[reprinted by permission from Jacobin]

On a late March afternoon, beneath the vaulted, medieval-revival ceiling of Immanuel Presbyterian Church, more than four hundred members of the Los Angeles chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) gathered in the lingering heat of a citywide heat wave. The air inside the sanctuary was thick and stubborn as members fanned themselves with paper copies of the meeting agenda and shifted in their seats.

The proceedings moved briskly at first. Members discussed strike solidarity with the teachers’ union, upcoming labor actions, and campaign work. But as the temperature held and the room settled, the chapter turned to the main act, a more contentious question: whether to reopen its endorsement process for the 2026 Los Angeles mayoral race. What followed was a three-sided debate, carried out with intensity but also with (mostly) practiced comradely discipline.

More than one hundred members had signed petitions backing housing activist Rae Huang. Another one hundred supported City Councilmember Nithya Raman. Others argued that reopening the process would risk overextending the chapter’s resources and undermine a carefully built electoral strategy. In the end, 54 percent voted to reopen endorsements, but the measure failed to reach the required supermajority.

It was the kind of debate that would have once remained obscure and relevant only to a relatively small organization. As DSA’s LA chapter has grown to five thousand members, and the national organization has become an increasingly prominent force, DSA-LA’s decisions have begun to register as reportable events in the political life of the city. What was once “inside baseball” now carries implications for multimillion-dollar races and the direction of governance in the second-largest city in the United States — part of a broader maturation of socialist politics.

For years, DSA-LA has pursued a disciplined electoral strategy focused primarily on city council races, with massive districts that each encompass over 260,000 residents — but where, when the Left concentrates its forces, it can still meaningfully shift outcomes. This strategy flows from both ongoing campaign work and the chapter’s political program, and has delivered results on the council.

Shake Up City Hall Slate

Nithya Raman’s 2020 victory marked a breakthrough, and in the years since, DSA-backed candidates have steadily expanded their presence. Today multiple members or allies of the organization sit on the fifteen-member city council, and the chapter has built a reputation for running serious, field-heavy campaigns rooted in tenant organizing and alliances with labor unions.

In the current cycle, DSA-LA has endorsed the Shake Up City Hallslate of six candidates. DSA-LA’s 2026 slate includes both incumbents and challengers, with councilmembers Eunisses Hernandez, a Highland Park organizer advancing tenant rights and advocating for improving public safety through better social service and mental health provision, and Hugo Soto-Martínez, a former hotel worker and union organizer who has delivered legislative wins for renters, immigrants, and labor.

The challengers include Estuardo Mazariegos, a South LA organizer running on social housing, tenant power, and a Green New Deal, and Faizah Malik, a tenants’ rights attorney focused on housing affordability and land use reform on the Westside.

Beyond council races, school board member Rocío Rivas is seeking reelection as a defender of public education against privatization. And Marissa Roy is mounting an insurgent bid for city attorney to reorient the office toward civil rights and corporate accountability.

The Other Citywide Race

That last race represents something new. The office of city attorney has historically been low-profile, technocratic, and largely insulated from ideological contestation. Roy’s campaign, by contrast, seeks to transform it into a site of democratic accountability, raising questions about prosecution priorities, tenant rights, and the legal architecture of inequality in Los Angeles.

“The city attorney is one of the most powerful and least understood offices in LA, and the current city attorney is using the office to obstruct the pro-tenant, pro-worker agenda our DSA electeds are trying to implement in city council,” said Sydney Ghazarian, cochair of DSA’s Marissa Roy Working Group and a former DSA National Political Committee leader. “We’ve learned the hard way that the policies we pass don’t matter if the city attorney refuses to enforce them. ”

Roy’s candidacy is not just another race. It is a test of whether democratic socialists can expand their project beyond legislative bodies into the legal machinery of the city itself. It’s one thing to pass legislation; it’s another thing to enforce it and have the city devote its legal might to supporting tenants and workers.

“Right now, we have a city attorney who wastes the office’s resources defending indefensible LAPD misconduct instead of prosecuting slumlords, bad bosses, and polluting corporations,” added Ghazarian. “Marissa will use the power of the office to defend tenants, workers, and millions of working-class Angelenos, not just the powerful few.”

