine. Such endorsements serve to channel our labor toward platforming liberal politicians who reinforce capitalism, imperialism, and the rise of fascism. Whenever we decide to compromise our integrity in exchange for power, we have already lost both. Our endorsed electeds must reflect and be accountable to our working-class base, and DSA must solidify its commitment to anti-Zionism in both principle and practice at a national level by passing MSR #12.

1  By endorsing Biden, AOC is backing genocide, Electronic Intifada, July 18, 2024

2 Ocasio-Cortez backing Biden: ‘The matter is closed’, The Hill, July 9, 2024

3 https://x.com/fatimazsaid/status/1801200752393666631

4 https://x.com/SxarletRed/status/1800526900625870996

5 November 28,2023, AOC voted in favor of H.Res. 888 ‘Reaffirming Israel’s Right To Exist’, which conflates opposition to Israel’s “right to exist” with antisemitism and demands Hamas release all hostages

The post Debate Highlights: 2024 NCC At-Large Race appeared first on YDSA.

Thorn West: Issue No. 209

State Politics

• CalMatters analyzes how California’s regulatory system might cushion the state from the impact of the Supreme Court decision that drastically curtailed the authority of federal regulatory agencies.

• Democrats running on local ballots face potential downstream effects of concerns about President Biden’s age. Adam Schiff, running to become California’s next Senator, has called for Biden to drop out of the race.

City Politics

• A reform measure that will increase the size of the County Board of Supervisors will advance to the ballot, following a 3–0–2 vote.

Housing Justice

• During a mayoral debate in San Francisco, current mayor London Breed announced plans to pursue “very aggressive” sweeps against unhoused people in August, praising the recent Supreme Court decision that enables further criminalization of homelessness.

• A lawsuit against the city of Los Angeles alleges that City Attorney Hydee Feldstein-Soto and Councilmember Traci Park have deliberately stalled an affordable housing project in Venice.

Police Violence and Community Resistance

• Mayor Bass vetoed a ballot measure that would have shifted some authority to fire LAPD officers to the police chief. Bass’ veto letter argued that the proposed reforms are inadequate and would result in “ambiguities” in the disciplinary system. These concerns echo those raised by the council’s progressive bloc. This was the mayor’s first veto. The council can override the veto with 10 votes.

Transportation

• With the support of Councilmembers Hugo Soto-Martinez and Nithya Raman, new bike lanes have been installed on Hollywood Boulevard, one of the most ambitious transformations of a major traffic artery in the city’s history.

• County Supervisor Janice Hahn became the newest Metro board chair following the expiration of Mayor Karen Bass’ term. Hahn has announced support for an expansion of Metro’s “tap to exit” pilot program, which requires riders to use their fare cards to exit as well as enter stations, as a method of increasing public safety on Metro trains.

Environmental Justice

• Another heat wave is predicted for inland Southern California this week.

• LA Public Press covers the lack of cooling stations in LA’s Skid Row neighborhood.

• This afternoon in LA County, a rapidly-spreading brush fire erupted in the Angeles Mountains above Glendora.

The post LA Mayor Issues First Veto + SF Mayor Threatens “Aggressive” Sweeps appeared first on The Thorn West.

The Green New Campaign Commission talked with members of Louisville DSA about their Get on the Bus campaign in this interview, originally published in March on ecosocialists.dsausa.org.

The post Green New Deal Commission: Allying with Transit Workers in Louisville appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).