Are you interested in becoming the best organizer you can be? Do you want to expand socialism here in Milwaukee, but are unsure of where and how to start? Have you been involved but feel like the project did not go anywhere? If you answered yes to any of these questions, the Milwaukee Socialist Organizer Class is for you! 

This nine-week program will focus on holistically teaching you to be an unstoppable organizer who builds socialism, changes hearts and minds, and impacts our city. You will learn direct action organizing, as defined by Organizing for Social Change: Midwest Academy Manual for Activists, in which we organize actions, campaigns, and tactics to “1) win real, immediate, concrete improvement in people’s lives . . . 2) Give people a sense of their own power . . . 3) Alter the relations of power.” 

Interested individuals will apply (Click here, due by 11:59 p.m. on Tuesday, January 27), be interviewed, and enter the program if selected. DSA membership is not required to participate, but is encouraged. 

This education program will be a combination of in-person events with virtual events if necessary. Each unit will be roughly a week, with a weeklong break in the middle of the program. Each unit will consist of classroom-style instruction in the unit topic (no more than 2 hours, which will be in-person on Tuesday nights from 7:00 p.m. until 9:00 p.m.), field work in organizing (which will be at least 3 hours and consist of having conversations, moving people to action, and building infrastructure for a strong socialist movement involving several types of campaigns), and time for personal reflection. Each participant must commit to the entire program and, unless excused, attend every unit instruction and field work session. Missing more than three classes and field work sessions may result in removal from the program. 

This is the seventh time this program has been offered, and it is back by popular demand! The three instructors have updated and revised the course to make you even more prepared to lead in socialism. 

Time commitment per week: 

Unit instruction: 2 hours 

Organizing work: 3 hours 

Miscellaneous tasks: 1 hour 

Total time per week: 6 hours

Weekly Schedule 

Class will be conducted on Tuesday evenings from 7:00 – 9:00 p.m. and held in-person at Zao MKE, located at 3219 E Kenwood Blvd, Milwaukee, 53211. 

Field work will be held at regular intervals over the week, with options to organize at several points during the week: 

(Tentative schedule is subject to change . . .) 

Saturdays, 9:00 a.m. – 12:00 p.m.

Sundays 12:00 – 3:00 p.m. 

Mondays 5:30 – 8:30 p.m. 

Program Timeline: 

January 27, 2026 at 11:59 p.m.:

Application deadline—apply here

February 3, 2026:

Start of nine-week program (class held, 7:00 – 9:00 p.m.), held at Zao MKE, located at 2319 E Kenwood Blvd, Milwaukee, WI 53211

February 10:

Class will be held from 7:00 – 9:00 p.m.

February 17:

Class will be held from 7:00 – 9:00 p.m.

February 24:

Class will be held from 7:00 – 9:00 p.m.

March 3, 2026:

Break

March 10:

Class will be held from 7:00 – 9:00 p.m.

March 17:

Class will be held from 7:00 – 9:00 p.m.

March 24: 

Class will be held from 7:00 – 9:00 p.m.

March 31: 

Class will be held from 7:00 – 9:00 p.m.

Units

Each unit helps to answer the question: What is organizing? 

Welcome: What is organizing?

• Get to know participants and instructor
• Define scope of class and intentions 
• Determine goals and desired outcomes 

Organizing is one-on-one Conversations

• Learn the seven-point organizing conversation 
• Practice the conversation and its elements 

Organizing is building the committee and the campaign 

• The importance (or not) of the committee
• Power Mapping the campaign 
• Strategy Chart 

Organizing is holistic productivity 

• Traction versus distraction 
• Time management and its importance
• The Reverse Calendar 
• Overcoming blocks to action

Organizing is a mindset 

• Acknowledging hurdles and setbacks 
• Failure is a great option
• Develop a practice to keep you going

Organizing is raising money and managing it

• Why money is OK 
• How to bring energy and money to your campaign 
• The basics of campaign budgeting and finance 

Organizing is communications

• What does “messaging” mean? 
• The power of media 
• Writing workshop

Organizing is bringing it all together

• You’ve got momentum—now what? 
• Recap of unit themes

Reviews

Here is what previous students have to say about the Milwaukee Socialist Organizer Class: 

“[Before the class] I had no idea about the actual work of organizing. Now I feel confident that I would be able to become a leader in a campaign setting . . .” 

“I loved the practical application of socialism . . . [and] I loved the far-reaching application of some of the class content.” 

“This is a great way to move into the world of socialism. . . thank you so much for offering this course” 

“This [class] is a great first step for anyone looking to start organizing . . .” 

“I radically grew in my comfort around being upfront and simply being able to approach a complete stranger with a potentially controversial topic.” 

“New organizers and experienced organizers can benefit from this class.” 

“Generally speaking my confidence level just interacting with people about socialism has gone through the roof. I have been given a phenomenal overview of how to organize and I feel confident that I can find out what works best for me in the future.” 

“It was great to grow as an organizer within the confines of a welcoming community/instructor.” 

“I feel more confident organizing outside of an electoral context.” 

Meet your instructors: 

Alex Brower

Alex Brower is a labor leader, socialist organizer, and Milwaukee’s 3rd district Alderman as a DSA endorsed elected official, serving on the City of Milwaukee Common Council. Professionally, Alex has been the Executive Director of the Wisconsin Alliance for Retired Americans, which organizes union retirees, in addition to other organizing roles with UFCW, SEIU, WisDems, and Wisconsin Jobs Now. In his organizing work, Alex has saved jobs from privatization, helped workers win a union voice on the job, defeated a temp agency, organized against a proposed iron-ore mine, helped bring comprehensive sex education to Beloit Public Schools, and won workplace healthcare for many uninsured MPS Substitute Teachers. As an MPS substitute teacher and former Milwaukee Rec. Department instructor, Alex brings a host of experience teaching others. Alex has also been a candidate for Milwaukee City Comptroller and School Board, running both times as a socialist. 

Ian Gunther

Ian is a union leader, experienced socialist organizer, and has filled many positions in the movement over the last ten years. After becoming one of the founders of Milwaukee DSA, he started leading canvasses for the early Medicare For All campaign on behalf of the chapter. He was elected to the chapter Executive Committee four times, in positions of Treasurer, At-Large, and Outreach Officer where he helped build up the capacity of the local movement. In August of 2025, Ian had the honor of serving as a DSA National Convention chair, facilitating thirteen-hundred nation-wide delegates through intensive debate over the national strategy of DSA. Ian also co-founded MSOE YDSA before graduating with an Electrical Engineering degree. Ian now works for the City of Milwaukee Water Works, and in his capacity as the Chief Steward of AFSCME Local 47, has led the city union to its first victory in over a decade, acquiring raises above cost of living for all general city employees. Ian is excited to bring his years of experience to mentoring new socialist organizers. 

