Thorn West: Issue No. 229

State Politics

• The California State Senate has restricted press access to legislators, while in both chambers of the legislature, a large number of bills under consideration are designed to shield information from the public.

• Former Los Angeles area Congressman, Xavier Becerra, who also served as President Biden’s Health and Human Services Secretary, has joined the pool of high-profile Democratic candidates vying to be Governor Newsom’s successor in 2026.

City Politics

• Following a Los Angeles Times California Pubilc Records Request, the Mayor’s office asserted that it was not obligated to release texts sent by Mayor Karen Bass during the immediate response to the wildfires. Now, the Times is suing the city.

• Mayor Bass and a contingent of councilmembers traveled to Sacramento to request help from the state in making up what is projected to be a billion dollar budget shortfall. The city council is also proposing the creation of a citizen’s budget advisory group.

• The city council voted to expand the Fair Work Week ordinance to include fast food workers. The ordinance entitles workers to receive their work schedules 14 days in advance, in addition to other protections, and originally only applied to retail workers.

NOlympics

• An angry tirade delivered by Councilmember Tim McCosker during a council session has drawn attention to the “backroom deals” that have diverted many of the 2028 Olympics venues out of the city.

Transportation

• Earlier in the month, lawyers for Metro, the transit authority that oversees public transit across LA County, argued that Metro projects within city limits do not have to comply with Measure HLA, a citywide safe streets ballot measure. This week, Metro unveiled a redesign of Vermont Avenue that adds dedicated bus lanes, but does not include bike lanes, which would not be HLA-compliant.

• Metro is currently considering several proposals for a public transit alternative to the 405 freeway. Transit activists are advocating for underground heavy rail. This week, community meetings about the project were abruptly cancelled. A subsequent update from Metro asserts that they will be rescheduled.

Housing Rights

• The LA County Board of Supervisors has voted 4–0 to strip over $300 million from the budget of the Los Angeles Homelessness Authority (LAHSA), which administers homelessness services for both the city and county. The county will instead administer the funds through a new County-only agency. Mayor Bass and several councilmembers, including recently elected DSA-LA councilwoman Ysabel Jurado, opposed the move. LA Public Press spoke with several unhoused people about their experiences and frustrations with LAHSA. Today, the CEO of LAHSA resigned, citing the county’s decision as the motivating factor.

Environmental Justice

• CalFire has released a new draft of the fire hazard zone map for Southern California. The new map unsurprisingly expands the area in Los Angeles County zoned as hazardous.

• Dwell interviews Dr. Lucy Jones—who for years advised the city about earthquake preparedness—about climate change resiliency in Los Angeles, including what steps can be taken locally, without the support of the federal government.

The post County BOS Divests From LAHSA + Metro Refuses to Comply With Measure HLA Guidelines appeared first on The Thorn West.

The Trump administration is carrying out a historic power grab. The Republicans are trying to cut taxes for billionaires, gut public services and environmental regulations, destroy unions, and intimidate workers. To distract and divide the working class, the Trump Administration is ramping up deportations of immigrants and attacking LGBTQ+ folks, abortion rights, and racial justice […]

If you think that you would like to be a staff organizer, here are five important steps you can take.

The post 5 steps to becoming a staff organizer within your union appeared first on EWOC.

Ronan Farrow’s March 24, 2025, New Yorker article on the case of Sean Williams, one of America’s most prolific sexual predators, exposes more than just individual evil—it reveals systemic rot. For years, Williams drugged, raped, and recorded assaults on dozens of women and children in Johnson City, Tennessee, while local police ignored, dismissed, or even enabled his crimes, according to Farrow’s reporting. Federal prosecutor Kat Dahl’s efforts to hold him accountable were met with obstruction, retaliation, and eventual firing.

Police as Enablers, Not Protectors

From the beginning, the Johnson City Police Department (JCPD) appears to have treated Williams with alarming deference. When Mikayla Evans fell five stories from his apartment—an incident suggesting foul play—officers delayed securing evidence, allowed Williams to tamper with security footage, and left his apartment unsupervised, according to the New Yorker article. Later, when Dahl pushed to investigate rape allegations, detectives are alleged to have shrugged off victims, mocked her concerns, and slow-walked warrants. Their indifference wasn’t accidental; it was systemic.

