by Harlow Sinclair The dominant narrative is that police make our communities safer than anything else could. The biggest lie the devil ever told, they say, was convincing the masses he didn’t exist. The greatest farce is the idea that the police are the only thing standing between you and chaos. We accept policing on […]

While you were picking up your kids from school, Joe Hogsett, backed by Statehouse Republicans, and billionaire lobby groups decided that a democratically-elected school board isn't profitable enough.

This is an opinion piece written by an individual member and was not voted on by membership. Opinion pieces from members do not reflect the opinions of other members and are not chapter approved statements.

On November 27th, 2025, Now This Impact made this post on Instagram: “Karoline Leavitt’s family member was just taken by ICE,” with the caption, “The media war has only just begun … and you thought your family drama was bad …”

I want to talk about this because, as a leftist, no scratch that, as a human being, anytime I hear about these disgusting occurrences of kidnapping by the Trump administration and its army of racist terrorists, my heart breaks and my blood boils. 

You’d think that on a post by Now This Impact, a Left-leaning news and entertainment page, you’d find the same reaction to this; that you’d find people upset that yet another immigrant has been snatched up by ICE. 

Well, to an extent, you and I would be wrong. 

If you go into the comments, you have some reasonable reactions to a situation like this:

But once you start reading more of the replies to this—in my honest opinion, unempathetically captioned—post, you have comments like the following:

Obviously, I think the Trump family is terrible; I believe those serving in the administration are fascists. However, if you are genuinely anti-deportation and pro-immigration, what kind of backward logic is it to cheer for ICE terrorism when it happens to, mind you, the extended immigrant family member of someone in the administration? 

Imagine if you were taken by these masked cowards, thrown into a detention center, and facing deportation. Later, it came out that your ex-partner’s dad voted for Trump. Then, because of that, people said heinous stuff like this and cheered on your deportation. It just doesn’t make sense. 

Even if this person is a Trump supporter*, yes, as humans, we cannot help but feel justified in seeing our points of view and our fears come to fruition, no matter how horrifying (there’s the whole leopards ate my face subreddit), but to all of a sudden be cheering on the deportation of immigrants just to squeeze in an “I told you so!” is bizarre.

*As of writing this, WMUR Manchester has reported that Ferreira, “…has no bad blood with the Leavitt family, and has deep respect and admiration for the White House press secretary…” 

And the worst part of siding with the fascists is that, if we’re being completely honest, there is a 0% chance Karoline Leavitt genuinely cares. Do you really think this hateful person is losing sleep over their brother’s ex-fiancée, an immigrant, may I remind you, being detained by ICE? 

Absolutely not! She’ll just slip into her white robes like any other night and sleep like a baby.

Look, I’m not a conspiracy theorist in the slightest, but you even have people in the comments theorizing that maybe it was even Leavitt herself or someone else within the family orchestrating this so that the ex-fiancée can take full custody of their child.

To be honest, I don’t know whether there’s a custody dispute happening or what that situation is; it doesn’t really matter. We’ve seen that the people serving and supporting this administration have no morals and no empathy for anyone or anything.

I just got a weird, unsettling feeling from some of the reactions to this. It’s similar to people cheering about people losing health care, SNAP benefits, and other crucial social services. Why are we celebrating the dismantling of what little the capitalist elite allows us to have? It’s fair to be outraged, it’s fair to dislike people for their terrible views, but why the need for fireworks and party hats at the expense of the working class?

Leftist YouTuber Kavernacle recently made a video about racism on the left and how some liberals and leftists are fine with being racist as long as it’s toward someone with whom they disagree. If you want to see a different, perhaps more well-organized, point of view toward a similar topic, I’d recommend watching it.

We already know the people voting for conservatives are voting against their own interests, and yes, it is incredibly frustrating. I cannot forgive that a lot of these people do it out of disdain for immigrants, refugees, the native peoples of this land, LGBTQ+ comrades, women, and other marginalized groups, but do we really need to cheer on these horrible anti-human policies?

And look, I’ve taken part in this in the past; at times, I was reactionary to these situations because I thought, “Why should I show any empathy for people who obviously don’t give a shit about me?” But we have to realize this is not how we’re going to build solidarity within the working class. 
This is not me calling for centrism or “compromise”, not even a little bit, but please do not give these horrible people credibility by agreeing with fascism when it’s egotistically convenient!

The post On Liberal Hypocrisy   first appeared on Salt Lake DSA.

I will come to a time in my backwards trip when November eleventh, accidentally my birthday, was a sacred day called Armistice Day.  When I was a boy, and when Dwayne Hoover was a boy, all the people of all the nations which had fought in the First World War were silent during the eleventh minute of the eleventh hour of Armistice Day, which was the eleventh day of the eleventh month. It was during that minute in nineteen hundred and eighteen, that millions upon millions of human beings stopped butchering one another. I have  talked to old men who were on battlefields during that minute. They have told me in one way or another that the sudden silence was the Voice  of God. So we still have among us some men who can remember when God spoke clearly to mankind. Armistice Day has become Veterans’ Day. Armistice Day was sacred. Veterans’ Day is not. So I will throw Veterans’ Day over my shoulder. Armistice Day I will keep. I don’t want to throw away any sacred things. What else is sacred? Oh, Romeo and Juliet, for instance. And all music is.

-Kurt Vonnegut, Breakfast of Champions

Tacoma seemed to bloom on November 11th, 2025. Beautifully painted clouds permitted plenty of sunshine to cast down on city streets. A lively crowd numbering just over one hundred trickled into the plaza bringing flags, or signs, or wearing a reminder of service. They all brought their fears, hopes, gripes, and their ideas about themselves and the land they grew up walking. It was a gorgeous backdrop for the city to recommence the annual observation of Armistice Day. The crowd respectfully encircled a motley group of tattooed, long-haired, sometimes bearded, always opinionated veterans wearing fatigues and patches. No dress uniforms, no military drills. It was about leaving all that behind.

Armistice Day opened with a land welcoming ceremony led by veteran Toby Joseph, Sr. He performed a moving rendition of his father’s love song and reflected on militarism from an indigenous perspective. Veterans spoke to pressing problems such as Veterans Affairs and LGBTQ+ medical care, the right to refuse illegal orders, and the history of active duty resistance. In one of the more memorable moments a physician and current conscientious objector spoke poignantly about his courageous decision to choose peace. Flanked by veterans stoically holding large pictures of Zahid Chaudhry in uniform and with family, Melissa Chaudhry delivered a tour de force keynote about her husband, moving me and many others to tears. Melissa sharply defended Zahid, elucidated the militarism that led to his detainment, and articulated beautifully the meaning of Armistice Day.

Zahid is a disabled veteran and immigrant; he is the President of Veterans for Peace 109 and for years has been an immovable fixture of the peace movement. He didn’t get to see the beautiful sky that day. He has been a comrade of mine for over a decade, going back to when I began organizing against the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Zahid is wrongfully detained in the concentration camp known as the Northwest Detention Center on the Tacoma tideflats, two miles and a world away from city hall. As I write this, Zahid is experiencing cruel medical neglect and risks blindness if he is not released for required medical procedures soon. We would agree every person deserves excellent healthcare. It’s just especially cruel that a disabled veteran, with private health insurance in Olympia, risks blindness in the unnecessary custody of the U.S. government.

