Entering YDSA Convention 2025, the authors make the case for YDSA's continued commitment to the student labor movement and against the expansions of broader student union organizing on campus.

The post For R13, Against R23: We Must Stay Committed to Labor appeared first on YDSA.

Note: posts by individual GMDSA members do not necessarily reflect the views of the broader membership or of its leadership and should not be regarded as official statements by the chapter.

GMDSA Electoral Committee Chair Adam Franz delivered the following speech at our chapter’s summer barbecue on July 22.

It’s great to see so many people here today, and I thank you all for coming to support our chapter’s delegation to Chicago for the national convention.

I am going into my fifth year as a member of the Democratic Socialists of America, and many of the people here have been in the organization longer than I have. In my time in this org, and in all of our lifetimes, “socialism” and the left have been mostly an experience of defeat. The rollback of the New Deal in favor of neoliberalism, the defeat of the labor movement, the rise of the new right, Bernie’s two defeats, and a second Trump administration. Often, socialists have looked to small wins, like mutual aid, or the lack of a defeat, as a victory.

Zohran’s win changes all of that. Since 2020, socialists have been told, and in many cases accepted, a narrative that our beliefs are unpopular, that a majority of the American people are not with us. When the New York assemblymember, a cadre DSA member, announced his campaign last fall, he was a joke. Polling at just 1%, his platform read to the mainstream media like an ultra-left Twitter bio. Free buses? Rent freeze? Publicly owned grocery stores? No, these were not the talking points they had decided the election would be about. A moral panic about crime, a debate between different forms of centrism—that was what the mayoral election would be about. Zohran’s message would not breach the borders of the already existing base of democratic socialism in New York.

New York City DSA did not, however, just play to its base. After Trump’s victory, Zohran took to the street, talking to voters in neighborhoods that swung hard against Harris in November. He found that voters were motivated by a sense that the country was not working for ordinary people, and that even the lives they had been living four years before were no longer affordable to them. Now, price caps on rent and free, universal public services don’t sound so radical. They sound like the kind of materialist demands that the socialist left has that connect with working class voters.

Zohran’s message took off, propelling him into second place against disgraced former governor Andrew Cuomo. And the more voters saw of Zohran, the more they liked him. The socialist assemblymember seemed like the first politician in a long time that genuinely cared about the struggles of the working class, and had solutions for them. Zohran did not just win the primary by 12 percent; he won neighborhoods nobody expected, and even in the neighborhoods where he lost, he far exceeded expectations, like in the more conservative Staten Island, where he landed only 9% below Cuomo. 

If Zohran wins in November, DSA will be in a position to be governing America’s biggest city. Like Bernie 40 years ago in Burlington, we have the opportunity to demonstrate that socialist government is good government. That public ownership is more efficient than private dictatorship. We can realize the slogan that Lenin beautifully gifted us a century ago: “Bolshevism equals soviet power plus electrification.” Socialists recognize that we must radically transform the state to empower ordinary people and deliver a better form of administration of government services that puts to bed the notion that socialism means ineffective government.

The easy thing to do, and you already see this in Democrats’ chosen media outlets like CNN and the New York Crimes, is to say, “This is a New York phenomenon, it can’t be repeated in cities and towns across America. Small-town America doesn’t have the media presence,  the right demographics, whatever, to allow such a victory in Anywhere, USA.” 

The truth is, New York is not an easy place to win elections for the left. It’s a city with a media ecosystem run by billionaires like Rupert Murdoch, where politics is driven by machines hostile to the left, and where the ultra-wealthy have seemingly unlimited resources to defeat insurgents like us. NYC-DSA won not because of these conditions, but in spite of them. It totally transformed the terrain on which the election was fought, because it had built up its own working-class institutions that could compete with the capitalist class on its terms, not those set by the 1%. The chapter has methodically built up its presence around the city. Zohran could capitalize on 50 thousand volunteers, knocking on doors in every borough and neighborhood to spread the message, leading to record-breaking turnout. 

The task for us is to bring the momentum to Vermont. Our chapter clearly is not as big as NYC-DSA, which has over 10,000 members. Yet we have the potential to be just as organized and mobilized. 

Working Vermonters are sick of the Democratic Party. Democrats have no answers for working people to address their concerns of an unaffordable state and out-of-control housing crisis. We do. The question is, will Vermont continue to slide back into the Republican camp, or will Vermont follow the “Zohmentum” and elect socialists in 2026?

Clearly, we have our work cut out for us. The Electoral Committee has set a goal to run four candidates for the legislature next year, in winnable seats where we can build a strong presence under the golden dome, and in hopes of building our presence statewide for future campaigns. We do this because we believe that our politics are popular and we can win. It is also because we believe that running for office is not an opportunity to rabble-rouse and talk down to the masses, but to govern as socialists. 

To do this, we need candidates. If you have ever thought to yourself, “I wish someone would do something about these problems,” that person is you! If you are interested in running for office, for the state house or selectboard or city council, come find me or another organizer today. There is a place for everybody to play.

If we are going to win, we need a chapter with a fighting capacity. We need to rely on an army of volunteers, like Zohran did. If you haven’t yet, join DSA today! While the capitalist class relies on their money, there are more of us than there are of them. Build the movement, build a fighting DSA, because I believe that we will win in 2026. 

And if you want to build on this major win, sign up to get involved with the Electoral Committee.  The next meeting is July 20 at 6.