Williams himself claimed he bribed officers through an ex-girlfriend, Alunda Rutherford, alleging payoffs to avoid scrutiny. While these claims are contested, the JCPD’s behavior fits a pattern: according to the audit by the Daigle Law Group, between 2018-2022 officers failed to even interview suspects in 69 out of 105 rape cases with identified perpetrators, routinely closed sexual assault investigations prematurely, and ultimately paid a $28 million settlement to survivors—a tacit admission of systemic failure.

Class, Power, and Impunity

Business owners like Sean Williams get treated as a special class of people that are better than the rest of us. He wasn’t just some lone criminal—he was a wealthy businessman embedded in local power structures. His depredations were open secrets, his drug trafficking an unspoken perk for those who turned a blind eye. Even while evading arrest, he moved freely, exchanging texts with one prominent real estate agent, according to court records, and selling at least three properties in Johnson City. This is how class operates under capitalism: connections and capital buy impunity, while working-class victims—especially women—are disbelieved, shamed, or ignored.

The police’s contempt for survivors reflects broader societal problems. Victims like Briana Pack and Kaleigh Murray were dismissed as unreliable—too drunk, too traumatized, or too “uncooperative.” When Dahl warned that Williams might be targeting children, Chief Karl Turner brushed her off. Compare this to how police treat petty theft or drug use among the poor: relentless pursuit, brutal enforcement, and prison time. The system punishes regular people while shielding predators who operate with money and influence.

The Failures of “Justice” Under Capitalism

The JCPD’s internal report admitted systemic failures—interrogating victims like they were suspects, closing rape cases without investigation—but no high-ranking officials faced consequences. Instead, the city has agreed to pay $28 million in an attempt to bury accountability under legal settlements.

This isn’t unique to Johnson City. Across the U.S., police departments resist oversight, budgets balloon while social services starve, and survivors of sexual violence are gaslit by the very systems allegedly intended to protect them. The Williams case is extreme but not exceptional—it’s the logical endpoint of a capitalist system where justice is commodified and power and wealth flow to those who already have the most power and wealth.

Johnson City Needs a People’s Budget, Not a Bigger Police Budget

According to the Tennessee Lookout, City Manager Cathy Ball “has had the power to initiate an internal affairs investigation for the past two years that could scrutinize the actions and conduct of those implicated in the Williams case, including herself.”

Instead, Ball ordered any internal investigation be put on hold until the resolution of the class action lawsuit, court records show. That lawsuit is settled. What now?

Change won’t come from polite requests. It will take organized tenants, workers, and survivors showing up at town halls, budget meetings, and elections to demand justice.

For a start, we are calling for community-based Town Halls to discuss this issue, as well as future issues, where the Johnson City Commission can listen to us without the strict limits that city commission meetings place on our time and our experiences, where only twelve people can speak for a total of three minutes each. We need to have a say in what happens next.

But transparency and dialogue are not enough. There is also the question of money. At the time Dahl filed her federal civil complaint in June 2022, the city budget granted police $15,526,561 of the General Fund. The current city budget, drafted by Ball’s office last year and approved by our current mayor and three of our sitting commissioners, increased that figure to $19,370,928. That’s a raise of nearly four million dollars for a police department whose malpractice is set to cost us tens of millions more, to say nothing of the harm it facilitated.

The choice before Johnson City is about priorities.

We demand the Johnson City Commission freeze the police budget and invest funds where they belong: in public trauma care for survivors, affordable housing to stabilize families, and mental health responders and mediation teams that replace police where appropriate. These aren’t radical ideas—they’re what happens when we put victims before wealthy business owners.

Change won’t come from polite requests. It will take organized tenants, workers, and survivors showing up at town halls, budget meetings, and elections to demand justice. The money exists. The power exists. The people must come together and demand it.

When fascism ascends, the conventional opposition often proves surprisingly ineffective, even complicit. This paradox becomes comprehensible when we understand not just political theater but the underlying material interests at play.

The established opposition shares more with its supposed adversaries than with the working people it claims to represent. Both mainstream parties ultimately serve as different management teams for the same economic system. While they disagree on methods and rhetoric, they agree on fundamentals: the primacy of profits over people and the necessity of maintaining existing class relations.

This explains why resistance proves tepid. Meaningful opposition to fascism requires challenging concentrated power—both political and economic. Yet the liberal donor class, its leadership’s personal wealth, and its institutional inertia all align against such confrontation. They fear genuinely popular movements more than they fear their ostensible rivals.