Andy Barbour

Andy currently serves as a chapter co-chair of Milwaukee DSA. His DSA involvement began in the spring of 2023 as a regular volunteer for the Power to the People campaign, Milwaukee DSA’s now three-year-old campaign to replace We Energies with a publicly owned utility. After sharpening his organizing skills through regular canvassing and phone banking, he became a leader in the organization and has been closely involved in many DSA campaigns and projects. He’s been a consistent organizing force throughout his entire involvement in DSA. Andy currently also serves as chair of the Power to the People Working Group, though he’s previously held half a dozen other leadership roles in the chapter. Notably, he previously acted as deputy campaign manager of Alex Brower’s successful campaign for Common Council, where he oversaw the entire field operation.

Any questions? 

Contact Alex Brower at 414-949-8756 or milwaukeedsa@gmail.com 

Apply now!

Apply here, or copy and paste this URL into your web browser: https://forms.gle/eL1VtmX2xG18CmhM9

The Trump Administration has started an illegal war against Venezuela. This is a nakedly imperialist war to install a US puppet government that will give Venezuela’s oil resources over to […]

Socialists have to mean what we say and say what we mean. The working class cannot win power for itself without a political vehicle of its own, and the Democratic Party is not – and will not ever be – that vehicle. Our long-term project has to be building that new party, which means taking bold steps to learn how to do so.

We need to take chances as they come, not only to do our part but also to teach future socialists. We have a chance, if we are willing to step out of our comfort zone, to set an example and engage in a practical experiment in true political independence. In order to make this meaningful step towards political independence – to create a campaign our comrades across the country and across time can point to as an example to build on and learn from – we, as a chapter, will have to invest heavily in it. 

Three years ago, Alderman Byron Sigcho-Lopez and I published an article arguing that, at some point, socialists will have to make the conscious decision to take those first steps towards true political independence, building an independent political party. In that article, we acknowledged that those initial steps towards independence would be the most difficult, because it will mean stepping into the unknown. 

Now is the time. Alderman Sigcho-Lopez of the 25th ward (which includes Pilsen, Little Village, University Village, and Chinatown) intends to run for Congress as an independent in the Fourth Congressional District, a seat held by Jesús “Chuy” García since 2018. The district is a progressive district with a majority Latino population covering much of Chicago’s southwest side and a number of working-class suburbs, including Cicero, Berwyn, and Bridgeview up through Melrose Park. Sigcho-Lopez is a known quantity who has won tough elections and is a committed socialist with a vision of building independent power for the working class. By breaking with the Democrats, he will not be able to count on much formal institutional support from major unions or organized progressive groups. 

Hard as that break may be, it is increasingly necessary. The Democrats’ popularity is at an all-time low, and beyond that, they have proven themselves incapable of facing down the advance of right-wing authoritarianism. Just as they’ve done for the last thirty years, they are relying on their place in the two-party duopoly to be the default choice when the Republicans go ‘too far’ and are content to hold power for no more than a few years before the Republicans return with even more dangerous politics. 

In New York City, organized socialists showed that they can win power in high-profile, high-stakes races. Zohran Mamdani’s victory in the Democratic mayoral primary showed that socialists can provide an organizational base, working with other groups and constituencies to win even against the odds. Until his primary win, Mamdani had institutional support only from United Autoworkers District 9A, a reform local that endorsed him six months before. Major unions and progressive groups stayed away, and a Working Families Party endorsement came only three weeks before the primary. He couldn’t rely on massive six-figure checks or million-dollar donations, and instead had to raise money from tens of thousands of small-dollar donors as the entirety of his fundraising.  

Mamdani’s win was a thunderclap for the Democrats. It showed that true bottom-up organizational power can, in fact, win big offices, and that even without progressive NGOs or union officialdom, even a self-proclaimed socialist can win, and win big, when their support is built from the bottom up and involves thousands of people who believe in the campaign’s vision. 

Still, Mandani’s (and the NYC Democratic Socialists of America’s) win comes with a lot of caveats: matching funds, ranked-choice voting, the presence of historically unpopular opponents in Eric Adams and Andrew Cuomo. Nonetheless, it was a remarkable feat that proves that with full commitment and a vision, bottom-up politics works. 

If the New York mayoral race was a thunderclap, the Democrats losing a safe, progressive seat to an independent challenger from the left – one who didn’t even need their ballot line – would be an earthquake. It would knock down the key pillar that keeps movements from leaving the Democrats behind: the ‘brand loyalty’ of voters to the Democratic Party ballot line. It would set an example for how socialists can build the coalitions needed to win independently. This model would relieve the pressure on organized groups, including unions, to stick with Democrats as the lesser evil. Without that pressure, the gates to true working-class independence can open. 

But ours has to be a long-term plan. We cannot keep trying to design a strategy and abandon it after one cycle. Political independence requires experimentation, trial, and error. We learned much from the Mamdani victory; now we must see if we can go further. Winning in this district will require a lot of things to go right and an immense amount of resources. 

The Fourth Congressional District is the right campaign, and Alderman Sigcho-Lopez is the right candidate, to start the long work of building an independent socialist party for the working class. Knowing the nature of the serious challenges ahead shouldn’t be a reason not to do it; it should inspire us to make sure our experiment is a worthwhile one by giving everything we’ve got. 

Money

If he fails to win formal union support, Sigcho-Lopez will have to raise half a million dollars (if not more) from small donors. That number is only an estimate; Chicago-area districts rarely have competitive elections to go by. The closest analog is probably the highly competitive 2024 Seventh Congressional district primary race between incumbent Danny Davis, Melissa Conyears-Ervin, Kina Collins, and others. Davis spent just under $1 million to win that primary; Conyears-Ervin spent $750,000 to get 22% of the vote, with the other three candidates combined spending around $350,000 for another 26%. That’s $1.1 million for 48% of the vote. 

Sigcho-Lopez will start with decent name recognition, so he won’t have to spend as much just to be known. On the other hand, he will have to overcome the Democratic Party’s ballot line advantage. Let’s say conservatively that he will need to spend $500,000 between now and November to win more votes than Patty García, Chuy’s preferred successor. The average donation to Mamdani was around $75, so to raise half a million dollars from small donors, the campaign would need around 6,500 donors. 

Mamdani had 54,000 such donors, with 63% or 34,000 of them from inside New York City. If the same proportions hold for Sigcho-Lopez, the city probably maxes out at around 4,000 donors, i.e., the same proportion of 63%, which alone is very ambitious and still requires raising money across the country. This means nationalizing the campaign, and giving socialists everywhere a reason to invest in our effort to build independent political power in Illinois. 

To compensate for the tendency to default to the Democratic Party ballot line, the campaign will have to be visible everywhere in order to give the sense that it can win. That means thousands of volunteers putting in tens of thousands of hours to reach every voter, but it also means lots and lots of money to boost its message. With institutional support likely to go to the hand-picked Democrat, there will need to be organizing at the grassroots level to get people involved directly in the same way Mamdani’s campaign organized workers directly rather than hoping to win over union leadership.

This will require targeted support from the strata of workers most able to give at a slightly higher level: unionized workers and professionals with more disposable income who can give between $250 and $500 in one election cycle. That means identifying such members in our chapter and in the national organization, communicating the vision of the campaign, and getting them to give. One hundred such donors means $25,000 to $50,000; five hundred means as much as a quarter million. That requires work and building on the organic connections our members have with workers. 