Every month we meet to discuss books with powerful socialist and progressive messages. After each book we finish, we vote on our next book. To cast your vote or join our upcoming meeting, be sure to check the events calendar and connect with us on Slack. The candidates for our next book include: Upcoming Our [...]

Read More... from DSA Book Club

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Facing austerity and repression, Virginia Tech YDSA built a student union and brought over a thousand students out to march against the university board.

The post The Case for Student Unionism: Theory and the Virginia Tech Experience appeared first on YDSA.

Next week, five members of the Green Mountain Democratic Socialists of America will set out for Chicago, where they'll represent our chapter at the DSA National Convention, the biennial event that determines our organization's nationwide priorities and leadership.

We elected them as our delegates, and now we need to make sure that they can get there and back and still be able to pay rent next month. Here's one last call for our fundraiser – if you're a member of our chapter and haven't already contributed, please consider it. If you're not a member, we recommend joining DSA.

Here at home, we've started planning for Labor Day, joining a coalition that has begun organizing a rally and march for workers in Burlington. You may want to mark your calendar now for 1 p.m. on Monday, Sept. 1 – we'll follow up before then to confirm the details.

Lastly, before we get to our usual list of meetings – have you heard that the nation's most successful third party needs a new executive director? You can learn more about the position on the Vermont Progressive Party's website. To apply, "send a cover letter, resume and 3 references to: Anthony Pollina, Chair, Vermont Progressive Party at apollinavt@gmail.com."

We hope you've enjoyed the summer so far. See you out there!

GMDSA MEETINGS AND EVENTS
🚲 GMDSA's Urbanism Committee will meet on Monday, August 4, at 6 p.m. on Zoom.

🔨 Our Labor Committee will hold its next meeting on Monday, August 11, at 6 p.m. on Zoom.

🧑‍🏭 Talk about your job and learn about shop-floor organizing from peers at Workers' Circle (co-hosted by the Green Mountain IWW) on the second and fourth Wednesdays of each month, including August 13, at 6 p.m. at Migrant Justice (179 S. Winooski Ave., Burlington).

⬅️ GMDSA's West Branch will meet on Saturday, August 16, at 11 a.m. at Burlington's Fletcher Free Library (235 College St.), with an optional orientation for newcomers at 10 a.m.

➡️ GMDSA's East Branch will meet on Saturday, August 16, at 11 a.m. at Montpelier's Christ Episcopal Church (64 State St.), with an optional orientation for newcomers at 10 a.m.

🗳️ The next meeting of our Electoral Committee will take place on Wednesday, August 20, at 6 p.m. on Zoom.

🎥 Socialist Film Club will organize a screening in Burlington on Friday, August 22. Keep an eye on our calendar for a time and location.

👋 Find out how you can help our Membership Committee improve recruitment and involvement in our chapter on Tuesday, August 26, at 6 p.m. on Zoom.

🤝 GMDSA's East Branch and West Branch will come together for a general meeting on Saturday, Sept. 20, at 11 a.m. at Montpelier's Christ Episcopal Church (64 State St.), with an optional orientation for newcomers at 10 a.m.

STATE AND LOCAL NEWS
📰 Unsheltered homelessness is on the rise in Vermont.

📰 Vermont's largest community mental health center announced that it would eliminate 57 jobs and cut services.

COMMUNITY FLYERS

A sponsor of the "Locals First" national resolution explains how national DSA can itself become stronger as our locals grow into community anchors

This year Portland DSA joined Portland’s Pride parade for the first time. We decided as a chapter that we wanted to show up at the annual event in solidarity with struggles for working-class queer and trans justice, and to give our members an opportunity to gather together, to march and to show the city what it is that we are fighting for, and not just what we are fighting against. As an organization we believe that the right of people to live their own lives, and to both love who they want and be who they desire, is paramount. In our daily organizing in the city of Portland, we affirm our debt to the struggles or queer and trans people throughout history, and we celebrate the legacy of queer organizers and activists who have fought for all forms of justice. Those organizers showed solidarity with people facing every kind of oppression and exploitation, from gender to sexuality, through race and ethnicity and national origin, to where all exploitation comes together in the fight for economic and class justice against the toxic priorities of the rich and their servants. The members of Portland DSA take inspiration from those struggles in our efforts to imagine and build a better world. This year we wanted to make that inspiration more public than we have in the past- and to show Portland that there are people out there willing to fight.

In the contemporary climate of political disaster, and with a triumphalist right-wing energy in full control of federal power, what is sorely lacking is any kind of coherent opposition. Everyone not part of the grim authoritarian structures of power feels that lack, as they watch the structures of civil society erode and see the marginal guarantees that this society has offered its citizens crumbling in front of them. People feel powerless in the face of cataclysm, and in large part that is because there seems to be nobody with any power who is willing to take the fight to where it is needed.The Democratic Party at both national and state levels has abdicated its role as opposition to the Trump administration, and has shown itself fully captured by the priorities of the rich. Unable to resist a galling complicity in the genocide of the Palestinian people, the Democratic establishment is drifting rudderless in the turmoil of a political system tearing itself apart. Nationally we see this in the failure of Democratic leaders to offer any resistance to the trashing of federal systems by Elon Musk’s DOGE, nor to the decimation of social services or the unleashing of a militarized deportation infrastructure intent on ethnically cleansing the nation. Locally it appears in the form of a Governor who seeks to overturn democratically won victories like Preschool For All, simply because the tax it levies on her rich friends forces them to acknowledge the debt they owe to this society. The fact that Governor Kotek identifies as queer shows that there is nothing inherently radical about the identities that Pride celebrates, and that without a commitment to justice across the spectrum, including economic justice, there is nothing truly progressive about queer people in power. The rich think they owe us nothing, and that they can wave concessions to queer and trans justice in front of us to get us to shut up, go away and go home. But we will never shut up. And we will never forget what they owe us. It was us, after all, who made them rich. 