Historical evidence confirms this pattern. In Weimar Germany, the right-liberal German People’s Party and left-liberal German Democratic Party supported various authoritarian consolidations in the name of anti-Communism. The former backed the declaration of martial law in Prussia that helped clear the way for Hitler’s rise, and the latter’s deputies even backed the Enabling Act that granted Hitler dictatorial powers in 1933.

In Italy, liberal parties sought accommodation with Mussolini rather than alliance with labor movements. In Chile, centrists undermined Allende before embracing Pinochet. In each case, property proved more sacred than people.

The theatrics of political conflict mask this deeper unity. Congressional hearings produce sound bytes but rarely consequences. Speeches condemn excesses while budgets fund them–witness Biden’s expansion of prison facilities. Legal challenges drag through courts staffed by identical interests. Electoral campaigns promise transformation but deliver continuity.

Meanwhile, those proposing systemic change—democratizing the economy, redistributing power, prioritizing human needs over profit—are branded dangerous extremists. This framing serves a dual purpose: it distances the opposition from more forceful alternatives while positioning them as the reasonable middle ground in a fabricated spectrum.

The left is particularly threatening because it names the root causes that mainstream discourse obscures. It connects political authoritarianism to economic dominance. It reveals how “normal politics” laid the groundwork for fascist acceleration. It demonstrates that defending democracy requires extending it into workplaces, communities, and economic planning.

The liberal opposition’s vulnerability stems from its contradictions. It cannot mobilize popular energy without raising expectations it has no intention of fulfilling. It cannot articulate a compelling alternative while committed to the system generating the crisis. It cannot build effective solidarity while serving interests fundamentally opposed to collective power.

Most crucially, it cannot win by seeking the approval of institutions already compromised. Courts packed with ideologues, media owned by billionaires, electoral systems designed to diffuse popular will—these will not save us. Yet the opposition remains institutionally incapable of moving beyond these channels.
In this light, the demonization of the left serves a critical function. By positioning leftists as equally extreme as fascists, the opposition justifies its own inadequate middle path while delegitimizing the very forces most committed to substantive resistance.

The lesson is clear: we cannot outsource our defense to those who benefit from the same system as our opponents. True opposition must come from below—from organized communities unbound by the constraints of electoral calculation or donor appeasement.

The path forward demands independent organization, material solidarity, and the courage to envision a world beyond the false choices offered by those who would rather manage our descent than risk the emergence of genuine democracy.

Fascism doesn’t emerge fully formed but follows a recognizable developmental trajectory. Understanding this progression is crucial for effective resistance

In its embryonic stage—where we find ourselves now—fascism begins with a crisis of legitimacy. Democratic institutions still function but are systematically delegitimized. The judiciary is branded as partisan. Electoral processes are declared corrupt. Media becomes “enemy of the people.” This manufactured crisis creates the justification for “extraordinary measures” to “restore order.”

The second phase—consolidation—occurs when the previously unthinkable becomes routine. Independent agencies are purged and restaffed with loyalists. Civil servants are replaced with partisans. Legislative powers shift to executive orders. Courts are packed or ignored. This phase relies on public exhaustion and normalization—each transgression generates less outrage than the last.

Next comes the targeting phase. Initially focused on politically vulnerable groups—immigrants, minorities, leftists—it creates a template for persecution that can be broadened. The legal framework established against “extremists” becomes applicable to progressively wider circles of opposition. This phase depends on divide-and-conquer tactics, assuring each group that they are safe while others are targeted.

The mature phase arrives when institutional capture is complete. Elections continue but without meaningful choice. Courts exist but rarely rule against power. Media operates but within narrowed boundaries. Dissent becomes criminalized rather than merely delegitimized. By this stage, resistance requires extraordinary courage as the costs become increasingly severe.

The final phase occurs when external constraint is removed entirely. Violence becomes state policy rather than rhetorical excess. Economic crisis or international conflict typically provides the pretext for this transition.

Socialist analysis reveals what liberal frameworks miss: fascism isn’t merely authoritarianism but a specific response to capitalism in crisis. When profit rates decline and class consciousness rises, sections of the capitalist class turn to fascism to suppress labor movements, eliminate social programs, and redirect class anger toward scapegoated minorities. The “traditionalism” of fascism serves to reinforce hierarchies necessary for capitalism’s continuation under increasingly unstable conditions.

This developmental understanding explains why early intervention is most effective. Each stage builds upon the previous one, creating conditions that make subsequent resistance more difficult. The window for relatively low-cost opposition narrows dramatically once the consolidation phase advances. Institutions designed to check power cease functioning when they become captured.