The Mayor’s Race Enters the Room

The debate over the mayor’s race sits uneasily alongside this strategy. Before Zohran Mamdani’s election as New York City mayor last November, the question of intervening in the race wasn’t on the minds of many LA chapter members. But that upset election rippled out in energizing waves across the country.

On one side were those who saw a mayoral endorsement as a natural next step. With DSA-backed candidates now holding multiple council seats and with the deep polling weakness of LA’s current mayor, Karen Bass, the prospect of a democratic socialist mayor no longer feels entirely out of reach. A mayoral campaign, in their eyes, would bring visibility, attract new members, and potentially consolidate the gains of the past decade.

“I want our chapter to be able to seize this moment and demonstrate to thousands of working-class Angelenos that DSA-LA is an organization worth joining, and I want a movement that understands 2028 is not just about returning to corporate Democratic policies but rather reshaping the fabric of American society,” said chapter cochair Leslie Chang, who supported a Nithya endorsement. “Supporting Nithya for mayor is our chance to build a movement here in Los Angeles that is ready to support a democratic socialist for president in 2028.”

On the other side were those who view such a move as premature or even counterproductive. The chapter’s strength has been its disciplined allocation of resources, particularly volunteer labor for phonebanking and canvassing. A citywide race could absorb enormous capacity, potentially weakening the campaigns where DSA has its clearest path to victory.

There are also political considerations. Raman, despite her history with DSA and her strong record on tenant protections and advocacy for the homeless, has at times diverged from the organization on key issues, including Palestine, housing policy, policing budgets, and the implementation of the city’s “mansion tax.” Raman has drawn heavy fire at times from DSA members nationally for being accommodating to local pro-Israeli groups. For instance, she was censured by the chapter in 2024 for accepting the endorsement of Democrats for Israel–Los Angeles. At the recent chapter debate, some members active in housing fights raised concerns about her being an inconsistent ally to the housing left in the city and criticized her efforts to rewrite Measure ULA, the city tax on top-tier property sales that flows directly into the city’s affordable housing programs, to exempt apartments, condos, and mixed-use housing. Raman contends that it is a tactical move to keep lobbying groups opposed to the measure from gutting the law with a statewide ballot initiative..

Huang, by contrast, is seen by some members as more closely aligned with socialist principles but faces questions about electability and citywide recognition. “She’s not on the Shake Up City Hall slate, but she’s here to shake up city hall,” says Gabbie Metheny, a DSA-LA chapter member and volunteer community manager for the campaign.

Democracy Is Good, Actually

These are not superficial disagreements. They reflect a deeper tension within democratic socialist strategy: whether to prioritize ideological clarity or electoral viability, and how to balance the two in a political environment still largely hostile to socialists.

What stands out, however, is not the existence of disagreement but the form it takes. The debate inside DSA-LA is structured, participatory, and transparent. Petitions circulate. Members argue openly. Votes are taken, and decisions are respected even when the margins are narrow or the outcome frustrating. The result is messy, sometimes slow, and occasionally anticlimactic.

Members also sometimes vote with their feet in a mass organization where democratic socialism spills out into a broader movement not always contained by DSA. Formal endorsement or no, over 120 DSA-LA, Long Beach, and Orange County members (mostly new recruits) are volunteering for Huang’s campaign (out of 1,110 volunteers total), taking up organizing roles in canvassing, digital outreach, policy, and more. Many DSA members active in the United Auto Workers have been pillars of support for the Nithya campaign. But messy or not, DSA-LA’s internal debates provide a rare example of large-scale democratic practice in an era when most political organizations operate through top-down decision-making or informal influence networks.

The stakes extend beyond Los Angeles. As democratic socialism becomes an ever more powerful force in American politics, questions of strategy, scale, and internal democracy will only become more pressing. DSA-LA offers one possible model: a mass-membership organization capable of contesting elections, organizing in social movements, and still arguing, in full view of its own members, about how best to proceed.

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Eric Blanc and Chris Winston have both written articles recently investigating why there is currently no mass anti-war movement in the US and proposing actions for us to take to address that problem. I’m glad that they each put forward their analysis, because both are grappling seriously with this issue, and we do need to figure out what we can do to build a mass anti-war movement. Although I lean more towards Winston’s position, my primary objective in this piece is not to argue for why he is correct or why Blanc is wrong, but rather to dig into the underlying assumptions that lead some of us to Winston’s conclusions and others to Blanc’s.