The day concluded with a memorial ceremony led by Pastor Shalom of First United Methodist Church. It was a wholly dignified ceremony that seemed to me life-affirming, peace-affirming, and inclusive. The enhancement of the remembrance ceremony to include not just our WWI veterans but all victims of militarism was beautiful, and only natural, given the armies can’t seem to keep the wars to themselves. The ceremony honored the original purpose of the day as imagined by folks like Kurt Vonnegut, while maintaining the universality that so many must have felt in the wake of the Great War. It is a high standard that future remembrance ceremonies will be based upon.

The weather was great for Armistice Day. The political climate was another matter; we gathered on stolen Puyallup land against a backdrop of hegemonic struggle, military belligerence, terror campaigns, genocide, and the rise of the authoritarian right across the breadth of the international system. At home we face surveillance, extra-constitutional policing, mass deportations, wanton nuclearisation, and the militarization of our streets. Political assassinations are on the rise. There is a massive military build up off the coast of Venezuela and already western operatives on the mainland. Domestically, our coffers are ransacked and public institutions are seized. Homeland Security has been allocated an unprecedented wartime budget to terrorize immigrants and urban dwellers for the delight of an increasingly openly white nationalist base. Trans rights are being ripped away. Peace is questioned as a value, human rights as a cause, and the worthiness of empathy itself is mocked by our leaders. The U.S. regime foolishly stokes dormant embers in the Caribbean and saber-rattles in the Pacific. The United States has funded, provided intelligence and abundant material support, and suppressed public knowledge of Israel’s genocide. We face a very real and imminent threat of ethnic cleansing and a collapse of LGBTQ+ and women’s rights. We face war.

So we celebrate peace. But we cannot simply enjoy the peace there is; we are without peace. It is only through resistance that we can create peace. It is only through solidarity that we can resist. And it is through love that we find solidarity. So we celebrate Armistice Day: Peace through Resistance.

by Eric Ard

The Oregon White Oak, also known as the Garry Oak (Quercus Garryana) is the only native Oak species in Washington state. A keystone species needed for endangered lifeforms like the Western Gray Squirrel, Garry Oaks occurs in the endangered South Sound Prairie ecosystem, and as such are also called Prairie Oaks by a select few enthusiasts. Prairie Oaks grow slowly in open areas, and support more species of wildlife than any other tree species in the region. This is due to the abundant food they produce (acorns), and their tendency to form cavities that become homes for various types of wildlife. On average, Prairie oaks don’t begin producing acorns until 30 years of age. 

The city of Lakewood in Pierce County is home to one of the highest concentrations of these oak trees in Washington state, once part of a vast oak prairie stretching beyond Pierce County into Thurston, Lewis and Skamania counties, then on into Oregon. There are isolated groves of these oak-prairies around Puget Sound as well in Shelton, Port Townsend, and Whidbey Island. The town of Oak Harbor on Whidbey proudly exclaims its oaken character, providing a map of the towns catalogued oak trees, and serious protections for these trees. Their resident Garry Oak Society successfully created a culture of appreciation for the gnarled specimens that dot the town. The state of Washington designates oak stands critical habitat for conservation, and in 2020-2022, I was a part of an effort to develop priority tree protections for Lakewood’s oak trees. 

None of this has stopped the proliferation of warehouses in Pierce County, who often set up shop on prime oak habitat. 

During the covid pandemic, a global logistics market that was hurdling towards more online shopping went over a ledge. Millions of people were stuck and home, and a new warehouse boom began. WallStreet firms read the writing on the wall, and invested big in logistics. Private Equity and investment firms rallied behind a new concept: the speculative warehouse. That is a warehouse built with the hope of attracting tenants. Many of these warehouses have been built and sit empty in Lakewood.

In 2023, Lakewood activist Christina Manetti saw her worst fears realized. She had sparked the effort to save Lakewood’s Garry Oaks after learning of a speculative warehouse slated for the Springbrook neighborhood that would cut down over 50 oak trees in the floodplain of Clover Creek. Some of these trees were over 150 years old. Bisected by I-5 and the McChord Air Force Base, Springbrook is one of the poorest neighborhoods in Pierce County, and is considered overburdened by air pollution. In spite of protests, the project broke ground, and put the oaks under the axe. This marked a string of defeats for oak activists in Pierce county, as we watched concrete and cement seal over our aquifer for more Wall Street speculation for the fourth or fifth time. In spite of protections for the rare Prairie Oaks, our laws do not allow us to truly get in the way of capitalism. The developers pay minor mitigation fees, and the habitat is lost for the next hundred years. 

The State Environmental Protection Act (SEPA) allows a permitting body (city or county) to authorize an environmental review and request mitigation. It also authorizes these bodies to waive this process via a determination of non-significance. 

As chair of TDSA’s Ecosocialist committee, I learned of a proposal to build one of the largest warehouses in Washington state in south Tacoma, and organized our small membership to build opposition to the project. We knocked doors and drove turnout to a public hearing, where we learned just how far along the project already was.

The Bridge Industrial Warehouse was fast-tracked by the city of Tacoma as the lead permitting agency, and we quickly learned the limit of the state’s environmental protections laws. The project, which is now under construction, seals over even more of our non-glacially fed sole source aquifer with 2.5 million square feet of warehouse. We had no path within the law to defeat the warehouse. 

Front and Centered, a Washington-based legislative advocacy group introduced a bill in 2023 that would have created a lever to stop the Springbrook and Bridge Industrial warehouses. The CURB Act would effectively create a veto option for communities suffering from the cumulative effects of environmental harm. Lack of tree canopy and green space, air pollution from I-5 and Air Force Base McChord, and the existing burden of polluting industry would all be taken into account, as well as public voice. This bill did not make it to the house floor for a vote, in spite of democratic party control of the house, senate, and governor’s office. 

Bridge Industrial, the company behind the South Tacoma warehouse, rode a new trend: developing polluted land. Companies like BI offer municipalities a path to clean-up EPA-designated pollution sites that they couldn’t afford to remediate on their own. The “South Tacoma swamps”, where BI is constructing its mega-warehouse, is one such EPA superfund site, a former dumping ground for the Burlington Northern Santa Fe rail company. Companies like BI also peddle public safety, turning sites that function as homeless encampments and illegal dumps into trucking, concrete, and jobs. While this makes communities shudder, this offer makes neoliberal politicians and economic planners salivate. Under this form of capitalism, all economic growth is considered good growth, and even helps fund the government through new tax revenue to appease even some moderate social democrats. Never mind that they’re allowing Wall Street to carve up our communities and economic destinies how they please. 

Neoliberal economics has been the name of the game for some time in the county. Under the leadership of the Master Builders Association, a powerful developer lobbying group, Pierce County has consistently chosen to forget environmental protections in favor of economic development. The MBA fielded several County Charter Review candidates this cycle, and until recently held the seat of County Executive under their lobbyist Bruce Dammier. The unincorporated Pierce County community of Fredrickson is a prime example of this legacy. Designated a new industrial and logistics hub, Fredrickson today is more asphalt than anything else. Here the headwaters of Clover Creek, once the main drinking water source for the city of Tacoma, is besieged by a massive Amazon warehouse, Boeing plant, and the Niagara bottling facility, devastating the natural recharge of the aquifer and causing dry conditions downstream. 