 In the months leading up the event, the chapter’s Art Department organized several events to create a suite of visual tools to represent the organization in the Parade, with the goal of making the DSA presence at the parade one of the largest contingents. We used slogans that have been employed at the national level within DSA and in the struggles of our allies in the union movement (shoutout to Starbucks Workers United!) to create banners that read “Be Gay and Organize” and a stack of fifty screen-printed signs reading “No Trans Bans, No Abortion Bans, No Genocide”. Members printed the images on fabric, assembled the signs, and painted the banners- we also created 6 oversized cardboard and papermaché fists, painted in the rainbow colors of queer struggle. 

On the day of the event we gathered at our assigned spot, and waited for our signal to start. We counted more than 120 members in our block, and as the parade got rolling three of the 4 DSA City Councilors showed up to jump in the bed of the small Kei truck leading the contingent- Tiffany Koyama Lane, Angelita Morillo, and Sameer Kanal were joined by Tammy Carpenter of the Beaverton School District, all members in good standing of the largest Socialist organization in the country (the fourth DSA councilor, Mitch Green, had to sit this one out with an injury).

We were loud, and we were large. We were one of the most numerous contingents in the parade, far outnumbering the Multnomah County Democrats; and as we marched, we chanted, and we yelled our commitment to justice for queer and trans lives, and for all the ways in which the fight for the future connects. We saw the crowd chanting with us as we passed along the street, waving our oversized fists and with DSA and Palestine flags fluttering overhead. “Gay Straight Trans Bi- all our hearts are Red Inside” “One Struggle, One Fight- Workers of the World Unite” and a surprise favorite celebrating the things that bottoms and tops can agree on. It was a joyful spectacle, and having our members who have been elected to city government leading the chants showed the crowds lining the avenue that there is in fact someone willing to stand up and fight for them, for us, for everyone. It is time for queer and trans justice, and it is time to get organized. The fight is on, and DSA is here to win it.

The post Be Gay and Organize! Portland DSA in the Pride Parade 2025 appeared first on Portland DSA .

This Report is submitted to the National Political Committee (NPC) of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) by the Green New Deal Campaign Commission (GNDCC) for consideration at the 2025 National Convention. The purpose of this report is: (1) to provide DSA members an overview of Green New Deal campaign objectives, strategy, and organizing activities; (2) to provide the Convention with a report of how the campaign carried out tasks outlined in the 2023 Resolution; and (3) to inform the convention of the successes and challenges of the campaign to assist in more effective future planning.

Overview

GNDCC’s Building for Power Campaign (B4P) organizes chapters to win local demands for green projects and expansion of public services that directly benefit the working class and empower the labor movement. GNDCC trains and mentors chapters to build their base and form winning coalitions with public sector unions, building trades, DSA electeds, environmental justice groups, and public service users like riders’ unions and tenant unions. GNDCC unifies and coordinates local campaigns by training organizers to:

• Research local issues that chapters can strategically intervene in
• Develop strategic campaigns based on objective metrics and criteria for winning and for building a stronger base and chapter
• Mobilize membership to turn out and continually assess campaign strengths and weaknesses
• Build coalitions with labor, elected officials, and other politically-aligned groups

This year, GNDCC’s 2025 Consensus Resolution proposes to continue B4P work because it has been successful in agitating for green policy and in strengthening chapter organizing and structure. The underlying strategy remains viable for the current political moment and is critical to building Left power against authoritarian threats. Due to the quickly changing political landscape, GNDCC plans to democratically develop GND strategy in this term by holding one or more strategy summits for DSA members, potentially in multiple regional meetings. The GND Summit we held in 2020 will serve as a model for future work of this sort.

A Brief History of GNDCC

GNDCC is the culmination of the original Ecosocialist Working Group (EWG), the first-ever climate action by DSA, launched by the National Convention in 2017. At that time, the growing severity of the climate crisis – and the emerging awareness of it – made climate action central to US politics by showing the inadequacies of liberal governance and environmental policy. From the start, DSA climate organizers have earned democratic legitimacy from membership by bringing proposals to our highest decision-making bodies, the Convention and the NPC.

Out of members’ growing conviction that direct campaigning at the national scale is essential to progress on climate, 2019 National Convention adopted, as a national priority, the Green New Deal Campaign, as defined in the Ecosocialist GND Principles. The Principles, endorsed by the NPC and over 60 DSA chapters in 2019, formally positioned the GND as a terrain of class-struggle.

From 2020 to 2021, GNDCC coordinated a DSA-wide organizing Summit which led to the national PRO Act campaign, then GND for Public Schools. The PRO Act campaign, adopted by the NPC and coordinated in chapters across the country, was DSA’s biggest campaign since Bernie 2020 and helped reinvigorate the national organization at a key moment. Based on this experience, DSA’s 2021 National Convention adopted the Ecosocialist Green New Deal priority which made the campaign “one of its highest national priorities.”

However, it became clear that the window for federal action was closing after the Inflation Reduction Act was passed midway through the Biden administration. But the 2023 passage of the ground-breaking New York Build Public Renewables Act, spearheaded by DSA organizers, signaled openings at the local scale. Referred to as the most significant piece of Green New Deal legislation to date, BPRA showed how public sector-oriented coalitions can win publicly-owned green infrastructure investment coupled with union jobs and strong labor provisions.