Today, we stand at a critical juncture. Democratic guardrails bend but haven’t yet broken. Public assembly remains legal. The press faces intimidation but not wholesale suppression. Elections face delegitimization but haven’t been suspended. This moment—when fascism remains vulnerable, when its developmental path can still be disrupted—is precisely when collective action carries maximum impact.
Solidarity across targeted groups, mass non-compliance with unjust directives, protection of vulnerable communities, defense of democratic institutions however imperfect—these actions can effectively halt fascism’s developmental momentum. History shows that fascism can be stopped, but rarely once its institutional capture is complete.

The time to disrupt this progression is now, while we retain the power to do so. n

In the rolling hills and close-knit communities of Northeast Tennessee, there beats a heart that has long valued mutual support and a deep connection to place. These Appalachian values—so often misrepresented in national narratives—align more closely with democratic socialism than many might realize. As our region faces mounting challenges from corporate exploitation and political forces that seek to divide us, reclaiming our political voice means recognizing this natural alignment.

Long before corporate interests reshaped our economy, Appalachian communities thrived on principles of interdependence. Barn-raisings, seed-sharing, and care for neighbors in need weren’t just traditions—they were survival strategies that recognized our fundamental interconnectedness. When disaster struck, it wasn’t rugged individualism that saved lives—it was community solidarity.

These practices reflect the core of democratic socialism: the understanding that we prosper together or suffer alone, and that an economy should serve humanity rather than the other way around.
For generations, outside corporations have extracted Appalachia’s wealth—coal, timber, labor—while leaving behind environmental devastation and poverty. They promised jobs but delivered exploitation.
This experience mirrors the fundamental critique that democratic socialism makes of capitalism: that this profit-driven system inevitably values extraction over sustainability and shareholder returns over community wellbeing. The democratic socialist vision—where economic power is democratically controlled by communities—speaks directly to Appalachians who have seen the alternative fail them time and again.

Appalachian religious traditions have long emphasized care for the vulnerable and the moral imperative to create a more just society. The biblical instruction to “love thy neighbor” manifests in concrete acts of community support that reject the notion that our worth is determined by our productivity or wealth.
These values find natural expression in democratic socialism’s commitment to guaranteeing dignified lives for all through universal healthcare, living wages, and robust social programs—not as charity but as recognition of our shared humanity.

Many have forgotten that Appalachia has a proud history of labor militancy and economic radicalism. From the Mine Wars to wildcat strikes, our ancestors understood that economic justice required collective action against concentrated power.

Today, we have an opportunity to reclaim this heritage by organizing around issues that matter to rural communities: affordable healthcare, sustainable jobs, quality education for our children, and freedom from corporate domination.

The path forward isn’t about imposing urban political frameworks on rural communities. It’s about recognizing the democratic socialist values already embedded in Appalachian culture: mutual aid, community resilience, skepticism of concentrated power, and the belief that everyone deserves dignity.
The future of Appalachia depends not on submitting to exploitation in the name of “progress,” but on reclaiming our political voice based on our deepest values. Democratic socialism doesn’t ask us to abandon what makes our communities special—it invites us to fulfill their greatest promise.

Upcoming Events

Tuesday, April 1 (6:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Turnout Tuesday for Vision Drive (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Wednesday, April 2 (6:30 p.m. – 9:00 p.m.): New Member Happy Hour at Zeitgeist (In person at Zeitgeist at 199 Valencia)

Thursday, April 3 (5:30 p.m. – 6:30 p.m.): Palestine Solidarity and Anti-Imperialist Working Group (Zoom)

Thursday, April 3 (7:00 pm. – 8:00 p.m.): Immigration Justice Working Group Meeting (Zoom)

Friday, April 4 (12:00 pm. – 5:00 p.m.): Office Hours (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Saturday, April 5 (12:00 p.m. – 4:00 p.m.): Chapter Local Vision and Strategy Meeting (In person at 518 Valencia)

Sunday, April 6 (1:00 p.m. – 3:30 p.m.): Surveillance of Palestinian Activism: the 1993 case of the ADL Spy Ring in San Francisco (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Sunday, April 6 (5:00 p.m. – 7:00 p.m.): Capital Reading Group (Zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister)

Monday, April 7 (5:50 p.m. – 7:30 p.m.): Electoral Board Meeting + Socialist in Office (Zoom)