A preemptive tool granted to municipalities is zoning. It was industrial/light commercial zoning that created the modern Fredrickson. Municipalities are granted this level of planning, if done ahead of time. Zoning cannot be changed once an investor has submitted a project, no matter how much the locals dislike it. This is playing out today in Dupont, where the city will have the distinct embarrassment of having a warehouse built directly across from their city hall, destroying over 20 acres of forest and a section of the beloved Sequalitchew Creek Trail. The Dupont West project, another speculative warehouse, is a product of poor planning, loopholes in regulation, a polluted site, and a city leadership afraid to confront an economic giant. My watershed-based advocacy organization, the Clover Creek Restoration Alliance, organized against the Dupont West project, which was unanimously opposed by the town residents. Large projects with environmental impacts like Dupont West are arbitrated by an appointed judge called a hearing examiner, who reviews state law, as well as county and city code to determine the legality of a project. During this time, public comment is accepted into the record as a part of the consideration. On rare occasions, members of the public are able to persuade hearing examiners that development proposals are not consistent with the law and must be rejected. More commonly, mitigation measures are recommended and projects are approved. In the case of Dupont West, the project is to be on a site steeped in history, the site of the first Methodist Mission in the state, as well as the first Fourth of July Celebration in the Washington territory and thousands of years of indigenous history primarily associated with the modern Nisqually tribe. The hearing examiner ruled that the project be approved, but ordered the developer to provide a small buffer around the historic mission marker as mitigation. The historic Methodist Mission Marker will now be cartoonishly placed as an island amidst a sea of asphalt. 

The last option available to cities is that of eminent domain, a power to force the sale of private property for the public good. While we made a strong case for the city of Dupont to do so, the timid town councilors refused to consider this in spite of public support, fearing the financial burden and a potential legal battle. 

As a solely rain-fed system, the watershed I advocate for, the Clover-Chambers watershed, is uniquely harmed by these warehouse projects. The impervious surfaces created by large buildings, asphalt, and even the non-native turf grasses repel the water needed to replenish our wells and flush them into storm drain and retention ponds, picking up pollutants like the salmon-killer 6-PPD, found in most tire dust, along the way. Add in the state of drought we find ourselves in today, with rainfall at 50% of average (75% is considered drought conditions), and we find ourselves in a water crisis. Lakewood, Spanaway, Dupont, JBLM, and Parkland all rely on water drawn from aquifer wells. Tacoma also considers the aquifer its back-up water supply, should water from the Green River run low. Warehouse impacts are being felt in the rest of the county as well, like in Puyallup, where the Puyallup tribe has filed an appeal against the city and a new mega-warehouse that would pave over critical farmland. To neighboring King County, we also must remember the loss of the farmlands in the Kent valley, which are now almost entirely warehouses. 

As climate change worsens, it’s expected that a majority of alpine glaciers will vanish in the next 25-50 years, meaning more water demand and less availability from here on out. Global temperatures are rising as well, as is population and demand for electricity. There is absolutely more that can be done for mitigation. Warehouses are a blank canvass for the production of solar energy. Permeable pavement and eco-friendly design like green roofs, tree retention, native landscaping, or even submerged structures would reduce the blight on the environment. And at the core of the issue, communities need to be able to democratically plan the communities they live in, and if needed, reject economic plunder. Under the madness of capitalist development, we must stop condemning our future to a hydrophobic, polluting, heat island Warehouse Hell.

by Sean Arent

On Wednesday, November 19th, Hogsett’s ILEA board presented several models that do not solve the real problems that threaten quality public education in Indianapolis. ILEA members, parents, teachers, advocates for […]

With record member turnout, and 96 percent of voters in favor, Buffalo DSA has voted to endorse Adam Bojak for New York State Assembly in District 149. The Buffalo DSA Steering Committee looks forward to working with Adam and his campaign toward a socialist future for Western New York.

Adam has been a dedicated, dues-paying member of Buffalo DSA since 2017. A leader in the chapter’s early years, and previously endorsed for Assembly in 2020, he has organized primarily with our Infrastructure (formerly Housing) and Electoral Committees. Adam’s commitment to DSA and its principles is also evident across a decade of fighting for the working class. In addition to serving as assigned counsel in Family Court, he takes on tenant legal cases pro bono. Over the past decade, he has never charged a housing justice client for services.

Through a robust endorsement process, the chapter determined that Adam’s campaign shares our goals for housing justice, universal healthcare, labor rights, and social equity. Additionally, despite New York’s undemocratic closed primaries and ballot access hurdles hindering Buffalo DSA’s political independence, the campaign nonetheless shows potential to build toward a true workers’ party. For too long, Republicans and Democrats alike have exploited our class and ignored our needs; Adam’s proud, socialist campaign offers us new ways to fight the capitalist status quo and agitate the masses.

Last, but not least, the incredible turnout we saw in this vote shows the strength of the American socialist movement, and of our organization. We urge all members and inspired supporters to help Buffalo DSA sustain our organizing–not just for Adam, but for our entire political project. This is our chance to build on our momentum for Good Cause Eviction and the New York Health Act, and continue to support workplace organizing and the labor movement. 

We need you. Join DSA today and get involved in our committee work, to learn the same skills and principles that brought Adam’s campaign to life.

On Wednesday, River Valley DSA members successfully passed a pro-labor city council resolution in Easthampton in collaboration with UFCW Local 1459 and the Western MA Area Labor Federation. The resolution was also supported by the Easthampton Education Association, which spoke in solidarity at the rally before the city council meeting. The resolution and rally were […]

By: Juan Reardon & Nils McCune

November 2025

“Formation must be linked to a strategic political project for the transformation of society. This very project is constantly under development and formation must be part of the process. For this reason, formation cannot be dogmatic nor spontaneous but instead should be prepared, planned and combined with the development of the strategic objectives of the organization.” 

– La Via Campesina

Introductory Note

Across a vast Latin American landscape, the imperialist project of past and present runs up against a plurality of organized resistance. Be they extractive mining conglomerates and the dams they need built, corporate agribusiness and its endless expansion of the agricultural frontier, or the financial capital behind it all, the incursions of capital into Latin America – with the collaboration of corrupt local elites – are almost always met by an extraordinary diversity of worker-, student-, peasant-, Indigenous-, Black-, LGBTQIAPN+- and women-led movements defending their lived, lands, waters, territories, peoples, histories, and horizons. When one looks specifically to the countryside, Latin American social movements stand firm in the recuperation of ancestral knowledge, the defense of multiple ways of life, and the popular construction of food sovereignty – the right of all peoples to define, develop and defend their own food systems through the exercise of rights to land and territory, agroecological production systems, and an end to free market neoliberal impositions. In contrast to the amnesia characteristic of imperial ‘America’ [See: Monroe to Trump], the place known as Nuestra América (Our America) is the carrier of a historical memory rich in organizational experiences and approaches towards collectively building social justice, sovereignty, rights and self-determination. In the face of military dictatorships, fascism and armed extractive industries, the struggle for democratic transitions towards just societies has developed a creative maturation of strategies and tactics among popular movements, with political education at the heart of many.

 

The Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo, or Latin American Coordination of Rural Organizations (CLOC), is a “movement of movements” that includes all Latin American member organizations of the global peasant movement La Via Campesina (LVC). CLOC’s remarkable experience in combating colonialism, racism, patriarchy, agribusiness and capital’s extractivist agenda has given rise to a continental system of political education beyond the scope of traditional cadrefication. CLOC’s is a process of experience- and reflection-based education the movements call formación. 

CLOC-Via Campesina: Who, What, Where and Why?