Votes

Patty García is by most standards a progressive, and Chuy was one of the most progressive members of Congress. That means every vote Sigcho-Lopez wins will be a vote for democratic socialist politics, not just a protest vote against a weak or moderate Democrat. That alone would be an important step in learning how to build an independent socialist vehicle.

Chuy García announced he would not be seeking reelection immediately before the close of petition-gathering for the Democratic primary, and only his chief of staff, Patty García, was ready with petition signatures. She will be unopposed in the primary and face only nominal Republican opposition in the general election. The Fourth was created as Illinois’ first majority-Latino district in 1992, and since then, only two people have held the seat: Luis Gutierrez and Chuy García. The latter took the seat in a similar hand-off from Gutierrez. In other words, in Illinois’ only Latino-majority district, the voters have never had a meaningful election, especially since the district was also substantially re-drawn in 2022. 

For that reason, it is somewhat difficult to forecast what could happen. It is useful to know, though, that in 2022 the general election vote was about 134,000, with 49,000 (37%) coming from Chicago, and 7,500 (6%) from Sigcho-Lopez’s 25th ward. The Democrat won with 91,000 votes, with a Republican drawing 37,300 and a candidate from the Working Class Party gaining 4,600. 

That same year, 38,000 people voted in the Democratic primary and 12,200 in the Republican primary for the district. That’s a difference of about 83,000 between self-identifying (and presumably partisan) Democrats and Republicans and the total number of voters. To win, Sigcho-Lopez would need to win enough of those more casual voters and peel off enough Democrats. The math is not friendly, but it is hardly impossible; he would need to win about 60,000 votes, or just over half of the non-Republican vote, since, assuming there are 150,000 voters and 25% go with a Republican, that leaves about 110,000 voters.

Sigcho-Lopez has won two bruising elections in Chicago. Nobody has ever voted for Patty García for anything, and because she is unopposed, nobody will really be voting for her even in the primary. Can Sigcho-Lopez grow a base of the 7% of the district in his ward (around 7,000 votes) and win over 50,000 voters in one of the most progressive districts in the country in the wake of a shady hand-off of power? It hardly seems impossible; if there is any way to see how far the democratic socialist message can get, now is the time and the Fourth District is the place. 

The Candidate and the Cadre

One way to characterize Byron Sigcho-Lopez is a ‘firebrand.’ Certainly, he has been the least compromising socialist elected official we have seen in a long time. His hostility to the Democratic Party establishment has been open, often to his political detriment. While he is a Democratic Party Committeeman (and so technically a part of the Cook County leadership structure), that does not seem to have dampened his appetite to take on and break from the party. Byron is an ideologically committed socialist. 

His time in office has been turbulent, with a variety of conflicts both within and outside of his ward. Nevertheless, he has repeatedly shown himself to be tireless and always on the front line anywhere the working class is under attack.

Sigcho-Lopez has worked closely with the Chicago DSA going back to the chapter’s early involvement in the Lift the Ban campaign in 2017, when he invited us to participate. The South Side branch brought the rest of the chapter into the work, running referenda in support of lifting the ban on rent control in a number of precincts and becoming one of our earliest electoral efforts. He remained closely connected to the chapter’s Socialists in Office (SIO) committee and kept lines of communication open. 

He is not, however, ‘cadre’ in the usual sense; his relationships across his ward and the Fourth Congressional district are not a result of his political development inside DSA. They predate his relationship to CDSA, and as an elected official, they are considerably wider than the chapter could ever provide. 

The Campaign

If not a cadre candidate, would this therefore be a ‘cadre campaign?’ It will have to be. Taking on a Democratic party candidate from the outside – not trying to knock out an establishment Democrat from within, but costing the party a safe seat, in an election year  where every win will be vital – will dry up just about every resource outside of what organized socialists and bottom-up people power can provide. If formal institutional support is not forthcoming, DSA and CDSA, and whatever other local groups are willing to join in coalition to take on the Democratic establishment, will have to do the hard work of organizing affinity groups in support of the campaign. That includes community groups, unions, ethnic and religious organizations, and other political formations where formal support can’t be expected. 

CDSA will need to orient itself heavily towards this campaign. Organizing within our unions, building on our relationships with other community and affinity groups, stepping up to captain door-knocking and fund-raising operations, creating media, and staffing the campaign to produce policy, are among the myriad things needed to win. 

The process matters. If we invest strongly in developing our relationships across the district and the city, building our internal campaign, media, and coalition-building skills, honing our message of political independence, and identifying thousands of people who agree with our vision of an independent working-class party, democratic socialism wins. Even if the campaign fails, those relationships and experiences will be a net win for the cause, but only if we take the effort to build them seriously. 

In other words, it is not worth endorsing this campaign if we as a chapter are not going to leave everything on the field. We must do the work to discover what it would takes to win against the Democratic Party from the outside, despite what it may take.

The post Independence Requires Investment: The Time is Now for an Independent Run appeared first on Midwest Socialist.

Two nights ago, Trump’s fascist regime carried out airstrikes on Venezuela’s capital and kidnapped Venezuela’s leader, Nicolás Maduro, along with his wife, Cilia Flores. In this armed invasion of a sovereign nation, the US also shamelessly murdered at least 40 Venezuelan people, including civilians. The Silicon Valley Democratic Socialists of America mourns this loss of life and condemns the imperialist war against Venezuela.

This kidnapping is simply a continuation of the long history of the United States undermining the sovereignty of Latin American states. This history goes decades back, including the 1954 overthrow of pro-labor President Jacobo Árbenz in Guatemala, which led to decades of civil war in the nation, and the 1973 coup against socialist President Salvador Allende in Chile, which led to the fascist dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet.

These coups were orchestrated or encouraged by the US government not because the US believes in fighting for “democracy” or “freedom,” but because these Latin American governments pursued policies which undermined the economic interests of US corporations. This is the core of modern US foreign policy – to wreck entire countries and derail the lives of millions of people for decades, just so some corporate elites can make a quick buck off exploiting workers, land, and whatever or whoever they can get their hands on.

The US’ aggression against Venezuela is no different: Like the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, this war is being waged for the profits of US oil companies which are destroying the planet. Trump doesn’t even hide our government’s greed anymore, openly declaring after the airstrikes that the US intends to run Venezuela and plunder its vast oil resources.

This aggression started not just with the airstrikes, but has been waged through an almost-decades-long bipartisan “maximum pressure campaign” since 2017, where the US placed blanket sanctions on Venezuela’s oil sector which powers its economy. These sanctions played a key role in drastically lowering Venezuela’s oil production, leading to a deep humanitarian crisis where Venezuela is no longer able to import its basic necessities like food and medicine. The sanctions have also had a staggering death toll, as mortality increased by 31 percent — meaning 40,000 more people died — just one year after the sanctions took effect. In turn, the US has attempted to pull the wool over the American people’s eyes and use this crisis to point to Venezuela as a failed state and justify their war, when they are the ones who accelerated the crisis in the first place!