Monday, April 7 (6:00 p.m. – 7:00 p.m.): Ecosocialist Bi-Weekly Meeting (Zoom)

Monday, April 7 (7:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Labor Board Meeting (Zoom)

Tuesday, April 8 (7:00 p.m. – 9:00 p.m.): Abolish Rent Reading Group session 3 (In person at 438 Haight)

Wednesday, April 9 (6:45 p.m. – 9:00 p.m.): April General Meeting (Zoom and In person at TBD)

Thursday, April 10 (5:00 p.m. – 6:00 p.m.): Education Board Open Meeting (Zoom)

Saturday, April 12 (1:00 p.m. – 4:00 p.m.): Homelessness Working Group Training and Outreach (Location TBD)

Saturday, April 12 (1:00 p.m. – 3:15 p.m.): Muni History Walking & Riding Tour (Meet at Kearny & Market)

Monday, April 14 (6:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Healing Circle Tenderloin (In person at Kelly Cullen Community, 220 Golden Gate)

Check out https://dsasf.org/events for more events and updates.

Events & Actions

Office Hours

Co-work with your comrades! Come to the DSA SF office and get your DSA work or work-work done, or just hang out. We’ll  be at 1916 McAllister from 12:00 p.m to 5:00 p.m. on Fridays.

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Chapter Local Vision and Strategy Meeting

This Saturday DSA SF is hosting a Chapter Local Vision and Strategy Meeting to shape our chapter’s direction in the short-term and long-term. Please join us for lively discussion and take part in building socialism in San Francisco and beyond! We’ll be meeting at 518 Valencia this Saturday, April 5 from 12:00 p.m. to 4:00 p.m.

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Capital Reading Group

DSA SF has started a Marx’s Capital reading group! We’ll be meeting every other Sunday from 5:00 p.m. to 7:00 p.m. at 1916 McAllister and also on Zoom. We’ll meet on April 6th to cover Chapter 1. We’re reading the new translation published by Princeton University Press. You can also join the #capital-rdg-group-2025 channel on the DSA SF Slack for additional information and discussion!

Behind the Scenes

The Chapter Coordination Committee (CCC) regularly rotates duties among chapter members. This allows us to train new members in key duties that help keep the chapter running like organizing chapter meetings, keeping records updated, office cleanup, updating the DSA SF website and newsletter, etc. Members can view current CCC rotations.

To help with the day-to-day tasks that keep the chapter running, fill out the CCC help form.

On March 12th, eight state Democrats in Michigan voted for an anti-trans resolution that would hurt trans kids in schools.

HR40 is a non-enforceable resolution that strongly encourages the Michigan High School Athletic Association to discriminate against trans women by following Trump’s executive order to ban trans-women in women’s sports.

Despite it being non-enforceable, this resolution would lead to increased harassment and discrimination towards trans children who just want to play sports with their classmates.

The eight state Democrats who voted for this resolution are Rep. Alabas Farhat, Rep. Peter Herzberg, Rep. Tullio Liberati, Rep. Denise Mentzer, Rep. Reggie Miller, Rep. Will Snyder, Rep. Angela Witwer, and Rep. Mai Xiong.

Call your state Representative and let them know how you feel about their vote! You can find your state Representative here!

If your state Representative voted yes for this resolution, call them to express how disappointed you are and tell them they need to stand for trans rights or you will be voting against them in the next election.

If your state Representative voted no for this resolution, call and thank them for siding with trans people. Encourage them to continue their support and to speak up for the rights of trans people. We need as many people in positions of power to be on our side.

Keep in mind, your state representative does not represent anywhere close to as many people as your US Congress representative. Your call could very well sway them to support trans people going forward, even if they are Republican. In Montana, 29 Republicans changed their mind on an anti-trans bill after Reps. Zooey Zephyr and SJ Howell gave impassioned speeches. This goes to show that it is possible to sway state Republicans.

The whole situation was handled so maliciously. Speaker Pro Tempore Rachelle Smit (R-43), a far-right Republican who believes the 2020 election was stolen from Trump, kept cutting off the speeches of Democrats so that her Republican colleagues could speak. The vote was then rushed through the House without letting Democrats finish their speeches. Erin in the Morning provides a copy of the whole situation here.

We must all stand for the rights of trans people!

The post Call your Reps and Tell Them to Let Trans Kids Play Sports appeared first on Grand Rapids Democratic Socialists of America.