Building off this win, 2023 National Convention delegates adopted the Building for Power campaign. Under our Theory of Power and analysis of pathways for GND organizing, the campaign proposed to coordinate and help chapters win, at the city and state level, GND legislative/policy demands for public goods built with union labor and designed to further strengthen working class organization around climate. If passed, GNDCC’s 2025 Consensus Resolution will continue that work.

B4P Chapter Campaigns

Resolved that the GNDCC will continue to train and organize DSA chapters to run and win legislative campaigns for reforms that shift structural power to the working class by synergistically building public sector capacity and the labor movement—like expanded mass transit, democratized and decarbonized public energy, green social housing, and green public spaces and facilities.

As a body, we both reach out to chapter campaign leadership and take in chapter inquiries to evaluate for “B4P” status based on our criteria. The volume of inquiries and interest from across the country shows the drive to take climate action and get guidance on how to do so. In the last year alone, GNDCC Steering members have logged over 300 one-on-one and small group touches with chapter members to evaluate and workshop campaigns. In total, we have evaluated almost 100 campaigns and inquiries over the course of this campaign phase.

A plurality of campaign ideas do not make it far. Many chapters suffer from a lack of internal organization, capacity, or buy-in for campaign-type work. When we were debating in 2023 doing another national/federal level campaign like PRO Act versus letting chapters evaluate their own local conditions as under B4P, we recognized that these constraints would mean forgoing working with these chapters. That said, nearly all chapters who are pursuing a B4P campaign have reported that their chapters are stronger because of it.

As of July 2025, we have 11 active Building for Power campaigns across public transit, public power, social housing, and public spaces/schools:

Louisville – Get on the Bus Chicago – Fix the CTA Los Angeles – Power Mass Transit Houston – Our Vote, Our METRO Detroit – Bring Back the Tracks St. Louis – GND for Public Schools

NYC – Green New York (BPRA) Milwaukee – Power to the People Metro DC – We Power DC Metro DC – GND for Housing NYC – House the Future

Below are a few examples of DSA chapter work on B4P campaigns and recent wins.

Detroit Brings Back the Tracks

2025 began with strong momentum from Detroit DSA, where GNDCC member Mel H led a successful power-mapping training that launched the “Bring Back the Tracks” transit campaign. About 15 new and experienced members joined the power-mapping and research working groups that led to the launch of the campaign. The campaign has received positive local press on Detroit Public Radio and Click On Detroit, highlighting the growing influence of our ecosocialist vision in the motor city.

Louisville Gets on the Bus

Louisville DSA’s Get on the Bus campaign, fighting for expanded bus funding alongside the ATU, hit a big milestone, landing on the front page of the Courier Journal in January. In February, the campaign secured key union endorsements: the Jefferson County Teachers Association endorsed, the Louisville Central Labor Council voted unanimously to join the coalition and sign the demand letter, and the Kentucky State AFL-CIO also signed on, with its director publicly recognizing DSA as “the real deal” in building working-class power.

Milwaukee Brings Power to the People

Milwaukee’s Power to the People campaign scored a major win this year by helping to elect Alex Brower to Milwaukee’s Common Council. Alex was a core organizer who helped launch the public power campaign, and as a cadre candidate he ran on a platform that included replacing We Energies with a public utility. Milwaukee now has a socialist in office to help make this campaign a reality! Joining electoral work with legislative demands is a key feature of Building for Power campaigns.

NYC Builds Social Housing

House the Future in NYC began canvassing in March of this year, to advance social housing as a key site of climate resilience. They collected nearly 1000 signatures over a few weekends in support of a statewide social housing developer via a bill authored by socialist in office Emily Gallagher. Ithaca DSA, Long Island DSA, and Mid-Hudson Valley DSA have formally endorsed the campaign and joined NYC in organizing statewide.

NY DSA Chapters Build Public Renewables

BPRA provides a model for a successful chapter campaign within the B4P framework. It was the work of NYC DSA and other NY DSA chapters, including Mid-Hudson Valley DSA, which elected Sarahana Shrestha, a former steering member of the Ecosocialist Working Group, as a key moment in the campaign. It is currently in the implementation phase and GNDCC’s Matt H. recently interviewed Micheal P., one of the strategy chairs, about where the campaign stands now. Michael’s comments are brimming with insights relevant to many chapters and members so please give the interview a read.

In short, New York State has relatively aggressive climate laws — mandating rapid transition to renewables, with benefits of the transition to disadvantaged communities — but DSA organizers understood the State “was not going to take the aggressive action that was needed to meet those goals.” To build a “mechanism to force the State to deliver on this promise,” they used a sort of secret weapon for the energy transition, the New York Power Authority (NYPA), the largest state-level public utility in the country. Seeing it as an opportunity to get the State — not private developers – to build renewables, NYC DSA and a coalition it led pressured the State itself to step up and build the renewable energy.

The strategy included plans to create a huge amount of green jobs, shut down fossil fuel plants, especially in lower-income places with mostly Black and Brown residents, and lowering utility bills. Through internal pressure in Albany in coordination with DSA electeds like Zohran Mamdani and Sarahana Shrestha, external pressure to force a response from target legislators, running insurgent candidates against target legislators, and relentless organizing, the coalition won a law that basically gives NYPA both the power and the mandate to build a ton of publicly owned renewable energy and create all these benefits in the process. The fight to see it fully implemented continues.  