However, the American people will not be fooled by this pathetic attempt to justify brazen imperialism – people know regime change does not work and will not benefit the 99%. When US healthcare and social programs are being slashed while billions are spent on military adventures, coups, and genocides, people know the only winners are the oil industry, the US war machine, and the billionaire class which profits off the exploitation of both American and Venezuelan workers.

Therefore, we as Silicon Valley DSA take a clear and uncompromising stand: Down with the military industrial complex which powers imperialism! Down with the genocidal US Empire and its capitalist cronies! And hands off Venezuela!

The post SVDSA Condemns the United States’ Imperialist War Against Venezuela appeared first on Silicon Valley DSA.

Once again we wake up to find that US bombs have been dropped on a foreign country. Once again we are making war without justification, in violation of international law that we pretend to uphold for other countries when it’s convenient to us. ROC DSA condemns war on Venezuela and we call on our elected leaders in Congress to hold Trump and his cabinet accountable to the fullest extent possible, including immediate impeachment.

This is what the system of capitalism demands: an ever-expanding frontier of capital and resources to feed itself to no ends while leaving the dead bodies of workers and anyone who dares stand in its way or in its path. The actions of our government are not the result of democratic deliberation by American citizens. We are owned by wealthy capitalists who control the vast majority of our elected leaders on both sides of the aisle and make sure they never pay taxes, go to jail, or face any sort of repercussions for their violence against the bottom 99% of Americans.

We saw this with the sub-prime mortgage crisis; no bankers went to jail for the fraud they committed to enrich themselves. None of the people responsible for the Iraq and Afghanistan wars have been arrested and charged with war crimes. Instead, Dick Cheney received a state funeral. That is the type of behavior that is encouraged and rewarded in this country.

The attack on Venezuela isn’t about drugs or spreading democracy, it is about oil and rare earth minerals like lithium and copper. If it was about drugs, Trump wouldn’t have pardoned Honduran narco dictator Juan Orlando Hernández just a few weeks ago despite him being charged in US courts for trafficking 400 tons of cocaine into the US. It isn’t about drugs, it is about imperial hegemony.

It isn’t about democracy either, because Trump and his cronies don’t care about democracy. Where was the democracy on January 6th? There was none. Those sitting at the controls of the capitalist system do not care about democracy, they do not care about human lives, and they do not care about drug trafficking. What they care about is domination, cruelty, and enriching and empowering themselves at any cost. Right now, that cost is being endured by the Venezuelan people and the self-determination that was just stolen from them. To no one’s surprise, Trump is too stupid to maintain the lies given to him by the state department and has made clear this is about the theft of natural resources.

The treatment of Palestine demonstrates the yoke of the US military-industrial complex placed on the world. It is not just about militarism and enriching Trump and his oligarchic friends, it is about dominating a non-White population somewhere else in the world for the United States’s geopolitical ends. Palestine, the global south, and any country that stands up for itself have been the victims of US imperialism for a long time and will continue to be until we reconstitute ourselves in a truly democratic manner where all people are respected and all rights are guaranteed. Socialists have to keep fighting to make this world possible.

For those who showed up on short notice to rally against US actions in Venezuela: Thank you.  But don’t let this be your only action: join ROC DSA. It is organizing that makes our collective voices effective, that prepares us to act, and that guides us toward the next steps for liberation. We are committed to showing up to stand in solidarity with the international working class. 

Join DSA: dsausa.us/join.

The post ROC DSA Condemns War in Venezuela first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

The Milwaukee Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) are joining the call to end the Trump Administration’s war against Venezuela after U.S. forces launched an attack against Caracas overnight, bombing the city and kidnapping Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his wife. This war, which is illegal under both U.S. law and international law, is the latest imperialist provocation by the U.S., and Milwaukee DSA demands an end to this and all U.S. military aggression throughout the world.

“There is no democracy for Venezuelans found at the barrels of American guns,” Milwaukee DSA Co-Chair Autumn Pickett said. “To target narcos, all we have to do is look inward to pharmaceutical giants like Purdue that pushed opiates on working people and get off with slaps on the wrist. If Trump were to have his way, our one planet would be left a barren husk for billionaires. The only path out is organizing hand-in-hand for the better world that we and our children deserve.” 

Despite the Trump Administration’s claims that the attacks were a response to Venezuelan drug trafficking, the unilateral actions of the U.S. reflect a long history of regime change in nations where the U.S. capitalist class has sought material or political resources, leaving millions dead in the post-9/11 war zones alone.

“It’s time to end foreign aggression and work towards peace,” DSA-endorsed City of Milwaukee Alderman Alex Brower said. “Communities across this country could be lifted up—instead, we’re wasting money on wars that help no one. It’s time for the war spending to end and the American government to fund cities like Milwaukee.”

If the U.S. continues this war, millions more people in Venezuela and beyond could face death and disaster at the hands of the imperialist war machine.

“America’s thirst for the forceful extraction of resources from countries like Venezuela must come to an end,” Milwaukee DSA Co-Chair Andy Barbour said. “The only way to combat Trump’s belligerent, bloodthirsty behavior is to organize our working class against the system that allows such violence to take place on behalf of oil corporations and weapons manufacturers.”

Milwaukee DSA is asking the public to join their call and demand that their representatives in Congress pass a War Powers Resolution blocking further military aggression.Milwaukee DSA is Milwaukee’s largest socialist organization fighting against imperialism for a democratic economy, a just society, and a sustainable environment. Join today at dsausa.org/join.

Hands Off Venezuela! Down with the war! NNJ DSA condemns US imperialist aggression against Venezuela.  In the midst of a cost-of-living crisis and a deeply unpopular presidency, the Trump administration […]

Overnight, the United States imperialist forces launched airstrikes in Venezuela. This marks a dangerous escalation in the United States’ continued illegal war on the Venezuelan people. DSA San Francisco condemns the Trump regime’s latest act of imperialist aggression against the Latin American Left. 

The kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and Cilia Flores marks another chapter in the long history of U.S. efforts to undermine the Bolivarian process and the sovereignty of Latin American states. As the DOJ releases new indictments of Maduro and Flores on charges of narco-terrorism conspiracy, the Trump regime conveniently gains a foothold in this oil-rich country.

Once again, the U.S. government has weaponized its military might to secure the riches of a sovereign nation. This campaign isn’t about democracy, human rights, or even in support of its failed “war on drugs.” It is about seizing control of Venezuela’s oil, gold, rare earths, and mineral wealth for the benefit of corporations and the billionaire class. 

Working class people in this country gain nothing from this war. Our tax dollars are spent on bombs instead of healthcare, food assistance, housing the homeless, or any of the social programs currently being slashed under this administration. Just as our lives didn’t improve with bombings in Syria, Nigeria, Iran, Yemen, and Somalia, carried out under this Trump regime with bipartisan support from Democrats and Republicans alike, the only winners here are war profiteers, oil industry giants, the U.S. war machine, and the companies that profit off of human suffering. 