“Agitation” is a term regularly used in the context of organizing and socialist politics. But what does it actually mean? 

I’ll keep it simple. Agitation means making someone angry.

Anger is often painted as irrational, a primitive reflex that should be suppressed in favor of a cool and objective analysis. But to be overcome by anger because of the cruel actions of the ruling class under capitalism is actually very rational. How else is one supposed to react to the barbarism that is unfolding every day in Gaza, or to ICE kidnapping immigrant activists off the street, or simply because your boss is an asshole who exploits and humiliates you day in and day out? 

Feeling your temper flare up just at the mention of those topics? Consider yourself agitated. 

Trying to assuage anger is not only a losing battle, it’s counterproductive. Anger can certainly lead to reckless behavior. Ever see someone get so mad they punch a wall? Anger is a deeply powerful emotion, and through organizing it can be channeled into effective struggle. 

Socialists affirm righteous anger and direct it towards those who are actually responsible for its causes. The Right also affirms anger, but then through deceit they direct it away from the ruling class and towards a scapegoat, whether it’s immigrants, trans people, Black people, “woke”; any “other” will do. Liberals do this too, usually to cover their own ass, directing blame for their failures at the masses for being “dumb” or “lazy”. Some on the left adopt a similar persuasion. 

As socialists, we aim our fire squarely on the boss, on the capitalist class, and on the politicians and institutions that uphold and defend the ruling order that is the cause of so much suffering.  Our task is to uncover “the innermost secret” of our society, “the hidden basis of the entire social structure”, as Marx described it. That is, we must uncover the fact that our entire economic and political system depends on the exploitation of those of us who must “work for a living” by those we are forced to work for. We must make this conflict and its irreconcilable nature well known and understood.

This is not easy. The ruling class has erected a vast “superstructure” designed to veil this conflict. Socialists will find themselves constantly running up against the kind of “common sense” that is doctrinaire in our society, whether it’s “work hard and you’ll get ahead”, “poverty is a choice”, or “politics is about making compromises”. This is why it’s generally unwise to immediately dive headfirst into ranting and raving about the evils of capitalism, as right as you may be. More often than not you’ll just come off like a crank.  

“Anger is often painted as irrational, a primitive reflex that should be suppressed in favor of a cool and objective analysis. But to be overcome by anger because of the cruel actions of the ruling class under capitalism is actually very rational.“

Agitation is the bridge. Most workers already know they’re being fucked over. Start there. 

Many workers are taught to have low expectations. Many will blame themselves for their troubles. This is when you start asking questions like, “do you think things are going to change without action?” or simply “do you think it’s right that the boss treats you like shit?” 

Part of agitation involves challenging others to overcome apathy and commit to action. You frame the choice. “Do you want to keep on doing nothing and accept that this is how things are going to be, or do you want to organize and fight for something better?” This is usually followed by a long silence. It’s uncomfortable, but don’t break it.  

There’s agitation in the context of an organizing conversation at work, but there’s also “political agitation” of the kind that a socialist organization like DSA engages in. The same principles apply as if you were agitating around a workplace issue, except the target is not the boss but their political representatives. 

Take for example recent Chicago DSA social media posts criticizing Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker, whether over his plan to cut healthcare funding for immigrants or his veto of the Warehouse Worker Protection Act. These posts don’t just relay information; they are meant to elicit anger, and if they’re effective they’ll do so from all sides. After all, if liberals don’t complain when you rightfully point out the way a Democratic Party leader is failing the working class, then are you really agitating? 

Like with agitation at the workplace though, political agitation needs to be skillful to be effective. Hysteria is a turnoff. Be measured and direct. This is what is happening. These are the consequences. Ask: do you think this is right? 

At its core, political agitation is the simple act of asking “whose side are you on?” Socialists declare ourselves on the side of the workers and we condemn whomever is on the side of the boss, be it Democrat, Republican, or even “progressive”. This will ruffle some feathers. But we should not concern ourselves with naysayers who try to justify acquiescence to our class enemies. 

Most people don’t have deeply held or entirely coherent politics. But most people can smell bullshit from a mile away. This is why so many people view politics as a sham and a waste of time. If we want to have any chance at linking socialism with the working class, we can’t afford to get lumped in with the kind of two-faced hacks that dominate the political class. We must always take a stand, and we must always be agitating. 

The post Understanding agitation  appeared first on Midwest Socialist.