The Latin American Coordination of Rural Organizations (CLOC-Vía Campesina) is a continental articulation of peasant, farmworker, fisherfolk, and other land- and territory-based movements with decades of direct experience in the struggle for human, economic, social, cultural, and political rights. The accumulated experience of cadre within CLOC is deep, as many come from the collective experience of building revolutionary transformation in local, national, continental and international contexts. Born in 1994 from an alliance of people’s organizations mobilized in what was known as “500 years of Indigenous, Black, and Popular Resistance”, a protest against official celebrations of Columbus’ arrival to the Americas, CLOC’s steadfast embrace of class struggle offers a profound and pluralistic understanding of socialism, as it stands at the forefront of the struggles against patriarchy, racism, colonialism, capitalism, neoliberalism, and imperialism in the effort to build a new society free of oppressors or oppressed in right relation to Mother Earth. 

Currently, the CLOC includes 84 member organizations in Latin American and Caribbean countries. Some of its more well-known members are Brazil’s Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) [See: Brazil’s MST by DSA], Chile’s National Association of Rural and Indigenous Women (ANAMURI), Cuba’s National Association of Family Farmers (ANAP), Haiti’s Papaya Peasant Movement (MPP), Puerto Rico’s Organización Boricuá for Ecological Agriculture (Boricuá) and Guatemala’s Peasant Unity Committee (CUC). Among its many efforts, CLOC is dedicated to consolidating food sovereignty at the levels of nation and territory by multiplying experiences and knowledge in agroecology. To confront the living legacies of colonialism, patriarchy and racism, CLOC connects peasant organizing efforts with those of workers, students, and others disproportionately demeaned and disenfranchised by corporate interests. 

At the global level, CLOC brings together the struggles for peasants’ rights in Nuestra America with permanent solidarity with the Palestinian people in their struggle for life, rights, and sovereignty. The CLOC campaign “Sovereign Peoples, People in Solidarity”, for example, helps people across the continent hear from and connect with the efforts of the people of Cuba, Haiti, Venezuela, and Nicaragua to build and sustain transformative political projects while resisting U.S. imperialist aggression and unilateral coercive sanctions. Unapologetic in nature, CLOC expresses a firm and public commitment to “furthering debates that contribute to building the theoretical and programmatic foundations for a socialist project in the Americas.” 

Many of these debates take place through CLOC’s formación infrastructure, processes, and programs. The CLOC’s ‘Banners of Struggle’, available online in Spanish, give a sense of its vision for structural, democratic change to defend life, biodiversity, and rights in the Americas:

• Popular, Comprehensive, and Redistributive Agrarian Reform
• Peasant Agroecology based on the Recovery of Ancestral Knowledge
• Food Sovereignty based on Public Policy supporting the Peasant and Small Farm Sectors
• Implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas (UNDROP)
• The Construction of Popular Peasant Feminism
• Alliance-Building with Organizations of Other Sectors
• Youth-led Processes for Intergenerational Renewal
• Internationalist Solidarity
• Political, Ideological and Technical Training or formación…

What is Formación?

People’s movements develop a collective identity based on a shared analysis and, above all, a shared experience of struggle for a fundamentally different society. As noted in DSA’s 2023 article on Paulo Freire and Political Education, “there can be no theory that doesn’t inform practice, and vice versa. While distinguishable, the two must be inseparable, two sides of the same coin”. While in some contexts [See: Global North] for one person to wear “many hats” – to the point that often there can be meetings with more organizations “present” than people in the meeting – this can be problematic and is often an obstacle in the construction of a collective political project. Within the CLOC’s political culture, it is understood to be much more advantageous to have a shared analysis and greater levels of organicity – which is a kind of organizational culture that helps individuals understand where their unique contributions can be most impactful and appreciated within the larger needs of the collective. There is a popular saying that reflects this concept: “It’s more helpful to have one idea in a hundred people than one person with a hundred ideas.” Movements create specific moments for people to share their unique thoughts, reflections and opinions – with consensus and unity being the overall objectives – adjoined by moments in which members are expected to carry out responsibilities effectively without imposing their own desires or opinions on the collective’s agreed-upon commitments.

Formation is simply one part of a larger whole. As social movements or popular organizations attempt to change society, they must take action of some kind – whether that be through street protests, sit-ins, occupations, encampments, boycotts, lawsuits and beyond. Action is a moment in a long-term struggle, and should be planned and carried out collectively. Organization is another moment; this is when people debate and decide what their long-term vision is, and what kind of a structure can help them get where they hope to go. Assemblies, internal elections, designation of roles, and the creation of political positions are all part of organization. Formation, in turn, is a moment of struggle in which people temporarily remove themselves from action in order to critically reflect upon that action. Formation gives form to the action of an organization. By studying their own experiences and mistakes, as well as those of others across borders or throughout history, organizations can more effectively adjust their strategies and tactics, to be able to return to their practice with a more accurate understanding of their context and situation. The cycle of action-reflection-action, like the practice-theory-practice cycle described by Paulo Freire, is part of a collective movement through history known as praxis, as people resist and learn from that resistance. Formation is part of a critical process of collective self-preparation for world-changing activity.

According to La Via Campesina’s International Formation Collective, of which CLOC is an integral part, “formation is an infinite and permanent process of producing, socializing and sharing new knowledge derived from confronting ideas and comparing them with reality. It is a process of producing and reproducing the knowledge of our own reality, including the commitment to seek and distinguish our unique reality from the rest. All of this, of course, not only to understand the world but with the intent to transform it.”

Over 30 years into its development, the many movements that make up CLOC now maintain multiple formation processes with diverse tracks and methodologies. Designed to prepare new and experienced grassroots cadre for a lifelong – often difficult and dangerous – journey of political engagement for social transformation, these processes also serve to strengthen internationalist unity within diversity that is unique to the CLOC and La Via Campesina. 

A few of the CLOC’s most prominent formation processes are:

• Latin American Institutes of Agroecology (IALA)

Beginning with the IALA Paulo Freire in Barinas, Venezuela, the IALA model of peasant universities created by and for member organizations of the CLOC has now spread to include Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Puerto Rico and Venezuela. These autonomous social movement universities provide advanced training in agroecological production methods, as well as organizing skills, dialogue, and reflection to learn from concrete struggles and improve the practice of social movements in territories. 

The IALAs are a space of Latin American integration that recover the historical memory of 500 years of colonialism and over 200 years of formal independence while US neocolonialism has continued.

• Political and Ideological Formation Schools

Organized at two distinct levels – regional grassroots leadership and continental organizational leadership – the CLOC’s Political and Ideological Schools aim to consolidate an experienced collective of cadre at the national, regional, and continental levels capable of accompanying popular struggles with political clarity and determination. 

At the regional levels, both the “Andean School” (Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia) and “School of the Southern Cone” (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay) host grassroots organizers in a diversity of national venues – schools, churches, cultural centers, and more – where selected participants share organizational updates, contextual analyses, contributing to a dialogue of knowledge as well as mística, meals and other daily commitments (cooking, cleaning, studying, and more).

At the continental level, the rotative 15-day Egidio Brunetto School (held in different contexts and countries each time it’s organized) and multiple short-courses held at Managua’s Francisco Morazán International Peasant School host leadership development processes for those who have completed courses and processes at the regional levels.    

• Continental Women’s Schools

The CLOC’s Continental Women’s Schools are about empowering rural women organizers in what La Via Campesina defines as “popular peasant feminism,” a uniquely movement-based contribution to grassroots feminism that centers class analysis and the collective construction of food sovereignty. The most recent CLOC Women’s School took place in the Dominican Republic (May 2024) –- the sixth such school in recent years. In it, Nicaraguan feminist leader Yolanda Areas Blass noted that, “each region in La Via Campesina used to organize their own political education processes. Now we have been able to strengthen the school system of the Women’s Articulation from the first International Women’s School carried out in Africa, where we advanced globally in the discussion about popular peasant feminism and about women’s political participation.” From grassroots to global, the CLOC and Via Campesina’s popular peasant feminism are contributing to other important formation processes such as the Berta Cáceres International Feminist Organizing School (IFOS).