DSA SF calls on all revolutionaries, workers, and oppressed people to take to the streets and demand an immediate end to U.S. imperialist intervention in Venezuela and its efforts to build socialism! We condemn Congress’ participation and enabling of unilateral executive war powers and their faithful service to the military industrial complex and those who profit from it. We stand in unwavering solidarity with the Venezuelan people and reject all imperialist wars waged in our name!

STATEMENT IN CONDEMNATION OF ONGOING, REGIONAL, US MILITARY ACTION

Since this statement was written, late on the night of January 2nd, the US bombed military and civilian facilities in Caracas, culminating in the abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores. This act is a violation of International Law, as well as the stated goals of occupation prior to regime change. It signals an alarming precedent that US law enforcement are willing to conduct illegal military operations on sovereign soil.

The West Sound chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America recognizes that the United States of America is currently engaged in remote, unlawful and inhumane military action in and around the sovereign space of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and condemns the Trump administration as well as any Republican or Democratic lawmaker who voted to reject two resolutions, brought forward in 2025 under the War Powers Act of 1973. These measures would have limited executive authority to carry out such actions and required congressional approval for both military action taken against Venezuela, and military action in the Caribbean Sea. The failure of these congressional measures signal the continued concentration of war-making power within the US state, and the erosion of democratic control on the use of military force.

These military actions primarily involved the striking of suspected drug traffickers off the Caribbean coast of Venezuela. As of reporting from December 29th, 2025, strikes on a boat in the Eastern Pacific Ocean and a Venezuelan port have occurred, marking the first land strike of a facility by the US military in Venezuela since the operation began. These actions are a part of the US Counter-Narco-Terrorism campaign, Operation Southern Spear. Rather than detain individuals through any credible judicial process, the Trump administration is relying on terrorist designations that have long been used to circumvent accountability for extrajudicial violence.

It is through this distinction of “fighting terrorism” that the Trump administration justifies the use of deadly force against declared “non-state groups,” seemingly acting as executioner with impunity. These Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs) are identified as Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua as well as Cartel de los Soles, and were initially used to distinguish the action taken militarily as not being directed at the Venezuelan government itself; in December 2025, this too would change when President Trump declared Venezuela as an FTO. This has been a common strategy utilized by previous US administrations to take military action without democratic consent, especially when it came to many military operations in the Middle East.

A US military operation on September 2nd, 2025, observed and directed by US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, and US Naval Admiral Mitch Bradley, resulted in the death of 11 people. This was prior to the FTO designation being applied to Venezuela itself. The initial drone strike destroyed the vessel and presumably killed 9 individuals onboard. From captured aerial footage, 2 individuals survived the strike and are seen swimming towards the wreckage. A subsequent strike would kill these two people. The events as described constitute a war crime and violation of the Geneva Convention.

According to Common Article III of the Geneva Conventions of 1949:
In the case of armed conflict not of an international character occurring in the territory of one of the High Contracting Parties, each Party to the conflict shall be bound to apply, as a minimum, the following provisions:

1. Persons taking no active part in the hostilities, including members of armed forces who have laid down their arms and those placed hors de combat by sickness, wounds, detention, or any other cause, shall in all circumstances be treated humanely, without any adverse distinction founded on race, colour, religion or faith, sex, birth or wealth, or any other similar criteria. To this end, the following acts are and shall remain prohibited at any time and in any place whatsoever with respect to the above-mentioned persons:
   1. violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture;
   2. taking of hostages;
   3. outrages upon personal dignity, in particular, humiliating and degrading treatment;
   4. the passing of sentences and the carrying out of executions without previous judgment pronounced by a regularly constituted court affording all the judicial guarantees which are recognized as indispensable by civilized peoples.
2. The wounded and sick shall be collected and cared for. An impartial humanitarian body, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, may offer its services to the Parties to the conflict. The Parties to the conflict should further endeavour to bring into force, by means of special agreements, all or part of the other provisions of the present Convention. The application of the preceding provisions shall not affect the legal status of the Parties to the conflict.

Additionally, the summary of the United States War Crimes Act of 1996 (H.R. 3680) states: War Crimes Act of 1996 – Amends the Federal criminal code to provide that anyone, whether inside or outside the United States, who commits a grave breach of the Geneva conventions, where the person who commits such breach or the victim of such breach is a member of the U.S. armed forces or a U.S. national, shall be fined or imprisoned for life or any term of years, or both, or, if death results to the victim, be subject to the death penalty.

It is by these standards that all involved in the September 2nd operation, in which survivors of an initial kinetic strike were killed in a subsequent strike after confirmation of survivors was known, are potentially guilty of both violating the Geneva Convention as well as federal law under the War Crimes Act of 1996, and should be immediately tried accordingly. As of the 29th of December, and from the beginning of military action in the Caribbean, 30 boat strikes and at least 107 people have been killed by US strikes, according to the Associated Press.

It should also not be left unsaid that this is not the first instance of the US violating the Geneva Convention in this way, as multiple instances of these “double-taps” and killing the wounded have been reported across multiple conflicts, including conflicts under President George Bush Sr. during the First Gulf War, President George W. Bush during the Iraq War (Second Gulf War), and President Barack Obama in Iraq, Pakistan, and Yemen (among other countries). This tactic of “double-taps” is usually compounded with the targeting of individuals seeking to aid the wounded, and has only been becoming more prolific of a “strategy” over the last few decades.

It is with great urgency that we as a nation must address these grievances enacted on the foreign persons of Venezuela by this administration, as not only is it in violation of international law, but it is in violation of federal law as well. President Trump and his administration, notably Secretary of War Pete Hegseth and Vice President J.D. Vance, tout drug trafficking as tantamount to terrorism, placing significant emphasis on the transportation of fentanyl within repurposed fishing vessels. According to an executive order signed December 15th, 2025, fentanyl is “closer to a chemical weapon than a narcotic” and “illicit fentanyl and its core precursor chemicals” are thus classified Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD); this supposedly necessitates the need for extreme military action.

We must recognize similarities between the urgent calls to wage war and calls to incite regime change abroad by the Trump administration with nearly identical calls for action in Iraq at the turn of the millennium:

[…] our belief is that the international community wants to see Saddam Hussein reverse course and that Saddam Hussein’s possession of weapons of mass destruction are a threat to everybody in the region.

– Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright and Prime Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu; Joint Press Availability, Royal Garden Hotel; London, United Kingdom, November 14, 1997.

The US would later begin military operations in Iraq in 2003, and by January 2004 the Bush administration would concede to there being no “Weapons of Mass Destruction” in Iraq.

Similarly, there is no evidence that fentanyl is produced or distributed through or within Venezuela. For the drug trafficking of Schedule 1 and 2 substances, which includes cocaine, fentanyl, and fentanyl analogs, the punishment ranges from 5- 40 years in for a first offense, with life imprisonment being the maximum sentence for multiple offences or when loss of life is involved. None of the killed have so far been proven to be drug traffickers, let alone tried in a court of law.