Both authors propose various tactical interventions that they believe will help to build a mass anti-war movement. However, selection of tactics is downstream from strategy. In this case, the primary strategic question should be, “Who is our base?” Who do we seek to organize into this mass anti-war movement? Once we have the answer to that question, determining tactics is much more straightforward. With a war as unpopular as this one, it seems obvious that the potential base for the anti-war movement would be that majority of the American people who oppose the war, but when we look at the imperialist system more comprehensively, the base becomes smaller.

I propose that the potential base for the anti-imperialist movement within the US consists of the following:

1. The portion of the American ¹working class that is exploited by capitalism to a greater extent than it benefits from imperialism,
2. People in the United States, regardless of class status, who, due to ties of family or friendship, suffer net harm from imperialism when all impacts are taken into account, and
3. Individuals who, despite benefiting more from imperialism than they are exploited by capitalism, desire the end of the imperialist system because they believe it to be abhorrent and are willing to sacrifice the benefits they derive from the system in exchange for its end.

There is a potential fourth group: people who benefit more from imperialism than they are exploited by capitalism, but desire the end of the imperialist system in part because they don’t believe that they will have to endure any reduction in their standard of living when the imperialist system is dismantled. It is potentially possible that the productive forces could be developed more rapidly than the malapportionment of resources is redressed, such that the people in this group won’t actually face a reduction in their standard of living. Personally, I believe that doing so should be one of our objectives should we gain enough power to implement preferred policies, because it will be easier to carry out the changes we want to see if this group is not actively opposed to us. However, this group should not be considered part of the base. It might not be possible to develop the productive forces with sufficient speed to protect them from any decrease in their standard of living, and to pretend that we can definitely do so would be to act in bad faith. In order to presume good faith of our comrades, unless presented with evidence to the contrary I will assume that no one is including this group in their calculations of what constitutes our base.

The second and third groups of our base will be important, and are likely overrepresented among the organizers already involved in the anti-war movement, but the key factor determining the size of the base is the first group. This, I believe, is the primary point of dispute between those who agree with Blanc and those who agree with Winston. Before we get to that, though, I’d like to make explicit four points that I have been assuming so far, because I believe both sides of the debate agree with them:

1. The American working class is exploited by the capitalist system, given their position as workers.
2. The American working class benefits from imperialism, given their position as Americans.
3. At least some members of the American working class are exploited by capitalism to a greater extent than they benefit from imperialism.
4. At least some members of the American working class benefit from imperialism to a greater extent than they are exploited by capitalism.

The question is, of course, how big is the “some” in points 3 and 4? I will leave it to future articles (by me or others) to seek to quantify the degree of exploitation by capitalism and benefit from imperialism, but we now at least have the crux of the issue. If one believes that the group in point four is merely a small fraction of the American working class, then our base makes up a majority of the American public, and majoritarian ²tactics are the correct path to build a mass anti-imperialism movement. On the other hand, if one believes that the group in point four is a majority of the American working class, or even just a large minority, then our base does not make up a majority of the American public, and we should pursue minoritarian tactics instead.

What does it mean to pursue either majoritarian or minoritarian tactics? Well, here are some examples. In electoral work, majoritarian tactics would involve seeking to either win enough elections to pass our preferred policies, or to demonstrate the counter-majoritarian nature of the electoral system. Minoritarian tactics would mean seeking to win races in certain areas where the electorate is friendlier to us, running other races that we don’t expect to win, and having those elected officials and candidates use their higher profiles to encourage people to participate in the movement. In labor organizing, majoritarian tactics would involve strengthening our relationships with whatever unions we can and supporting any worker organizing. Minoritarian tactics would be specifically building relationships with unions that represent large portions of our base (and organizing unions in unorganized workplaces where members of our base are overrepresented), whether that is workers who are exploited more by capitalism, workers who have personal ties to the imperial periphery, or workers who are more likely to be willing to suffer reductions in their standard of living as the cost of ending imperialism. In direct action, majoritarian tactics means mobilizing as many people as possible to events such as the No Kings rallies, while minoritarian tactics requires researching specific pain points where a smaller number of people can put effective pressure on the imperial system.