• Continental Communication Schools

Involving many of the same grassroots leaders engaged in the above mentioned processes, the CLOC’s Continental Communication Schools are an equally important cycle of action, reflection, and matured action designed specifically to deepen political and technical expertise in “popular anti-capitalist communication.” According to their own reporting, the 5th Continental Communication School (online due to Covid-19) included critical reflections on “the concept of internationalism and its implications for popular struggles” as well as “the ongoing challenges facing communication in CLOC organizations.” 

Participant communicators, “learned about and evaluated CLOC’s current continental communication work as a counter-hegemonic strategy in the class struggle.” They then, “delved into the nature of CLOC’s communication, current strategies and challenges, internal and external communication tools,” before engaging in practical, “workshops strengthening skills in areas such as photography, video, audio, graphic design, social media, newsletters, and internal communications”. 

“The rich process of political education in popular communication,” left participants of the 2020 course with, “many lessons learned, challenges identified and, above all else, a growing collective (of communicators) with transformative dreams and hopes, strengthened by a revolutionary and internationalist spirit.”

• Continental Youth Encampments

Last but by no means least, the CLOC’s multiple youth-led processes feed into their own larger political education process known as ‘Encampments’. Each held in a unique national/historical context, hosted by the youth of a CLOC-LVC member organization, dozens of organized youth gather to, “promote formation and reaffirm the principles of CLOC Via Campesina as well as to exchange productive experiences, celebrate Latin American and Caribbean culture, cultivate the mystique and strengthen the peasant struggles of the regions of our territories.” In Spanish only, the following documentary shares some of the voices, smiles, and experiences of the XVII Youth Encampment of 2022.

Closing Remarks

Latin America’s Coordination of Rural Organizations (CLOC) is a living, breathing, and learning articulation of people’s movements prioritizing the political development of cadre within a larger process of action, reflection, and matured action aimed at consolidating a socially just and ecologically sound society for all. It listens to and learns from its own organizers – encouraging honest debate amongst the many – while encouraging friends and allies to contribute their own experiences through a dialogue of knowledges. From a place of organizational strength and sincerity, the CLOC learns while teaching and teaches while learning. For those of us engaged in our own processes of political education for societal transformation, the CLOC inspires. 

Readers interested in contacting the CLOC directly can do so in both English and or Spanish emailing: secretaria.cloc.vc@gmail.com. 

See Also: 

https://cloc-viacampesina.net

https://www.instagram.com/cloclvc/?hl=en

https://web.facebook.com/cloc.viacampesina

https://web.facebook.com/friendsatc/?locale=es_LA&_rdc=1&_rdr#

Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement

Paulo Freire and Political Education

Political Education in Social Movements and Theory

Contributing to NPEC Collective Research Project

Click here to read in English.

Imagínese que en los barrios más pobres de Detroit, Atlanta y Chicago, en lugar de solares vacíos, pudiera encontrar un parque público con relucientes piscinas, instalaciones deportivas y recreativas de primer nivel y un paisajismo espectacular. Si es madre soltera, en vez de tener que cargar con su ropa varias cuadras para pagar por lavarla, podría ir a un espacio público y bien mantenido donde lavar la ropa gratis mientras disfruta de comida deliciosa cultivada en el huerto agroecológico al costado de la lavandería. Mientras tanto, tus hijos pueden aprender a nadar, asistir a talleres sobre cómo cultivar alimentos en la ciudad, visitar el planetario para aprender cómo la cosmología maya se relaciona con el Big Bang, pasar el rato en el parque de patinaje o aprender a tocar la guitarra.

Mientras almuerzas y lavas la ropa, hay una empleada cuyo trabajo es hablar contigo y estar atenta a cualquier indicio de violencia doméstica en tu vida. Si estás lidiando con violencia doméstica, justo al lado hay una consejera que puede ayudarte. Imagina que, en este escenario, incluso en las zonas más vulnerables de las ciudades estadounidenses, puedes tener acceso a un abogado experto si lo necesitas. Independientemente de lo que estés enfrentando en casa, puedes consultar con la masajista y la acupunturista en este mismo edificio público, un espacio para mujeres conocido como Casa Siemprevivas. Ella no solo te ofrece masajes, sino que también enseñará cómo hacerlos a quince de tus vecinas y amigas para que puedas usar este espacio para círculos de apoyo mutuo. Son espacios donde se fomenta la liberación emocional a través de la risa y el llanto. Todo esto es gratuito y financiado por el gobierno.

En Estados Unidos, esta clase de inversión en servicios públicos tan extensas sigue siendo una fantasía, por ahora. Pero es muy real y funciona eficientemente en la Ciudad de México bajo el liderazgo del partido MORENA de la presidenta Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, la líder populista de izquierda del país.

Estas instituciones públicas en México se denominan Unidades de Transformación y Organización para la Inclusión y la Armonía Social, o UTOPÍAS. Actualmente existen dieciséis, todas ubicadas en Iztapalapa, la alcaldía más poblada y pobre de la Ciudad de México. Prácticamente todas las UTOPIAS ofrecen servicios para mujeres que sufren violencia doméstica, centros de reducción de daños para personas usuarias de drogas, espacios de apoyo para personas queer y trans, centros comunitarios para personas mayores y talleres para ayudar a los hombres a deconstruir la masculinidad tóxica, lo que en la práctica implica enseñar a hombres cuyas relaciones están en declive terminal o que se han convertido en padres solteros debido a una tragedia imprevista, cómo hacer cosas como lavar los platos, freír huevos o trenzar el cabello. No es poca cosa.

Cada UTOPIA ofrece una variedad de servicios especializados. Por ejemplo, UTOPIA La Libertad, ubicada justo detrás del muro de una prisión, cuenta con un zoológico interactivo y un planetario. UTOPIA Meyehualco, que ocupa lo que antes era un extenso parque con canchas de fútbol exclusivas para ligas privadas, ahora tiene un gran parque de dinosaurios animatrónicos (sí, leíste bien) y una pista de hockey. UTOPIA Olini alberga estanques amplios y bien cuidados, una piscina de marea y un gimnasio que sirve de sede a un destacado grupo de breakdance. UTOPIA Estrella Huizachtépetl se asienta sobre lo que antes era una zona de drenajede una planta de tratamiento de aguas y que ha sido convertida en un extenso ecosistema de humedales. Y UTOPIA Quetzalcoatl, ubicada de forma inusual en múltiples edificios y espacios discontinuos en una zona urbana densa, se centra en gran medida en los servicios de salud mental infantil, contando con una arteterapeuta en su plantilla. Algunas de las UTOPIAS organizan talleres periódicos para apoyar a los residentes, especialmente a las mujeres, en la creación de pequeñas empresas y cooperativas bajo el lema de la «economía solidaria».

En la siguiente sección, compartiré más historias sobre cómo las personas utilizan y se benefician de los servicios que ofrece UTOPIAS, basadas en varios meses de investigación de campo en México. Mi objetivo es ampliar nuestra visión colectiva en Estados Unidos y otros países del centro del poder sobre cómo puede ser un sólido sistema urbano de atención comunitaria. Además, espero compartir la historia más profunda de la organización y la lucha de la clase trabajadora que hizo posible estos programas. A pesar de las muchas diferencias que existen entre nuestros contextos en cuanto a sistemas de organización, considero que los organizadores estadounidenses tienen mucho que aprender de los organizadores que han construido poder de masas en México.