Metro DC fights rate hikes

When DC’s electric utility proposed raising rates over 12%, We Power DC fought back by organizing residents to send almost 2,000 letters to the DC Council in the fall of 2024 urging them to stand up to rate hikes. Now, as bills (and summer temperatures) rise, DC’s public power organizers are hitting the streets to canvass for public power and wheatpaste around the District. Meanwhile, the campaign has developed a technical whitepaper to make the case for legislation to build a public alternative to Pepco. 

Building for Power 2023-2025

Coaching & training 

Resolved that the GNDCC will continue to support the development of chapter capacity by providing campaign-oriented training, coaching, resources, and educational materials and facilitating cross-chapter coordination as part of a larger unified strategy.

Campaign Huddles

Since the GND for Public Schools campaign, GNDCC has understood that regular campaign meetings for chapter leads can be the heart of the campaign and provide the most enjoyable and fruitful organizing meetings many members have been involved in. To this end, we host cross-chapter meetings (once monthly, now quarterly) called “Campaign Huddles.” Typically, 5-10 chapters, often with multiple members from those chapters, participate for the hour-long call and we do outreach to widen and grow interest. In the last two years, we have held about 15 hour-long chapter huddles, with more than 200 unique participants across 70 chapters.

Huddles provide members with opportunities to learn from each other and they give GNDCC ways to collect information from chapter campaigns that can help us understand gaps in knowledge and needs of chapters. Presentations by chapters about their campaigns, skills sharing with experienced members, and open discussion can address very uneven levels of campaign experience and skills among chapters. We talk about tactics and strategic challenges, about comms and organizing tools, about the political moment and preparing for future fights. 

Members who attend report loving them, especially for the chance they give members to share experiences, commiserate with each other, and celebrate together. Huddles and similar meetups can also help cohere DSA as a national organization of closely coordinated locals and in building solidarity and a shared sense of direction among members.

Trainings

Training chapter leaders to create and execute strategy, organize internally, use organizing tools, and plan and conduct field work is the core of the B4P campaign. In the last two years, GNDCC has held 5 major trainings lasting over 9 hours, in addition to mini-trainings tailored for specific chapters.

Strategic Campaign Trainings with GDC
In February 2024 we hosted a 3-part training series on strategic campaigns along with the Growth & Development committee. Just over 150 comrades attended live or accessed the recordings, representing over 60 chapters from across the country. One of those participants from Houston DSA went on to revitalize the chapter’s dormant ecosocialist working group and launched a Building for Power campaign on transit, “Our Vote Our METRO”. 

Regional Organizing Retreats
Since 2023, GNDCC also participated in 4 DSA regional organizing retreats when these were still taking place to promote Building for Power and the value of running strategic campaigns. 

Mini-Trainings
GNDCC also hosted on-demand trainings for specific chapters based on their needs. In 2024 we hosted sessions for Twin Cities, Grand Rapids, and LA to help them think through their local conditions and craft strategic demands. 

Coaching

Each actively campaigning B4P chapter has a GNDCC contact who meets with them regularly, advises campaign leads and provides them with resources, reporting back to GNDCC on developments and needs. In 2022-23, GNDCC put together a coaching team of experienced DSA organizers from chapters around the country to help mentor B4P chapter campaigns. Finding members experienced enough, good at communicating, and with capacity to spare (2 to 4 hours a month), is challenging in the best of times and even more difficult when DSA chapters are at low capacity ebbs as they have been during this time. In the past 2 years, this work has been shouldered more and more by GNDCC steering members, and we have essentially stopped expanding the program. 

A coaching success story comes out of Los Angeles, where NYC-DSA member Joe S has stepped to work with Los Angeles’ Power Mass Transit campaign when it ran into challenges pushing for a quick-build network of dedicated bus/bike lanes and for free fares on LA transit. Joe continuously challenged chapter leads to take on new strategies/tactics to get what they want without dropping core demands for better transit, get aligned with SIOs, keep attacking the Metro Board, and track chapter/campaign growth outside of direct “wins.” The campaign has since pivoted to targeting the LA Metro Board along with the local janitors union to create a permanent system of free public bathrooms at major transit stations.

Mass Calls and conference panels

Resolved that the GNDCC will continue to collaborate with other DSA national bodies on overlapping campaign and policy areas. 

Since 2023, we have hosted 7 mass calls with DSA’s National Labor Commission, International Committee, and Housing Justice Committee, as well as with union organizers, DSA organizers, and socialists in office from around the country. We also helped coordinate panels at the yearly Socialism Conference in 2023 and 2024. 

The Fight for a Socialist Green New Deal (June 2025). Union leaders, socialists in office, and DSA campaign organizers explained why they’re continuing to fight for a socialist Green New Deal in the current terrain through Building for Power Campaigns. 

Socialism Conference Panel: An Ecosocialism that Builds: What’s Next for the Green New Deal? (Aug. 2024). DSA GND organizers, researchers from Climate + Community Institute, and UAW Region 9A leader Brandon Mancilla formed a panel on rebuilding the labor movement via Green New Deal unionism. 

Building for Power in Mass Transit (June 2024). In this webinar, we heard from Building for Power campaigns around the country that are organizing for mass public transit with organized labor and socialists in office. 

Workers and the World Unite: Labor in a Green New Deal (January 2024). Hosted by GNDCC and the DSA National Labor Commission, organizers from across the country spoke about their work and how it fits into the theory and practice of a just transition and a socialist horizon.