Blanc’s preference for majoritarian tactics is most explicit in section 6, “Sectarianism Has Helped Marginalize Anti-War Activity.” He presents building “the broadest and deepest possible opposition to US military aid and interventions abroad” as the preferred option, and laments that the movement has tied “widely supported demands against war to unjustified and unhelpful romanticization of any and all anti-imperialist forces.” This is a long-running dispute within the left, where anyone who expresses support for the people who are putting their lives on the line to resist imperialism will be lambasted as romanticizing “any and all anti-imperialist forces”. Because such forces are universally condemned in American media, any support for them whatsoever (justified or not) tends to be incompatible with cohering majority support, at least in the short term. Blanc also explicitly criticizes the encampments on college campuses for lacking, “concerted efforts to win over and mobilize majorities on campuses,” but he does not explain why winning over majorities would have been preferable to other strategic objectives that could conflict with an effort to win over majorities. Blanc’s bias towards majoritarian tactics is so strong that he never bothers to argue for why such tactics should be preferred; it is self-evident to him that majoritarian tactics are necessary.

On the other hand, Winston’s preference for minoritarian tactics does not come out in any overt rejection of majoritarian tactics, but rather a belief that there are some things more important than staking out a majoritarian position, and those things are sometimes incompatible with such a position. In response to Blanc’s assertion that Americans are overwhelmed by all the terrible things Trump is doing, and thus don’t have time to build an anti-war movement, Winston asserts, “We have plenty of time to meddle in their [Palestinian and Iranian] affairs, and allow DSA politicians such as Zohran and AOC to manufacture consent for these wars, yet none, it seems, to build a competent, powerful movement to actually be of service.” In this section, Winston counterposes the need to build a movement that can materially impact the situation with public criticism of anti-imperialist forces, and crucially, presenting it from the perspective of our comrades in other countries: why would they have any respect for our critiques of their social systems if we aren’t actually inhibiting the mass slaughter our government is subjecting them to? Thus, building a powerful anti-imperialist movement must precede any critiques of their societies. This line of reasoning does not allow for any exceptions in the event that public criticism of anti-imperialist forces may be necessary to build a majoritarian movement in the US, so if such a necessity exists, then we have to rely on minoritarian tactics. However, the gaze of anti-imperialist forces is not the only reason to refrain from public criticism of them. For Winston, “What distinguishes us, however, is that we also hold AOC and Sanders and Zohran to account for their role in normalizing, from the left, the American narrative regarding Iran.” Public criticism of anti-imperialist forces, even when paired with rhetorical opposition to the war, strengthens the narrative that is employed to justify the war. As a result, any potential gain from a broader base being willing to support us if we concede the flaws of the enemy du jour is more than offset by the harm done by reifying imperialist narratives.

I do not expect us to all agree on whether or not our potential base makes up a majority of the American public. Even if someone effectively quantifies the relative degrees of exploitation and benefit I allude to above, there will be many who dispute the results of their calculation. However, I hope that this piece will help us to all understand the reasons for or against the various tactics that we propose.

by Eric Herde

1. While I am not fond of using the word “American” as a demonym for the United States, the English language does not have a workable analogue to Spanish’s “estadounidense”. “UnitedStatesian” just feels to clunky for formal writing. In the context of this piece, “American” is used as a demonym for the United States, not for the Americas as a whole. ︎
2. The term ‘majoritarian’ is not meant to imply that anyone thinks we can organize a majority of the population into DSA, or get a majority of the population to actively participate in any particular campaign. The majoritarian/minoritarian distinction refers specifically to the size of the base; the people whom we could reasonably expect to passively support or at least not oppose our actions ︎

Enjoy your April National Political Committee (NPC) newsletter! Our NPC is an elected 27-person body (including both YDSA Co-Chairs) that functions as the board of directors of DSA. This month, sign the May Day pledge, learn organizing skills, hear about our summer conference, and more!

And to make sure you get our newsletters in your inbox, sign up here! Each one features action alerts, upcoming events, political education, and more.