Historias desde abajo: cómo las UTOPIAS mejoran la vida de los trabajadores

Con todos estos servicios sociales gratuitos que se ofrecen, con un marcado enfoque anticarcelario, feminista y ecológico, no es de extrañar que las UTOPIAS hayan captado la atención de los círculos de izquierda internacionales como un ejemplo concreto de cómo puede ser la política ecosocialista municipal. Como parte de mi investigación en ecología política urbana, estoy pasando un semestre sabático aquí y baso este artículo en visitas a ocho de las dieciséis UTOPIAS y entrevistas con diversos miembros del personal, usuarios y funcionarios.

A lo largo de estas visitas y entrevistas, surgió una imagen inequívocamente positiva. Los terapistas de salud mental me comentaron cómo podían dedicar mucho más tiempo a los pacientes trabajando en los centros UTOPIA que en las clínicas con poco personal.

Una ginecóloga obstetra que realizó rotaciones entre las clínicas UTOPIA creía que finalmente podía hacer aquello para lo que había estudiado: “llevar la justicia reproductiva directamente a la gente.”

Un agricultor que trabaja en UTOPIA La Libertad compartió que su visión agroecológica para el futuro era que “las ciudades pueden y deben cultivar sus propios alimentos.”

Una mujer de tercera edad me contó que los talleres sobre la muerte y el morir le brindaron apoyo y consuelo tras el fallecimiento de su esposo.

Un carnicero de 24 años, antiguo adicto a la heroína, logró rehabilitarse gracias a los servicios de reducción de daños y asesoramiento de UTOPIA Teotongo, y ahora acude al centro al menos una vez por semana para ayudar al chamán en sus ceremonias de temazcal (cabaña de sudar). Explicó: “Las UTOPIAS me proporcionaron una vida que nunca antes hubiera podido imaginar.”

Un grupo de chicas adolescentes que formaron una banda de punk rock confirmaron que no lo habrían podido hacer sin los instrumentos y espacios de ensayo gratuitos proporcionados por UTOPIA.

Las UTOPIAS también demuestran que ampliar los espacios comunes urbanos para elcuidado de las personas no tiene por qué ser costoso. El gobierno de Iztapalapa ha declarado que la construcción de cada UTOPIA costó 100 millones de pesos (unos 5 millones de dólares estadounidenses), con un presupuesto operativo de aproximadamente 1 millón de dólares estadounidenses. Incluso si estas cifras fueran subestimaciones, e inclusive si fueran diez veces mayores en Estados Unidos debido a los precios más altos de los materiales y la mano de obra, las cifras igual no serían muy onerosas, considerando los miles de millones que nuestras grandes ciudades gastan en policías y exenciones fiscales para los ricos.

Mientras hablaba con trabajadores y usuarios de las UTOPIAS y les preguntaba sobre cómo se construyeron estos espacios, un nombre surgió constantemente: Clara Brugada, la ex alcaldesa de Iztapalapa y ahora Jefa de Gobierno de toda la Ciudad de México. Trabajadores de la salud mental, jubilados, técnicos hidropónicos y administradores de los sitios me dijeron que las UTOPIAS fueron una creación de Brugada, y que fue a través de su visión y pura fuerza de voluntad política, respaldada como estaba por el pueblo, que se construyeron las UTOPIAS.

El consenso que escuché era tan generalizado que parecía absurdo negarlo, incluso si resultaba contraintuitiva que una sola persona pudiera recopilar un conjunto de servicios tan radicales relacionados con temas tan variados como la salud mental, la educación científica y la agricultura urbana. Aun así, algo parecía incompleto, así que investigué más a fondo. A través de mi investigación sobre la historia reciente de la política de la Ciudad de México, quedó claro que existió un movimiento de masas que moldeó la estructura política urbana de la ciudad, desarrolló e impulsó muchas de las iniciativas que hoy se encuentran en las UTOPIAS y, de manera significativa, dio lugar al surgimiento político de Clara Brugada. Se llama el Movimiento Popular Urbano.

El Movimiento Popular Urbano y MORENA: organización política tras el neoliberalismo

Décadas antes de que surgiera el partido MORENA, una constelación mucho más dispersa de organizaciones urbanas luchaba por las demandas inmediatas de los trabajadores: títulos de propiedad de sus tierras, servicios de agua y electricidad. Pero en algunos casos, estas organizaciones se iban más allá de luchar por demandas políticas inmediatas. También experimentaron con y finalmente construyeron servicios directos para mejorar la vida de las personas. Crearon centros para mujeres víctimas de violencia doméstica, cultivaron alimentos, regeneraron ecosistemas forestales urbanos y brindaron servicios de reducción de daños para personas usuarias de drogas. En esencia, construyeron muchos de los elementos que ahora encontramos, a gran escala, en las UTOPIAS.

El hecho de que los organizadores urbanos de la Ciudad de México lograran crear un movimiento social contundente con verdadero poder político en estas condiciones debería darnos aún más confianza en que nosotros también podemos hacerlo.

El propio Movimiento Popular Urbano construyó poder político entre los ocupantes informales y marginados de la ciudad, la población urbana en situación de pobreza con empleos informales y otros trabajadores que se aferraban a una apariencia de normalidad y dignidad. Este movimiento creció en el terreno fértil del descontento urbano durante las décadas de dominio procapitalista del Partido Institucional de la Revolución (PRI) y la posterior oposición conservadora.

El partido gobernante PRI históricamente mantuvo su poder desde finales de la década de 1940 hasta bien entrada la década de 1990 e incluso parte de la década de 2000 mediante una estructura corporativista construida sobre tres pilares organizativos bajo su estricto control: la CTM(Confederación de Trabajadores Mexicanos), representando al trabajo organizado, la CNC (Confederación Nacional de Campesinos) representando a los campesinos, y la CNOP (Confederación Nacional de Organizaciones Populares) representando a las clases medias urbanas, las organizaciones de la “sociedad civil” y, en teoría, la población urbana en situación de pobreza.

Sin embargo, para la década de 1980, un gran número de residentes de la Ciudad de México no pertenecían a sindicatos industriales ni estaban representados de manera significativa por la CNOP. Para quienes vivimos en Estados Unidos en el siglo XXI, esto probablemente nos resulte muy familiar: la afiliación sindical se ha desplomado en nuestro país desde la década de 1980, y las organizaciones de la ‘sociedad civil’ han ido desapareciendo gradualmente de la vida popular.

Al igual que en Estados Unidos, en la década de 1980 el movimiento sindicalista en México era solamente una sombra de su pasado militante.  La CTM se formó en el crisol de la década de 1930. El presidente progresista Lázaro Cárdenas fundó esta organización con el objetivo de aglutinar al proletariado industrial, más militante y de tendencia comunista, con los trabajadores más independientes del sector del transporte y los empleados de pequeñas empresas. Sin embargo, tras la llegada al poder del derechista Miguel Alemán Valdés en 1946, este rebautizó al partido oficial como Partido Institucional de la Revolución (PRI) y se propuso purgar a los militantes del movimiento obrero organizado. Nombró a Alfonso Ochoa Partida, apodado “el charro” por su afición a la charrería, deporte típico del rodeo mexicano, como jefe de la CTM para llevar a cabo estas purgas. Hasta el día de hoy, los sindicatos procapitalistas, de carácter débil, son conocidos como “sindicatos charros”. En México, estos sindicatos favorables al capital siguieron siendo fuerzas políticas poderosas durante los años de bonanza económica de la relativamente próspera industrialización por sustitución de importaciones durante las décadas de 1950 y 1960.