The actual motivations for the Trump administration and US military violating domestic and international law are likely in part due to control over perceived valuable resources, with President Trump having stated: “They took all of our oil not that long ago. And we want it back.” He has also advocated explicitly for regime change in Venezuela, and they have enacted, concurrently with the administration’s military actions, a total blockade of sanctioned oil tankers leaving Venezuela, resulting in two such tankers being intercepted and acquired by the US military. Another key motivation for regime change is due to Venezuela’s status as a socialist country, a justification used for US military intervention globally since the start of the Cold War.

We must also be wary of the capital forces behind continued military action anywhere. For reference, Dick Cheney, as Vice President of the US, helped ensure the company Haliburton received 36.9 billion dollars in military contracts. Dick Cheney was a former Halliburton CEO and continued to receive “deferred compensation” of 1 million dollars annually while the company executives participated in discussions within the administration over potential oil production in post-war Iraq. Today in Venezuela, fentanyl is the media spin, but there is little mistaking capital as a primary driver of this military action.

Land, resources, and weapons manufacturing are the primary drivers of US military spending, especially since the second World War, and it props up an economy dependent on constant conflict.

This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.

– President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Farewell Address (1961).

It is this feature of wartime profiteering that is a hallmark of US imperialism, and is perpetuated through capital influences on our politics from the defence lobby.

This echoes the motivation for US interventionism and imperialism in Latin America throughout our nation’s history. From the land theft of indigenous peoples by settlers all over the country, culminating in war with Mexico to seize land from California to Texas, to President Theodore Roosevelt’s Roosevelt Corollary, which began directing US military operations throughout Central and South America as a way to protect US and European colonial interests throughout the 20th century. The resources and capital extracted by US companies from Latin American banana republics was the primary motivator for continuous military interventionism and multiple campaigns of regime change.

After World War II and during the Cold War with the USSR, leftist and socialist campaigns to uplift the peasantry and decouple the governments from colonialism were brutally suppressed by the United States, either through direct military action or the training and funding of US-friendly authoritarian regimes, in the name of fighting communism. Even nations somewhat successful in establishing leftist governments found their situations sabotaged by crippling sanctions imposed by the US, and internal corruption exacerbated by CIA operations.

Throughout the 20th century in Latin America, the US was involved directly in the “successful” regime change of 17 governments, and of 24 others indirectly, through training and military funding. As noted in a Harvard Review of Latin America paper from 2005, if spread out evenly over the whole of the 20th century, this would amount to US policy having been consequential in instituting largely right-wing authoritarians in a different country every 28 months. This does not include less-than successful attempts at regime change such as US involvement in Cuba defined by the Cuban Missile Crisis and the rise of Fidel Castro, nor the amount of times the US has directly or indirectly supported pro-US dictatorships in the region from regime change. Notable examples include:

• The use of Cuban liberation as an excuse to wage war on Spain at the turn of the 20thcentury, after which the US directly occupied Cuba before installing a US-friendly dictator.
• Intervention promoting Panamanian secession from Colombia, using US troops to occupy and secure land which would be used to begin construction of the Panama Canal in 1904, which would not fall under ownership of Panama until December 31st 1999.
• Occupation of the Dominican Republic under President Lyndon B. Johnson a few years after the assassination of DR President Trujillo as a way to exert political power in the face of internal US political threats by Republicans in congress.
• Contra war, in which US backed opposition to the Sandinista government of Nicaragua, with Henry Kissinger and Ronald Reagan having circumvented congressional law that prevented the arming of rebel groups by first selling weapons to Iran to then sell to rebels in Nicaragua.
• Heavy involvement in Chile in the early 1970s by Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon, culminating in the brutal coup d’état and assassination of the democratically elected President of Chile, Marxist-socialist Salavador Allende, by military general Pinochet.
• US funding and training of death squads in El Salvador after backing the establishment of a military junta in the country. They supported the right-wing authoritarian regime against leftist guerilla groups during the over-decade long civil war from 1979 to 1992.

Hundreds of thousands of people, mainly indigenous folks and the peasantry, would lose their lives to conflicts funded and at times directed by the United States. The echoes of colonialism, violence, and bloodshed in the name of US imperialism can still be felt in these countries. As people in Latin America continue to fight for self-determination and an end to the perpetual poverty necessitated by US capital interests, our government continues the inhumane treatment of refugees and persons seeking solace within our own borders. In many ways, the immigration crisis we face now has been manufactured over decades of US imperialism, and our dependence on an economically-depressed Latin America prolongs the conditions which cause them to flee.

War profiteering, human rights abuses, and a bipartisan legacy of undemocratic military intervention are on full display in these operations. Please join West Sound DSA in saying no to perpetuating US imperialism, and no to war on Venezuela.

Military Action:

1. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/u-s-military-carries-out-30th-strike-on-alleged-drug-boat
2. https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/trump-us-knocked-big-facility-venezuela/story?id=128750795
3. https://www.cbsnews.com/news/drug-boat-strike-kills-2-eastern-pacific-december-2025/
4. https://www.war.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/4346303/pentagon-provides-update-on-operation-southern-spear-reaffirms-socom-called-for/
5. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c773de38p2go
6. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/5/us-military-kills-four-in-latest-strike-on-boat-in-the-caribbean
7. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c93n4nx5yqro
8. https://2009-2017.state.gov/j/inl/rls/nrcrpt/2016/vol1/253323.htm
9. https://www.axios.com/2025/12/17/trump-venezuela-oil-blockade-maduro-regime-te rrorist-designation

Fentanyl as WMD

1. https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/12/designating-fentanyl-as-a-weapon-of-mass-destruction/

Eisenhower, Military Industrial Complex

1. https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/president-dwight-d-eisenhowers-farewell-address

Congressional Reaction:

1. https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/wireStory/house-rejects-resolutions-limit-trumps-campaign-venezuela-drug-128499816
2. https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/congress/senate-rejects-resolution-block-trump-military-action-venezuela-rcna242485

Iraq:

1. https://www.cfr.org/timeline/iraq-war
2. https://1997-2001.state.gov/statements/971114b.html
3. https://www.corpwatch.org/article/cheney-halliburton-and-spoils-war

Oil:

1. https://fortune.com/2025/12/18/venezuela-oil-trump-chevron-seized-assets-blockade/
2. https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/us-might-keep-or-might-sell-oil-seized-near-venezuela-trump-says-2025-12-22/
3. https://www.cnn.com/2025/12/22/politics/oil-tanker-pursuit-trump-maduro

Law:

1. Common Article III of the Geneva Conventions of 1949
   1. https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/Doc.32_GC-III-EN.pdf
2. US War Crimes Act of 1996
   1. https://www.congress.gov/bill/104th-congress/house-bill/3680
3. https://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/flr/vol69/iss1/7/
4. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=6176&context=wvlr
5. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/byuplr/vol39/iss1/6/
6. https://www.fordham.edu/student-life/deans-of-students-and-student-life/student-handbook/university-regulations/drug-free-campus-guidelines/federal-trafficking-penalties-for-schedules-i-ii-iii-iv-and-v-except-marijuana/
7. https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/monroe-doctrine

Latin America Interventionism

1. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/nov/30/henry-kissinger-chile-argentina-south-america
2. https://revista.drclas.harvard.edu/united-states-interventions/
3. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/11/26/a-timeline-of-cia-operations-in-latin-a merica
4. https://www.npr.org/2023/09/10/1193755188/chile-coup-50-years-pinochet-kissinger-human-rights-allende

Key Contributors

Original Statement

Written by

Carlos Yosten

Copyediting by

Sage Westfall

Amendment 1

Written by

Nick Schmitt

Acknowledgement of Contribution

Daniel Baca

Approval Signatories

West Sound Democratic Socialists of America – Steering Committee (2025-2026)

Daniel Baca – Co-Chair

Approved

Carlos Yosten – Co-Chair Approved

Nick Schmitt – Secretary Approved

Kristin Lillegard – Membership Coordinator Approved

Jared Sterling – Treasurer Approved

Note: the following piece was penned just days before the United States’ recent military attack on Venezuela and kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife on January 3rd, 2025. With conditions changing on the ground rapidly, this article offers vital context that is important for Americans to understand as news continues to roll in during the coming days and weeks.