• From the National Political Committee — Tax the Rich, War no More!
• DSA National Labor Commission Action Ask: Sign the May Day Pledge!
• Congressional Endorsement Alert — Help Elect a Socialist in the South!
• Learn New Skills! Sign Up for a Growth and Development Committee Training Starting Sunday 4/19
• Help Support DSA — RSVP for Phonebanks Starting Sunday 4/26
• Are You a College Student? Join YDSA Today!
• DSA National Budget and Finance Call Wednesday 4/22
• Apply for Our Summer Organizing Conference — Deadline Monday 5/18
• Make Your Voice Heard! ICE Response Member Input Question
• BIPOC Members: Join AfroSoC! Next Meeting Sunday 4/19
• Fundraising Committee Training Saturday 5/2
• Learn Tenant Organizing Skills — Housing Justice Commission Training Series Starts Monday 5/9
• DSA Buddhist Circle Meeting Thursday 4/30
• Ecosocialism Commission Transition Committee Nominations
• Socialist Forum Call for Submissions: Homeland Insecurity and US Imperialism
• Work for DSA — Organizing Bookkeeper Applications Open Until Sunday 4/26
• Welcome New Chapters — With YDSA Spotlight!

From the National Political Committee — Tax the Rich, War no More!

Dear Comrades,

You don’t hear many people say “Happy Tax Day.” And on this particular Tax Day, we are really feeling what Martin Luther King, Jr. said almost 60 years ago:

“A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.”

Just a few weeks ago, President Trump laid out the ghoulish vision more bluntly than ever, saying it’s “‘not possible’ for the U.S. to pay for Medicaid, Medicare, and day care because “we’re fighting wars.” In 2026, our taxes are funding a trillion-dollar military budget to wage imperialist violence on peoples all over the world, plus billions for ICE thuggery against people within US borders. Meanwhile, the already rich get trillions in tax breaks to enable their corporate plunder. What do the rest of us get? Our public goods and social services sold off for parts.

It doesn’t have to be this way! All over the country, we are organizing in our communities and our workplaces to transform our society to work for the many, not the few. Check out our Tax Day 2026 call from last night, where organizers and policymakers from Florida to Minnesota to California laid out how, instead of funding endless war, ICE brutality, and handouts to billionaires, our tax dollars could fund everything for all of us!

From coast to coast, we’re showing what socialists can deliver for the working class. In the first 100 days of Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s administration, it’s clear what socialist governance is bringing to the world’s wealthiest city: getting millions in the bag for worker restitution from bad bosses, securing over a billion dollars for universal childcare, and filling 100,000 potholes through blizzards. It’s a “sewer socialist” agenda for the 21st century. And NYC DSA is fighting to give 8 million New Yorkers the resources they deserve, even pushing centrist Gov. Kathy Hochul to make concessions on taxing the rich. 

On the West Coast, California DSA chapters are pushing hard to tax the rich this year. Against the unchecked expansion of data center projects that Big Tech companies are using to extract our resources, DSA members are mobilizing with our communities from Arizona to Wisconsin to Michigan to Maryland to Georgia, and organizing instead to invest in green projects that tackle the climate crisis. Local opposition is slowing down this surge of AI data centers — nearly half of the projects planned this year have been delayed or cancelled. That’s just a taste of the massive work we’re undertaking across the country to transform our society away from the ills of capitalism. As Zohran said in his first 100 days address: “You eventually need socialists to clean up the mess!”

We’ve got just two weeks until May Day, the International Day of Workers — a day to celebrate class struggle all over the world. DSA is part of the May Day Strong coalition, which means we’ve joined hundreds of labor unions and organizations across the country to demand a nation that puts workers over billionaires, and organize for an affordability agenda that works for all of us — to tax the rich and build the world we deserve. Together we pledge to make May Day 2026 a day of “No Work, No School, No Shopping.” Join us and take the pledge!

We’re also organizing in solidarity with immigrants across the country to make this May Day a day of action against raids and deportations, toward the goal of abolishing ICE. We hope your chapter is planning a May Day action of some kind. Contact them to get involved! And if you don’t have a DSA chapter where you live, we encourage you to get out to one of the hundreds of May Day Strong actions across the country — maybe you’ll meet some folks to start a chapter with!