Ceasefire Now For People and Planet (Dec. 2023). Panelists from DSA, Al-Shabaka: The Palestinian Policy Network, and Dissenters discussed the resurgence of a Left anti-war movement and organizing for Palestinian liberation in the context of the climate crisis, and explored how ecosocialist organizers can deepen internationalism and anti-militarism within domestic climate organizing.

Socialism Conference Panel: The Longer Road to a Green New Deal (Aug. 2023). DSA climate organizers, including GNDCC members, participated in a Green New Deal panel at the conference focusing on B4P strategies and the BPRA.

The Path to Green Social Housing (July 2023). Panelists from GNDCC and the Housing Justice Commission discussed different contemporary and historical approaches to the development of class- and eco-conscious social housing and how we can win it today.

BPRA: A Win in the Fight for a Green New Deal (April 2023). In this webinar, we heard from DSA climate organizers who made Build Public Renewables happen, and about how we can grow the movement for public power to win a Green New Deal from coast to coast!

Building for Power: Launch Call (March 2023). In the launch for the then new B4P Campaign, we heard from DSA member-organizers in Detroit, Philly, and Maine chapters, plus DSA electeds Hugo Soto-Martinez (LA) and Sarahana Shrestha (MHV).

GNDCC Chapter Grants and Fundraising

GNDCC has also distributed almost $7,000 in grants to campaigning chapters For example, Philly DSA was able to build 100 Corsi-Rosenthal Boxes (DIY air filters) for classrooms across 12 schools with their grant funds, aiding the community and building strong relationships as part of their Green New Deal for Public Schools campaign. Louisville’s Get on the Bus campaign printed 100 stickers for bus stops and 1,000 push cards for canvassing/tabling, which kicked off their ongoing work. In the same time, our committee has raised $4,500 in donations to DSA.

Campaign Challenges and Opportunities

US Politics

When we drafted our theory of power in 2022, we were organizing in the context of a neoliberal Democratic administration over which the Left had limited power. Now we find ourselves at the start of Trump’s second – worse – term. ICE is raiding communities and chapters are organizing to defend immigrants and trans people from the Right’s assaults. Trump has launched a trade war, frozen research grants, threatened universities, and purged federal workers. Basic environmental protections like the Clean Air Act are under threat, and some funding under the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) has been rescinded. Meanwhile, Democrats play dead, post weak clap backs, and try to flank Trump to the right. 

In this setting, it is true that chapters may become stretched responding to immediate demands more pressing than new bus lanes. But our view is that, through B4P campaigns undertaken now, chapters can build the leadership and organizing skills and expand the outreach and recruitment that will be essential to responding to whatever Trump dishes out. 

The crises we face are urgent, yet the public goods we are working to expand take years to build out; there is no time to waste. An organized Left must keep pushing on the local level, where there are still opportunities to build working-class power and green public sector capacity. 

The recent victory of Zohran Mamdani in the Democratic primary for Mayor of New York points the way forward. While Zohran’s campaign was laser-focused on making an affordable NYC for all, the demands were crafted in a way that proposed Green Abundance for the Many through policies that “embed climate action in real improvements for working peoples’ everyday lives.” This approach, merging electoral organizing with climate action through broad coalitions oriented to labor, is deeply connected with the Building for Power framework that is popular among so many DSA chapters. GNDCC believes this model, adapted to various conditions across the country, can post major wins on climate and forms a core strategy for fighting right-wing austerity and authoritarianism. Notably Zohran was a core climate organizer in NYC during his tenure as Assemblyman and is credited with stopping a new gas plant in Astoria, securing more funding for public transportation, and helping to push BPRA over the finish line.

Chapter Conditions and Internal Organizing

The last 2 years of Biden’s term, marked by the Gaza invasion and genocide, were demoralizing for DSA members. Chapters did broadly experience demobilization and fought to build in a landscape with little federal political possibility open to the Left. 

While the Build Public Renewables Act as well as the Zohran campaign provide models for successful chapter campaigning in the B4P framework, it’s also clear that most chapters are not in a position to win demands of that size or scope. In addition to external political barriers, DSA chapters have uneven capacity and skill levels, uneven organizing cultures and uneven mobilization. But chapters can win B4P campaigns on the scale of their local conditions! B4P’s strategy is designed to develop chapters in all those areas, particularly intensive organizing capacity to win power and transformative demands. 

While some chapters are struggling to get going, other chapters are reporting: wins in electoral campaigns that include GND demands, like those of Zohran and Alex Brower; new B4P campaigns with chapter buy-in; formation of chapter power-mapping groups; recent social events to build engagement; good canvassing numbers – especially in electoral campaigns pushing GND demands; and growing engagement with labor union locals. The GNDCC’s goal is to help chapters build, sustain, and spread organizing momentum in the next two years. 

Long Timelines and Developing Crises

Because this campaign is an ambitious effort to coordinate many local campaigns by chapters under varying conditions, we recognize that developing winnable demands while building working class power will take time. Chapters need time to do strategic groundwork or build capacity. Like a massive locomotive leaving the station, it will take time to gain traction and speed, but once started, it is difficult to stop.

We are proposing to continue this campaign and the great work it’s started. The instability and incoherence of the Trump Administration and the Democratic response mean that the political landscape is in great flux and predictability is limited. GNDCC therefore plans to democratically develop Green New Deal strategy in this term by holding one or more strategy summits for DSA members, potentially in multiple regional meetings. The GND Summit we held in 2020 will serve as a model for future work of this sort. We intend to continue mapping this terrain with a broad range of DSA members and providing them with training, coaching, resources, and organized labor power, to achieve progress in the next two years. 