***

Since September, the US has murdered over 90 Venezuelans in strikes and attacks on Venezuelan ships, which have supposedly been smuggling drugs into the US. The Trump administration has put forward no evidence that any of these ships have been a part of drug smuggling operations. There is also no legal right that gives the Trump administration permission to kill Venezuelans in Venezuelan waters. Additionally, the Trump administration has implemented a blockade on oil tankers, as well as seizing the tankers it can get its hands on. While this policy is a serious escalation, it is not the beginning of US aggression towards Venezuela, which has been going on for years. 

The first sanctions were imposed against the country back in 2005. They were expanded under the Obama administration in 2015 and were strengthened again under Trump, crippling the Venezuelan economy and leading to the deaths of about 40 thousand people from 2017 to 2019 alone. Most recently, the Trump administration has put in place a complete blockade on sanctioned oil tankers entering or leaving the country. 

The US has planned and attempted to overthrow the Venezuelan government for many years, with the current escalation being a part of a long line of repression in hopes of getting rid of Nicolás Maduro and the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela. Understanding the conditions pushing the US towards war is imperative in understanding how US socialists should respond to the conflict.  

The US has multiple reasons to respond to Venezuela in the way that it has. First, the socialist government in Venezuela has denied US industries a possible market to expand their goods into. The nature of capitalism makes it so that corporations are constantly looking for ways to expand their markets. Once monopolies have “won” the game of free market competition at home, they typically aim to expand abroad. Capitalists seeking profit are naturally drawn to new regions where they have not yet been able to sell their goods. On top of new buyers, new markets tend to lead to new resources that can be extracted. Venezuela has the largest oil reserves on earth. Gaining control of these reserves would be incredibly profitable to US oil businesses like ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips. Because of the nationalization of many industries in Venezuela, US imperialism is essentially locked out of economic expansion in the region. Because the US is losing markets abroad to foreign companies, it is beginning to take more of an interest in Venezuelan industry. US imperialism is in decline. Countries like China are starting to take a larger part of the world market by creating economic zones outside of the control of Western business, causing the US to turn defensive, attempting to consolidate the areas it has historically controlled economically. 

Furthering Venezuela’s breaking away from US influence, the nation is seeking membership in BRICS. BRICS is an economic bloc of countries, including Brazil, Russia, China, South Africa, and others, working to create a counter to US economic dominance. Venezuela’s closer ties with BRICS countries further push it away from the US influence and economic control. With more countries moving away from markets controlled by  Western capital, it is becoming more important for the US to defend its economic interests in its own backyard.

US interests will not just affect Venezuela. In bringing Venezuela back in line with US economic dominance, the US may hope to kill two birds with one stone. Cuba has, for a long time, been a thorn in the US’s side. During the Cold War it existed as a socialist nation just off the coast of Florida. After the Cold War ended, it maintained its socialist character and continued to exist in contrast to American economic interests in the region. Cuba’s refusal to capitulate after the collapse of the Soviet Union has been partially aided by Venezuela and its supplying of oil to the island nation, on top of other cooperative agreements, which have assisted both nations under continual US pressure. With US control of oil in the region, they could further squeeze the Cuban people, hardening the blockade the US has had in place against Cuba since the 60s and causing more suffering for those living on the island, with a hope of destroying the Cuban revolution once and for all. Therefore, a defense of Venezuelan sovereignty is also a defense of Cuban sovereignty.

Many oppose US intervention, but also oppose the current government in Venezuela. For this group, what would a defeat of the government and victory for the Venezuelan opposition actually look like? The Venezuelan Opposition leader Morina Machado, who recently won the Nobel Peace Prize, has ironically been one of the strongest advocates for the US war against Venezuela. She has made her plans for the country clear, stating Venezuela under her rule would “be the strongest ally in the region for the United States, “as well as discussing the privatization of the Venezuelan economy, calling it a “business opportunity of more than $1.7 trillion.” Essentially, Machado wants to put the Venezuelan economy under shock therapy to sell it to the US and other foreign investors. This move would destroy the already poor economic situation of Venezuela, which has been devastated by US sanctions, and would place the reins of Venezuelan sovereignty squarely in the hands of the US. A country cannot be free if it is entirely owned by foreign corporations.

The effects of shock therapy have already been witnessed in many different places around the globe. When the Soviet Union was illegally dissolved, it caused the greatest drop in life expectancy during peacetime in any industrialized nation in recorded history. By 1999, the country had 50% of the population living under the poverty line. In Chile, after the overthrow of democratically elected socialist Salvador Allende, the military dictator Pinochet also implemented shock therapy. This, too, ended in disaster. Inequality became incredibly heightened as a wealthy few benefited while the majority struggled to get by. In 1982, an economic crash caused by Pinochet’s economic reforms led the country to reach 45% of the population living in poverty. With unemployment reaching 30%.

The opposition in Venezuela has also consistently supported and been supported by Israel. A nation that, for the past 77 years, has been committing an ethnic cleansing against the Palestinian population. Machado specifically has been a strong supporter of Israel. She signed an agreement of cooperation between her party and Likud, the party of Benjamin Netanyahu. As well as claiming that she would move the Venezuelan embassy to Jerusalem, following the lead of the US which made the move back in 2018 during the first Trump presidency. In 2019, the opposition leader and US-backed self-declared president, Juan Guaidó, stated his desire to reestablish relations with Israel. Ties had been severed under President Hugo Chavez back in 2009 due to the killing of 1,000 Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. In 2017, when an anti-government terrorist used a helicopter to bomb the Venezuelan Supreme Court, the perpetrator used Israeli grenades to carry out the attack. The Venezuelan opposition, instead of reinstalling democracy, would sell the country to the US. Further demolishing the economy for the benefit of a wealthy few and the support of a genocidal regime. 