We are also asking you to join us in continuing to demand that Congress pass a War Powers Resolution and an Arms Embargo. Our National Electoral Commission is hosting a series of Block the Bombs phonebanks and we would love to see you there – you’ll be calling folks and helping them contact their congresspeople. Being an organizer often means being a force multiplier, and we need all hands on deck to stop the war with Iran, the genocide in Gaza, and whatever violent nightmares this administration is dreaming up next.

“On May Day the workers of the world celebrate the beginning of their international solidarity and register the high resolve to clasp hands all around the globe and to move forward in one solid phalanx toward the sunrise and the better day.

“On that day we drink deeply at the fountain of proletarian inspiration; we know no nationality to the exclusion of any other, nor any creed, or any color, but we do know that we are all workers, that we are conscious of our interests and our power as a class, and we propose to develop and make use of that power in breaking our fetters and in rising from servitude to the mastery of the world.” — Eugene V. Debs

This May Day and beyond, we have a world to win!

In Solidarity,

Ashik Siddique and Megan Romer
DSA National Political Committee Co-Chairs

DSA National Labor Commission Action Ask: Sign the May Day Pledge!

May Day is coming up very soon! And DSA chapters across the country are bringing socialist politics to May Day by organizing actions with their local unions and labor bodies. No matter where you live, sign the May Day Pledge to commit to calling off of work, walking off campus, or not spending money this May Day!

Congressional Endorsement Alert — Help Elect a Socialist in the South!

DSA has endorsed our first Congressional candidate of 2026! DSA member Oliver Larkin is taking on pro-war, anti-worker Democrat Jared Moskowitz in Florida’s 23rd district. Larkin is fighting for Medicare for All, an arms embargo to Israel, and for true democracy in America. Can you donate $20 to take on an AIPAC-backed slush fund pretending to represent Floridians in Congress?

Learn New Skills! Sign Up for a Growth and Development Committee Training Starting Sunday 4/19

The Growth and Development Committee has launched our Spring ‘26 Semester of trainings! We have a core curriculum of trainings spanning topics from meeting facilitation to membership engagement. Spots are available now for sessions through the end of June!

Help Support DSA — RSVP for Phonebanks Starting Sunday 4/26

Join the Growth and Development Committee for an upcoming phonebank!

• Recommitment Phonebank Sunday 4/26 at 5pm ET/4pm CT/3pm MT/2pm PT
• Solidarity Dues Phonebank Wednesday 5/13 at 7pm ET/6pm CT/5pm MT/4pm PT
• Recommitment Phonebank Sunday 5/24 at 5pm ET/4pm CT/3pm MT/2pm PT

Are You a College Student? Join YDSA Today!

Are you a college student? Take a few seconds to let us know! Affiliate with one of 150+ YDSA chapters and get updates from your YDSA chapter and YDSA National on elections, programming, and more.

DSA National Budget and Finance Call Wednesday 4/22

Join our DSA National Budget and Finance Call on Wednesday 4/22 at 8pm ET/7pm CT/6pm MT/5pm PT! Come out to hear the DSA Budget and Finance Committee present on the 2025 Actuals and 2026 budget. And get updates on new projects, such as the Chapter Support Subcommittee and a space for Chapter Treasurers, Finance committee members, and comrades with financial know-how!

And Budget and Finance Chapter Support Sub-Committee applications are open now. This is a sub-committee of Budget and Finance Committee focused specifically on providing support to Chapter Treasurers.

• If you’re interested in training, helping maintain a space for chapter treasures, finance committee members, and comrades with financial know-how, and making materials, fill out the form here!
• To hear more about organizing our budgeting and finance, fill out the form here.

Please email budgetinfo@dsausa.org with your Budget and Finance questions! 

Apply for Our Summer Organizing Conference — Deadline Monday 5/18

Join DSA in Chicago, July 31–August 2 for the 2026 Democratic Socialists Summit, DSA’s National Organizing Conference! Our membership will gather to learn through political education, skills training, organizer development, general programming, and social activities. In order to cover a variety of topics, the NPC has created 5 different programming tracks. You can apply for up to two of the following:

• Palestine Solidarity and Anti-War
• Abolish ICE 
• Electoral
• Labor
• General Organizing

The application deadline is Monday 5/18 by 11:59pm PT. For questions, contact DSAcon@dsausa.org, subject line “2026 Conference Application.” Apply today!