Last Word

Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past. — Karl Marx

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by J. Noble

Whether you’re a parent wanting a safer protest experience for your children or someone who gets overwhelmed in a crowd, the outer circle of a protest can be a perfect spot for those who want to show their support

This weekend, I white-knuckled the steering wheel as I travelled down the winding road of I-5, past the Nisqually River and the lush evergreens, and into Olympia. Despite being a Washington native, I had visited here for the very first time only a couple of weeks ago for Zine Fest. After enjoying the bustling (and very queer) energy of this event, and visiting the pier and the Olympia Farmers Market, I felt confident that I could return again. I just wasn’t expecting to return so soon.

Alongside my coworker, who lives in Olympia, and their child, we attended June 14th’s No Kings protest in Olympia, “a nationwide day of defiance,” against the Trump administration’s acts of authoritarianism, says the official No Kings webpage. This was the third, and biggest, protest that I attended, and after learning about the importance of having a buddy from a protest safety webinar, I thought it best that if I was going to attend, I should go with someone I knew.

My coworker’s spouse drove us near the state capital, and, with our handwritten signs, we made our way towards the heart of the protest. My coworker held their child’s hand as we weaved our way through the growing crowd, staying on the periphery to scope out the scene.

Having a child present with us, my coworker and I had a mutual understanding that we wanted to keep our action at the protest as safe as possible. We ended up on the side of a major street where protestors held signs and waved at drivers. With an open spot, we joined in, and spent most of our time there. During this action, I thought about how accessible and beginner-friendly this portion of a protest is.

The side of the road is a perfect spot for those who want to be physically present at a protest but have circumstances that may prevent them from being in the thick of a sea of people. For families with young children, especially, it is a prime spot for safety while still making your voice heard. Children can have fun making their own signs and waving at drivers, most of whom will wave back or honk their horns in solidarity, all while parents can rest assured that there is a more accessible escape route should anything arise.

If resistance from police or counterprotestors takes place, those on the margins will usually be the first to know. On one hand, this can be risky, but being in this area puts more eyes on the perimeter of the protest, creating an atmosphere of those who can quickly spread the word to those on the inside.

This is also an optimal spot for those with disabilities. Wheelchair users, for example, may have an easier time moving around on the sidewalk if the main protest area is on a bumpy or grassy surface. Alongside those who get overwhelmed by crowds, the sidewalk can also provide an easier exit if you need to take a break.

And who knows? Maybe you’ll get to laugh at a Cybertruck or two passing by.

Another, often overlooked, part of any protest is the organizer tables. No Kings Olympia had multiple booths of different organizations spreading awareness of the work that they do, handing out pamphlets and stickers, and collecting donations. This can get people familiar with the resources available in their area, and potentially inspire them to get involved in something more than just a single protest.

While being on the margins of a protest includes some notable features, that does not mean that caution and discernment should be thrown out the window. No matter where you are in a protest, remember to get to know the area you are in and to be aware of exit routes. Stay aware of your surroundings at all times by keeping your head on a swivel, and, if possible, bring a friend (or two! Or three!). Get clear on what each of you are able or willing to do at the protest, and create a plan of action if your team gets separated, such as having a meetup spot to regroup.

Towards the end of our time at the protest, the three of us decided to take a quick walk-through. We passed by people of all ages, some wearing big cat costumes, some wearing black bloc, or just in their regular street clothes. Many people flooded the state capitol steps and yelled out chants, but many were also perusing booths, mingling with other protestors, or sitting in the grass.

We are more powerful in numbers, and we all protest differently. If we understand that and make an active effort to create a space that is more accessible to everyone, then we would be unstoppable.

by Audrey Bracken

On Tuesday, June 24, the nation watched in awe as Zohran Mamdani soared to victory in New York City’s Democratic mayoral primary election on the wings of radical, unheard of ideas like… making big business pay fair taxes and granting workers a living wage. 

Jokes aside–with people all over the country struggling to find housing, pay their rent, and avoid landlord exploitation, it’s no wonder that Mamdani’s bold platform for housing resonated with New Yorkers.

That same night, on the opposite coast in our very own Grit City, renters and working class Tacomans also won a major victory in the fight for housing. Tacoma may not have a fashion week or more than one place in town to get a decent bagel, but we agree with New York on something more important: the fact that everyone deserves a stable and safe place to live. 

Thanks to the incredible organizing work of Tacoma for All and a coalition of more than a dozen labor and community partners, Tacoma City Council couldn’t ignore the voices of our community. Our collective power led to the council adopting bold amendments to the One Tacoma: Comprehensive Plan, which guides the city’s policies and direction for the next 25 years. These two amendments further commit the city to tenant protections passed by voters in 2023, as well as open the door for an innovative housing model to meet the needs of our current and future neighbors. 

This victory wouldn’t have been possible without the support of everyday community members showing up and taking part in the democratic process. At a city council meeting earlier this month, several dozen Tacomans of all ages and walks of life – from high school students to union leaders, lifelong residents to recent newcomers – showed up with the same goal in mind: to protect and build upon community-led efforts to make stable, safe, and permanently affordable housing a reality for everyone in our beloved city. 

Harlan, a local high school student, spoke in support of an amendment to include expanding tenant protections and enshrining the provisions of the Landlord Fairness Code as official policy in the comprehensive plan. He stood before the city council as the youngest person in the room and passionately advocated on behalf of community members like himself and his mother, who were able to avoid losing their apartment thanks to the Landlord Fairness Code. 