Esta era, caracterizada por una relativa armonía de clases y sostenida por la estructura corporativista del PRI, comenzó a desmoronarse a finales de la década de 1960. Las masacres de activistas estudiantiles, primero la de Tlaltelolco en el año 1968 y luego de manera subsiguiente la del Halconazo, seguidas por la Guerra Sucia impulsada por José López Portillo en la década de 1970, generaron una crisis de legitimidad política para el PRI. A pesar de las demandas relativamente moderadas del movimiento estudiantil en favor de la reforma política, el PRI se mostró reacio a tolerar cualquier desafío a su hegemonía corporativista. La crisis de legitimidad política del PRI se agudizó con la crisis económica mundial de finales de la década de 1970, que supuso el fin de la industrialización por sustitución de importaciones, la cual había mantenido un nivel de vida en ascenso durante las décadas de la posguerra. Estas crisis combinadas marcaron el principio del fin para el PRI y crearon oportunidades políticas para que la oposición de izquierda se organizara y se fortaleciera.

Durante las décadas de 1970 y 1980, organizadores radicales y estudiantes que habían huido al campo durante la represión de la Guerra Sucia trabajaron arduamente en la implementación de programas de educación política rural, a menudo inspirados en la teoría maoísta de la línea de masas. Muchos campesinos ya contaban con convicciones radicales arraigadas en el legado de Emiliano Zapata, el militante defensor de los derechos territoriales campesinos de la época revolucionaria mexicana. Dichas convicciones se vieron reforzadas por sus experiencias vividas en la lucha económica rural a lo largo de los años.

A medida que la crisis económica de la década de 1970 empezó a mermar la viabilidad de los medios de subsistencia rurales, decenas de miles de campesinos que acababan de ser desplazados económicamente comenzaron a trasladarse a las afueras de la Ciudad de México. Si bien estos recién llegados eran pobres, carecían de poder político formal y eran muy vulnerables a la explotación de terratenientes codiciosos, distaban mucho de ser actores pasivos. Trajeron consigo sus análisis políticos radicales y rápidamente comenzaron a formar organizaciones comunitarias politizadas. Con el derrumbe de la legitimidad de las vías formales para la participación política popular urbana, estas organizaciones se transformaron en el Movimiento Popular Urbano. 

La historia de Enrique Cruz, un militante de treinta años perteneciente a la UPREZ (Unión Popular Revolucionaria Emiliano Zapata), una de las organizaciones del Movimiento Popular Urbano, ayuda a esclarecer esta historia. Él me explicó:

Soy hablante de soque indígena y nací en Oaxaca. Mis padres y abuelos participaron activamente en la lucha contra la minería de oro y plata que destruía nuestra tierra y amenazaba los ecosistemas que tanto apreciábamos. Al mudarme a la ciudad, encontré una escuela dirigida por la UPREZ adornada con murales de Emiliano Zapata, y supe que esa era mi gente. A través de la UPREZ, adquirí una sólida formación política y me convertí en organizador comunitario, luchando por una vivienda digna, brindando educación directa y formación política a otras personas, y trabajando en otras causas.

Organizaciones como la UPREZ surgieron en la década de 1980 y se fortalecieron especialmente tras el catastrófico terremoto de 1985, que desencadenó una ola de solidaridad urbana. Una de las organizaciones más fuertes es la Unión de Colonos de San Miguel Teotongo, ubicada en el extremo noreste de Iztapalapa, en las afueras de la Ciudad de México.

Cuando, en agosto de este año, visité su centro comunitario y oficina para examinar sus archivos comunitarios y expliqué que estaba interesado en la historia y las consecuencias políticas de las UTOPIAS, el empleado Marco Antonio Flores me informó que “Si te interesan las UTOPIAS, has llegado al lugar correcto. Gran parte de lo que ves en las UTOPIAS —servicios para mujeres que sufren violencia doméstica, apoyo a personas con problemas de drogadicción, agroecología— nosotros lo pusimos a prueba, experimentamos y desarrollamos desde la década de 1980. Ver que ahora están generalizadas y cuentan con el apoyo del gobierno es algo maravilloso.”

Al conocer las UTOPIAS, algunas cosas me resultaron familiares. En mi trabajo político y académico, he visto una impresionante variedad de proyectos con objetivos similares, desde grupos anarquistas independientes que realizan proyectos de conservación de tierras, hasta centros sin fines de lucro avocados a la salud sexual y reducción de daños, pasando por organizaciones agrícolas comunitarias. Pero ver todo esto, y mucho más, reunido y a gran escala con todo el respaldo del Estado, me pareció algo completamente distinto. 

¿Qué hizo que estas organizaciones tuvieran éxito no solo en la lucha por los servicios urbanos básicos, sino también en su influencia en la política nacional y local? Le pregunté a Marco Antonio por qué su organización parecía tan sólida y persistente, con una presencia tan fuerte en la comunidad hoy en día, mientras que otras organizaciones miembro del Movimiento Popular Urbano parecían haberse disuelto. Él respondió: “En la década de 1980, muchas organizaciones se centraron en exigir la regularización de la tierra, el suministro de agua potable, electricidad e incluso el control de alquileres. Una vez satisfechas algunas de esas demandas, no tenían muchos motivos para continuar. Nuestro enfoque era más amplio: luchamos por los derechos básicos, pero también construimos un centro comunitario dinámico con el objetivo más general de velar por el bienestar integral de los miembros de la comunidad”.

La propia alcaldesa de la Ciudad de México, Clara Brugada, pertenece a este movimiento. Siendo estudiante, comenzó a organizarse con la Unión de Colonos San Miguel Teotongo. Se organizó políticamente para abogar por servicios básicos como electricidad, agua y desagüe. Según Florentina Juana Martínez, activista con la Unión de Colonos desde la década de 1970, Brugada desempeñó un papel fundamental como joven estratega a principios de la década de 1980. Impulsó a su grupo a presionar al gobierno para que cumpliera con esas demandas, así como a autoorganizarse para brindar servicios que el estado no proporcionaba.

En la década de 1990, Brugada lideró una campaña para transformar una prisión de mujeres, que también solía albergar a presas políticas durante la Guerra Sucia, en una escuela preparatoria. Esta campaña, que hoy podríamos describir como abolicionista, finalmente triunfó y la escuela se inauguró en el año 2000. Mientras luchaban por la titularidad de las tierras, Brugada continuó organizándose con la Unión de Colonos para establecer un centro comunitario que apoyara a mujeres víctimas de violencia doméstica, restaurara ecosistemas urbanos y brindara apoyo a personas con problemas de drogadicción.

Aquí hay una lección más amplia para la Izquierda de EEUU, para DSA, y quizás aún más específicamente para la gestión entrante de Zohran Mamdani en la ciudad de Nueva York: en nuestras ciudades existen movimientos que están fortaleciendo la capacidad para realizar movilizaciones masivas y combativas. Entre ellos se encuentran el movimiento inquilino y el movimiento obrero. Pero también incluyen proyectos innovadores llevados a cabo por grupos comunitarios centrados en la justicia ambiental, la justicia reproductiva, la agroecología y otros temas.