Make Your Voice Heard! ICE Response Member Input Question

The new Member Input Policy, part of the 2025 Convention Democracy Commission suite of resolutions, aims to foster simultaneous discussion within chapters and across the country. 

The first question is designed to facilitate debate around how individual chapters are responding to ICE presence in our communities. It will also help the NPC and other national bodies better understand responses throughout the country. You can use this opportunity to reflect on the work that has happened thus far and strategize about what is to come, especially as the ICE invasions grow more insidious and less directly confrontational.

You can read more about and discuss this month’s question on the DSA Discussion Board. And bring the Member Input Question to your chapter!

Chapters (or branches of chapters) can submit resolutions via this link through early May, and are invited to tune in for a presentation and discussion at the May 17 NPC Political Discussion meeting of the analysis by members of the NPC, DemCom, and Abolish ICE Committees. If you have any questions or need support in any stage of the process, please reach out to the NPC at npc@dsacommittees.org or the Democracy Commission at demcommoutreach@dsacommittees.org.

BIPOC Members: Join AfroSoC! Next Meeting Sunday 4/19

Are you a BIPOC DSA member in good standing? Join AfroSocialists and Socialists of Color (AfroSoC)! The next meeting will be held this Sunday, 4/19 at 8pm ET/7pm CT/6pm MT/5pm PT.

And joining an AfroSoC working group or committee is always open to BIPOC DSA members in good standing. You can sign up to join one here!

Fundraising Committee Training Saturday 5/2

Get to know the basics of fundraising! Join the Fundraising Committee’s May training on Saturday 5/2 at 5pm ET/4pm CT/3pm MT/2pm PT.

Learn Tenant Organizing Skills — Housing Justice Commission Training Series Starts Monday 5/9

The Housing Justice Commission’s Emergency Tenant Organizing Committee (ETOC) promotes the formation of militant tenant unions through tenant-to-tenant training and instruction. ETOC is now accepting prospective tenant organizers through our Spring training series! 

In this series, you’ll learn the fundamentals of tenant organizing on a citywide or regional scale. Sign up here! The series begins Monday 5/9, and take place each Monday in May at 2pm ET/1pm CT/12pm MT/11am PT.

DSA Buddhist Circle Meeting Thursday 4/30

Refuge/Rest/Decompression space for organizers, activists, everyone. Buddhism and socialism discourse. Compassion in (direct, public) action. The DSA Buddhist Circle is in on all of it! Help make it all happen! 

Join us Thursday 4/30 at 7pm ET/6pm CT/5pm MT/4pm PT. And catch up on the conversation here.

Ecosocialism Commission Transition Committee Nominations

Following the passage of the amended Green New Deal Campaign Commission (GNDCC) Consensus Resolution in November 20525, the GNDCC is transitioning into an open standing commission (the Ecosocialism Commission Transition Committee) and formally broadening the scope of its ecosocialism campaign work.

The process is underway with members of the previous GNDCC Steering Committee and NPC liaisons. The amendment also calls for up to five additional DSA members to support the Transition Committee as it writes new bylaws, establishes its membership, and conducts an election for the new EcoCom Steering Committee and other leadership.

Please fill out this form as soon as possible to be considered for appointment. The NPC will be seating these positions on a tighter-than-usual timeline, as the transition work is already underway.

Socialist Forum Call for Submissions: Homeland Insecurity and US Imperialism

Socialist Forum, one of our two member publications, is an open and wide-ranging venue for thoughtful discussion and debate among DSA members. We are currently accepting submissions for Spring/Summer. For this issue, we are looking for pitches exploring connections between the homefront and U.S. policies abroad. You can find the full pitch guidelines, suggested topics, and submission procedures here. For any questions, please email us at socialistforum@dsausa.org.

Work for DSA — Organizing Bookkeeper Applications Open Until Sunday 4/26

DSA is hiring an Organizing Bookkeeper to support our Finance Department. The application deadline is Sunday, 4/26. You can apply via our careers page here.