Before the bulk of US sanctions the country was moving in a positive direction. Hugo Chavez had implemented policies to decrease wealth inequality and cut the poverty rate in half, dropping it from 61% to around 34% by 2013.  Under Chavez, Venezuela became one of the first nations in Latin America to guarantee basic healthcare to all people in the country. His government also implemented land reform policies, which broke up large estates that were not productively using the land and often left it uncultivated, giving it to the peasants. These policies materially helped millions of people who, before, were living in incredible poverty. His policies helped bring literacy, healthcare, and necessary goods to those who had been neglected by the government and society. 

However, after the collapse of oil globally in 2014, the economy began to struggle. The Venezuelan economy was heavily based on the production of oil due to colonial-era policy. European nations benefited from having their Latin American colonies focus production on exporting a few key resources, allowing them to get cheap goods. However, because Venezuela’s economy was built almost solely on oil production, fluctuations in oil costs globally greatly affect the economy. After Venezuela was already hit with this economic hardship, the US increased sanctions in 2015, worsening the economic collapse. While certain aspects of Nicolás Maduro’s political and economic policy may certainly be criticized, debilitating sanctions from the most powerful nation on earth and constant attempts at coups against the government would bring any country in Latin America to its knees, no matter the economic policies of that country. Venezuela improving people’s lives and stabilizing the economy under these conditions would be an economic miracle. If socialists want to see an improvement in the conditions of Venezuela, then they should oppose sanctions and US interference. A victory of the opposition would certainly not improve things, and there is no third faction with either enough influence to take power or magical policies that could fix Venezuela’s economy while under the country’s current pressure from the US.

With all this, it is clear that the US and its extension in the Venezuelan opposition are tools of imperialism. Socialists in the US must oppose imperialism in all its forms. Therefore, with an invasion looming on the horizon, it is incredibly important that US socialists oppose any breaches of Venezuelan sovereignty. A US victory in Venezuela would first of all impose policies that would further weaken the Venezuelan economy, by extension harming the Venezuelan people more than they already have been harmed by US meddling. On top of this, it would weaken the positions of socialists at home as US capital is strengthened by its control over Venezuelan oil and markets. Finally, it would weaken the international struggle as Cuba is further isolated and Palestine loses one of its few allies abroad. As the US is the primary imperialist power, it is the duty of US socialists to hinder US imperialism to the best of our ability to stop the US from profiting from the mass exploitation of the global south.

Now how do socialists in the US go about fighting for Venezuelan sovereignty? A start is heeding the call made to US students to organize with their Venezuelan comrades towards peace. YDSA and other socialist youth groups should agitate students to protest for peace, while also building connections with Venezuelan students abroad. Building off of the pro-Palestine work already being done is essential for creating a broad anti-imperialist front that opposes all of the US’s imperialist wars. As US imperialism is interconnected, so too must socialist opposition be.

The US is blatantly showing its hand as an imperialist, warmongering empire. Unlike Iraq, it is barely attempting to manufacture consent for its atrocities. Liberal pundits are already calling out the similarities and blaming the Trump administration for the country’s attacks on Venezuela. It is the job of socialists to point out the systemic cause of this violence. That the US’s drive for war and imperialism is not the narcissistic whims of the Trump administration but a fundamental outgrowth of capitalism. It is important to remember that some of the first sanctions imposed against Venezuela were imposed by the Obama administration.

One of the great flaws in the modern left is its lack of interest in the army. Many previous socialist revolutions and struggles have agitated the army. Even in US history, anti-war sentiment among drafted soldiers was a key tool of agitation among the left against the Vietnam War. However, conditions are different now. The draft is no longer being utilized; all soldiers currently joining the army are doing so by choice. To some, this places them in the position of being unreachable and tainted by the crimes committed by the US army. This perspective loses sight of the valuable tool that the horror of US imperialism is for creating disillusionment and class consciousness among the rank and file soldiers. Many veterans come home radicalized by their experience in the army. While it is true that some accept their role in the imperialist war machine and will not be reached, many still can be. Having support within the army is an incredibly important component to any successful socialist movement. This means taking a real concern with organizing in the military. Especially during times of imperialist war. When the greed and horror of Capitalism are most apparent. If the US does invade Venezuela, socialists must attempt to reach soldiers. To agitate for them to organize and oppose the war. This will not be an easy task, but it is nonetheless a critical one.

The working class as a whole is the primary group socialists are attempting to organize. However, there are major hurdles to achieve this.  As of 2024, only 11.1% of workers are in unions. Federal policy disincentivizes workers in the private sector from striking for political reasons, and public sector workers are outright banned in most states from striking at all. On top of this, the US possesses a labor aristocracy. This is created by giving some of the massive profits capitalists accrue from exploiting the global south to sections of the working class. Many well off, especially white, workers are able to be bought off by reforms and other concessions funded by this exploitation. While they remain a part of the working class this group is pushed away from class consciousness and organizing because of the benefits they are able to receive from US Imperialism. All of this means that putting together any kind of organized labor resistance to war is incredibly difficult in its current state. Socialists and the labor movement as a whole are simply not powerful enough to carry out effective mass strikes against war. Despite this, organizing among workers must not stop. Socialists must push for a strong revolutionary labor movement. One that will fight for permanent change and does not take temporary benefits at the expense of workers in the global south.  As US imperialism declines, capitalists will continue to pull back the concessions it has given to sections of the American working class. Socialists need to be consistently agitating to grow the labor movement so that, as the concessions given to workers decline, socialists are able to have the training and presence in the labor movement to organize newly disillusioned workers towards revolutionary politics. Workers make society run. Only by working through the issues of organizing workers and building an anti imperialist labor movement can lasting change occur.

As the war in Venezuela becomes increasingly likely, socialists must rise to meet the moment. Fighting for peace and an end to imperialist wars. Organizing among students, soldiers, workers, and all oppressed peoples to destroy the root of exploitation, Capitalism.

The struggle faced by the Venezuelan people is one that all people face. A struggle for dignity, freedom, and an end to exploitation. This road is rough and covered by the looming shadow of the US. As those in Venezuela struggle to keep their sovereignty, so too must socialists in the US struggle to hold back the beast that wishes to tear that sovereignty away from them. Humanity is interconnected, and all struggles are tied together. The weakening of imperialism abroad strengthens the fight for socialism at home. The famous British imperialist Cecil Rhodes, a diamond monopoly owner in South Africa and one of that country’s strongest supporters for apartheid once stated, “The empire, as I have always said, is a bread and butter question. If you want to avoid civil war, you must become imperialists.” This statement is true. Imperialism is built on painting over the cracks in the capitalist system. Capitalism must constantly reinvent itself with new markets to sell to and resources to profit from. Without the immense wealth that can be gained from exploiting the resources and people of other nations capitalism would falter. Imperialism is a way of artificially expanding the lifespan of the capitalist system. Having no way of buying off sections of the working class or bailing itself out of constant crises leads to massive social unrest and eventually to, as Rhodes put it, “civil war.” Or put another way, social revolution. It is necessary to commit to imperialism if you wish to avoid the abolition of capitalism. Therefore, in order to achieve revolution, one must strike first at imperialism. In other words, socialism is a bread and butter question. If one wishes to achieve social revolution, one must become anti-imperialist, and right now that means demanding the US keep its hands off Venezuela.

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