“For the last six years of my life, my mom and I have lived in a cozy apartment in Tacoma near my school and her work, near public transportation and parks, with a vibrant community that has supported me, and that I’ve become a part of. It’s my home and it holds immense value to me. But to some people, this isn’t a home, it’s just an apartment–an apartment with “value”, but not the same value it holds for me,” said Harlan. 

A year ago, while his mother was already working 2-3 jobs just to be able to pay their rent, an unexpected increase threatened to displace the family, which would have forced them to uproot their lives right before Harlan’s senior year of high school. 

“Thanks to the renters’ protections passed just prior to this, we were able to fight to keep our home and stay a part of our community. These renters’ protections keep communities together and give hardworking families the stability they deserve,” he said. 

While the Landlord Fairness Code has had a life-changing impact for many families like Harlan and his mother, other Tacoma tenants continue to struggle as landlords ignore, and even retaliate against, the law. Several tenants and organizers spoke at the meeting about the continued appalling conditions and mistreatment residents face at apartment complexes in Tacoma. 

April, a tenant at Bryn Mar Village, has been working with her neighbors to fight against the injustices its owners continue to get away with. She shared her personal experiences with basic maintenance requests going unanswered and safety violations being ignored. She went without heat in her apartment for two years. Despite this, the owners of Bryn Mar keep trying to raise rents. As a disabled cancer survivor, April feels responsible to speak up on behalf of other people with disabilities who are suffering from the effects of landlord greed. 

Since the passage of the Landlord Fairness Code, volunteers with Tacoma for All have been supporting tenants at apartment buildings across the city to know their rights and take collective action against violations. The Landlord Fairness Code is an important tool empowering working class Tacomans to protect their homes and their families, which is also, unsurprisingly, why landlords are trying to destroy it. 

Corporate landlords are already suing the city in an attempt to overturn the Landlord Fairness Code and go back to business as usual, bleeding working families dry without consequence. They are also not above using their money and influence to pressure city council to roll back tenant protections. But the power of the people is stronger. Our success at getting a commitment to tenant protections included in the One Tacoma Plan demonstrates that when working class Tacomans show up and fight together, our demands cannot be ignored. 

We also know that simply protecting our current housing isn’t enough. Our city’s population continues to grow, with no signs of slowing down. Thousands of our neighbors live unsheltered on the streets. On top of all this, Donald Trump’s proposed cuts to federal affordable housing programs threaten to create what state officials have warned would be a “tsunami of homelessness” in Washington. 

Community members let city council know we have a different vision for the future of housing in Tacoma–one that doesn’t rely on granting tax subsidies to private market developers in exchange for insufficient solutions, or waiting on the support of a federal government currently more concerned with kidnapping workers than housing its people. 

Tenants, organizers, and affordable housing experts spoke in support of a plan for social housing in Tacoma, a model for mixed-income public housing that has seen success in other American cities and internationally. The amendment to the One Tacoma Plan commits the city to exploring a potential social housing developer for Tacoma that meets the needs of low-income residents and serves historically-marginalized communities. 

“The city’s own data shows that private market is only producing affordable housing at one-fifth of the necessary rate,” said Jacqui, an affordable housing designer and tenant, “We cannot rely on the private market to provide what our community desperately needs: safe housing that allows them to live within their means.”

Earlier this year, Seattleites voted overwhelmingly in favor of a plan to fund social housing. Tacoma faces many of the same housing issues as our northern neighbors, so why not pursue a similar solution? For far too long, city leaders have relied on the same approaches, faced the same setbacks, and landed back in the same place they started with little to show for it. Now, with an innovative approach showing tested success and popular support, it’s time to try something different. 

Rowan, a renter who volunteers with Tacoma for All, shared why he supports social housing in Tacoma.

“By housing a broad range of incomes, social housing generates revenue that’s invested into new, affordable homes – homes that are desperately needed, as right now, Tacoma is set to lose over 150 shelter beds by the end of July. Personally, I’d be much happier if part of my rent went towards that, rather than being siphoned out of the community and into corporate profits.”

The benefits of social housing align with the values of everyday Tacomans: looking out for each other, supporting our neighborhoods, and creating a positive future for the city we love. 

Both housing amendments to the comprehensive plan were passed unanimously by city council on June 24. Successfully amending a municipal plan may not sound as exciting as electing a socialist mayor of the biggest city in the country, but it’s a victory worth celebrating. Housing policies can have a life or death impact for our community members, as well as the potential to create better ways of living for us all. That’s why organizers worked so tirelessly to achieve this win. Tacoma for All advocated the necessity of these amendments to the Tacoma Planning Commission, which brought them before city council. Organized tenants and labor built a coalition, gained support from local leaders, and made their voices heard at council meetings. Over 350 community members fought for themselves, their families, and their neighbors by sending letters of support. 

Because of this, our elected leaders had to pay attention to the demands of working class people in Tacoma, and the future of housing in our city looks brighter than before.

But the fight is far from over. Tenants across Tacoma continue to face threats to their health, safety, and human right to a place to live. The landlord lobby is not going to give up easily, and will continue to fight against the public good by all means necessary. And while the possibility of a social housing solution is one step closer to reality, thousands of our neighbors are currently facing evictions or already living on the street. 

We flexed our collective muscle to make these recent wins possible, and we will do it again and again. Because that is what it will take to achieve housing for all in Tacoma, our home.