Welcome New Chapters — With YDSA Spotlight!

And a warm welcome to our newest DSA Chapters and Organizing Committees! This month, we have a bumper crop of YDSA chapters. Congratulations to all!

New DSA Chapters: 

• Southeast Kansas
• River Region, Alabama 

New DSA Organizing Committees:

• Fort Wayne, Indiana
• Central Oregon
• Sun Valley, Idaho

New YDSA Chapters: 

• William Cullen Bryant High School
• University of Oklahoma
• SUNY (State University of New York) Geneseo
• West Virginia University
• University of Hawai’i
• Syracuse University
• Chapel Hill High
• Cal Poly Humboldt
• Sylvania Northview High School
• Rutgers University New Brunswick
• Portland State University
• Pennsbury High School
• Michigan State University
• Concord High School
• Clemson University

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DSA proudly endorses Andrea Parr in her race for Louisville Metro Council District 9. We’re fighting for Andrea because she fights for us: She knows the working class needs a transparent budget process and a city that working people can afford!

Andrea and Louisville DSA are working together to bring socialism to the Metro Council. We are excited to stand with the chapter as they fight for a government that is truly accountable to the will of the people. Can you help build our movement with a donation today??

Andrea is part of a slate of candidates in the Socialist Cash Takes Out Capitalist Trash fundraising project!

by Comrade Drake

It is an unfortunate reality in our capitalist society that divisiveness is endemic in our daily lives. Despite our best efforts such divisiveness can enter our organizing spaces, manifesting in sectarianism and compromising unity and impacting our ability to effectively organize our workplaces and our communities. 

The rich history of our movement grants us the privilege of looking to the past to determine our path forward, and in this vein I’m reminded of a phrase from the Chinese socialist period: “Cure the sickness to save the patient”. In context:

Finally, in opposing subjectivism, sectarianism and stereotyped Party writing we must have in mind two purposes: first, “learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones”, and second, “cure the sickness to save the patient”. The mistakes of the past must be exposed without sparing anyone’s sensibilities; it is necessary to analyse and criticize what was bad in the past with a scientific attitude so that work in the future will be done more carefully and done better. This is what is meant by “learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones”. But our aim in exposing errors and criticizing shortcomings, like that of a doctor curing a sickness, is solely to save the patient and not to doctor him to death. A person with appendicitis is saved when the surgeon removes his appendix. 

So long as a person who has made mistakes does not hide his sickness for fear of treatment or persist in his mistakes until he is beyond cure, so long as he honestly and sincerely wishes to be cured and to mend his ways, we should welcome him and cure his sickness so that he can become a good comrade. We can never succeed if we just let ourselves go, and lash out at him. In treating an ideological or a political malady, one must never be rough and rash but must adopt the approach of “curing the sickness to save the patient”, which is the only correct and effective method.

There was a comrade in my old organization who would show up consistently late to meetings and events and forget to complete tasks they had volunteered for. Perhaps understandably, this was incredibly frustrating for not only me but for the other members in the organization as well, and this frustration ultimately came to a head when they were an hour late to an event we were tabling at they had committed to bringing supplies for. In our debrief meeting we brought this up, and they apologized for it, saying that they had a variety of personal issues that made it difficult for them to keep on top of a schedule, and also correctly criticized me for being undisciplined about planning events ahead of time. 

My own frustration blinded me to not only the underlying issue behind their truancy but also to my own unprincipled behavior. Had I approached the issue as “curing the sickness to save the patient” then perhaps I would’ve also seen the sickness within myself that needed curing. With this in mind, we reengaged from a place of mutual best interest. They committed to showing up on time, and I committed to being more disciplined about event planning.

The analogy isn’t exact in the sense that all of us hold some mix of correct and incorrect ideas and in practice they are often rarely as clear cut as something like appendicitis is. However in today’s “rough and rash” political environment where debate amongst the broader left tends to be fought in the heavily polemicized social media thunderdome we should actively work within ourselves to approach disagreement with the understanding of mutual interest. Like an immune system fighting off an infection we are all constantly waging a struggle between bourgeois and proletarian ideas within ourselves and it would be a disservice to ourselves, our movement, and our comrades to be unnecessarily harsh during periods of ideological conflict.

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