En otras palabras, las organizaciones comunitarias de Iztapalapa que resistieron el paso del tiempo y lograron un poder político duradero no solo lucharon por cosas como el control de alquileres y el saneamiento urbano básico, por tan vitales que fueran esas cosas. También construyeron directamente los mecanismos necesarios para, con escasos recursos, brindar atención a la comunidad  urbana, y al hacerlo se aseguraron de que, cuando surgiera una oportunidad política, sus ideas y prácticas estuvieran sobre la mesa para que las fuerzas políticas afines las aprovechen. 

Estos grupos forjaron alianzas estratégicas con personas que, con el tiempo, construirían el partido MORENA y se integrarían al aparato estatal. A medida que el partido MORENA consolidaba su poder, estos grupos se fueron incorporando a la gobernanza municipal en lugar de mantenerse al margen.

Organizaciones comunitarias existentes y la lucha por los bienes comunes urbanos

Cada una de las UTOPIAS se ubica en un barrio con una historia política y económica particular. Mientras que la Unión de Colonos San Miguel Teotongo fue una fuerza poderosa y visionaria para la organización y el desarrollo comunitario, otras UTOPIAS contaban con organizaciones comunitarias significativas, aunque menos persistentes. Muchas UTOPIAS se sitúan en terrenos y parques anteriormente abandonados. Las UTOPIAS de Tecoloxtitlán y Papalotl, por ejemplo, se ubicaron en solares urbanos baldíos que solían ser mercados negros de autopartes robadas.

Rodrigo Castellano Hernández, coordinador de programación de UTOPIA Papalotl, compartió que a finales de la década del 2000, un grupo de miembros de la comunidad se unió para comenzar a desarrollar programas para jóvenes en la zona. Ofrecían clases de artes marciales y empezaron a experimentar con la agricultura urbana. Para cuando Clara Brugada asumió la alcaldía de Iztapalapa, ya existían sólidas iniciativas comunitarias para recuperar el espacio y destinarlo a actividades comunitarias positivas y solidarias.

De igual manera, en UTOPIA Tecoloxtitlán, un grupo de vecinos aunó recursos comunitarios para crear un centro de educación especial y un centro para Alcohólicos Anónimos en el parque, organizando el trabajo comunitario para limpiar el terreno urbano deteriorado. Y en UTOPIA Meyehualco, construida en un parque que antes solo estaba disponible para los miembros de una liga privada de fútbol, ​​el gobierno municipal, junto con organizaciones comunitarias aliadas, se organizó para que ese terreno sea para uso público gratuito, a pesar de las objeciones de los miembros del club privado que buscaban mantener la propiedad absoluta del terreno.

En las ciudades de Estados Unidos, el proceso específico para encontrar espacios para proyectos como este probablemente sería muy diferente al de Iztapalapa. Si bien las ciudades estadounidenses tienen un margen de maniobra considerable en sus presupuestos municipales, las clases dominantes han logrado mantener, año tras año, la financiación de la policía en lugar de la asistencia social. Sin embargo, los movimientos radicales en Estados Unidos han demostrado que las cosas no tienen por qué ser así. Desde las huelgas de maestros por mejores condiciones durante los últimos 15 años, hasta las campañas en pro de la abolición del sistema policial que surgieron tras las protestas por la muerte de George Floyd en 2020, nuestros propios movimientos han revelado que los presupuestos municipales pueden ser espacios importantes de lucha de clases.

Cabe destacar que las UTOPIAS no funcionan simplemente como un órgano del partido MORENA y de la alcaldesa Clara Brugada. Organizaciones comunitarias radicales también utilizan estos espacios para organizar poder político independiente. En septiembre, asistí a un evento en UTOPIA Paplotl organizado por una de las organizaciones miembro más importantes de la UPREZ, la organización de Enrique. En un auditorio repleto, con cerca de quinientas personas provenientes de decenas de pequeñas organizaciones comunitarias y cooperativas centradas principalmente en temas de vivienda, los líderes de la UPREZ incorporaron formalmente a estos grupos y a sus numerosos miembros de clase trabajadora a su organización.

Uno de los fundadores y veteranos del movimiento URPEZ, Jaime Rello, describió sucintamente cómo se relacionan estos movimientos de masas con las UTOPIAS y el partido MORENA:

Camaradas, las UTOPIAS son la síntesis de toda esta experiencia y lucha de más de 57 años desde el movimiento de 1968. Nuestra camarada Clara, surgida de los movimientos populares y de la Unión de Colonos San Miguel Teotongo, aprendió bien de toda esta experiencia de lucha y ahora la pone en práctica. Pero eso no basta, camaradas, si no hay un movimiento fuerte que continúe luchando por estas causas, porque las presiones que enfrentamos, y que Clara enfrenta, por parte de la derecha, las presiones que enfrentamos por parte de los intereses del capital, son muy fuertes.

Nuestras organizaciones no las construyen únicamente los líderes. Las construye toda la sociedad. Necesitamos que todos contribuyan y antepongan el interés colectivo a los intereses individuales. Hemos llegado hasta aquí gracias a miles de activistas sociales que han dedicado su vida a transformar este país y esta ciudad.

La UPREZ y el Movimiento Popular Urbano están innegablemente aliados con el partido MORENA. La propia Clara Brugada surgió de estos movimientos obreros de Iztapalapa. Sin embargo, es evidente que estas organizaciones no se desmovilizan simplemente porque uno de los suyos esté en el poder. La relación entre estas organizaciones de masas y el gobierno de MORENA podría servir de modelo sobre cómo DSA y otras organizaciones de izquierda podrían relacionarse con la alcaldía de Zohran Mamdani o gestiones públicas similares: utilizando los espacios, recursos y plataformas que ofrece dicha administración para organizarse con firmeza en defensa de los derechos de los trabajadores y los inquilinos, construir centros independientes de poder comunitario y desarrollar una sólida red de bienes comunes urbanos avocados al cuidado, tanto dentro como fuera del Estado.

Las raíces históricas de las UTOPIAS nos demuestran que las iniciativas comunitarias de cuidado mutuo pueden ser impulsadas y ampliadas por el Estado cuando las condiciones son propicias. No es necesario crear desde cero buenas ideas para el cuidado comunitario, la agroecología urbana y el bienestar físico y mental. Muchas organizaciones ya realizan este trabajo. Con una financiación estatal relativamente modesta, pueden convertirse en programas sólidos al alcance de toda la población. En Estados Unidos, podemos encontrar organizaciones locales y regionales similares que poseen la visión y la experiencia necesarias para que nuestras versiones de las UTOPIAS prosperen.

Armados con visiones de cuidado comunitario similares a las que se han implementado en la Ciudad de México, y con el creciente poder político de DSA, estamos en condiciones de luchar precisamente por estas cosas en nuestras ciudades. Debemos aprovechar esta oportunidad, tanto en la ciudad de Nueva York como en todo el país.

Bibliografía

Además de entrevistas y observaciones de campo, este trabajo se basa en gran medida en los siguientes libros sobre la historia urbana de la Ciudad de México.

• Davis, Diane. 1994. Urban Leviathan: Mexico City in the Twentieth Century. Temple University Press.

• Gerlofs, Ben. 2023. Monstrous Politics: Geography, Rights, and the Urban Revolution in Mexico City. Vanderbilt University Press.

• Vitz, Matthew. 2020. A City on a Lake: Urban Political Ecology and the Growth of Mexico City. Duke University Press.