On March 18, a Maine Superior Court judge summarily rejected the latest attempt by landlords to gut Portland’s rent control law and stifle the power of tenant unions. In fact, in her sweeping decision, Justice Darcie McElwee solidified rent control’s power to keep rents affordable in Maine’s largest city in a way many of us have been fighting for since it was enacted. 

This is a big moment, and Portland administrators, as well as those looking to confront the housing affordability crisis across the state (I’m looking at you, candidates for governor), should take notice.

Here’s the story: The landlord in this case – the notorious Geoffrey Rice, who lost a three-year court battle to break the tenant union of which I am a founding member – filed an appeal to overturn a recent rent board ruling that had forced him to roll back rents three years, reimburse hundreds of thousands of dollars in tenant overcharges, and pay $170,500 in fines. Mr. Rice made six arguments, all of which Justice McElwee tossed out.

The first was that the rent board, an administrative body appointed by the City Council, didn’t even have the legal right to adjudicate the case. This argument, made by many landlords, is that the city permitting office is the place to decide these matters. If tenants don’t like what the city says, they can go to court. Obviously, that’s a costly process that few tenants can afford, which is why landlords want it that way.

Rice also argued that the rent control ordinance is too vague. We often hear this from landlords who are still furious that tenants wrote and passed this law through citizen initiative, without their corporate lobbyists at the table.

On these two arguments, the judge ruled decisively. Yes, of course the rent board can hear these cases, and no, in fact, the ordinance is not vague. It is crystal clear.

Satisfying though these two rulings may have been, they weren’t the most important. Those were the precedent-setting rulings that tenant unions have standing to file complaints on behalf of any and all tenants, and that landlords who are serial violators of rent control lose the right to raise rents on any tenants until they clean up their act.

These two points are ones tenant rights activists in Portland have argued for years, both in front of the rent board and to the city of Portland.

On the first point, the landlords have always argued that a tenant union should only be able to represent tenants who officially disclose their membership in the union (about 30 of the over-150 tenants signed this formal complaint). The first problem with that, of course, is that many tenants fear retaliation if they openly confront their landlord. The second is that the law makes clear that getting a tenant’s permission is not a requirement, just as it would not be a requirement to get a tenant’s consent before reporting a landlord-created fire hazard.

The judge saw through the landlord’s argument immediately, simply quoting the text of the ordinance, “[a]ny Tenants Union shall have standing as a party to assert the rights or interests of any Tenants.”

On the second point, the issue is whether a landlord loses the right to raise any rents when they are a serial offender, or whether they must only pay back increases on the units where the violations occurred. But the latter is obviously no penalty at all. It is simply a requirement that the landlord pay back what they have stolen.

Imagine the run on banks if the law was, “those who rob a bank and get caught will only have to pay back what you stole.” No jail time. No fines. Heck, we’d all give it a shot.

Thankfully, the judge saw through this one too. Serial violators may indeed be forced to forfeit all rent increases. The city has been reluctant to implement this interpretation in the past. Hopefully that now changes.

Last, but not least, the judge reminded all of us why this law is here by quoting its stated purpose:

“…to address increasing rental costs within the City of Portland; to promote neighborhood and community stability; to protect the City’s tenant population; to limit arbitrary evictions; and to stabilize and make more predictable future rent increases…”

Having helped write those words six years ago, it was a good reminder even to me. Protecting Portland as an affordable place for everyone to live is paramount to our city’s survival. 

This judge did her part. Now the city must do theirs by enforcing this precedent setting ruling. And the next governor must pass similar protections for tenants statewide.

***

This story was originally published by The Beacon, a nonprofit and nonpartisan news organization. To get regular coverage from the Beacon, sign up for the free Beacon newsletter here.

The post Maine Court Slams Landlords, Confirms Rent Control Laws Initiated by Maine DSA appeared first on Pine & Roses.

By SacDSA Steering Committee

Sacramento DSA condemns Donald Trump’s threats against Iran, including his April 7th statement on Truth Social that “a whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again.” We also fiercely condemn Israel breaking another ceasefire by continuing its bombardment of southern Lebanon.

Imperialist war only serves capitalists and billionaires, not working people. As socialists we stand in solidarity with the people of Iran and condemn the senseless strikes which have led to the deaths of over 2,000 Iranians. We also extend our solidarity to the people of Lebanon, as Israel bombs infrastructure, displaces more than a million civilians, and attempts to occupy land south of the Litani River.

Trump’s escalating threats to wipe Iranian civilization off the face of the Earth are despicable and dangerous. While this is an escalation of rhetoric, it is also simply a more blatant demonstration of the warmongering which has been moved through implication, propaganda, and political and economic pressure by every administration over our entire nation’s history. As such, we must be aware of the ways reality is invented for us through the use of well timed propaganda and the mainstream media’s delegitimization of targets of the US empire.

No conflict can be viewed in a vacuum when the influence and weight of capitalism is ever looming, twisting the narratives and undermining legitimate resistance movements. The capitalist class always moves with an eye on increased profits, decreased input costs, and demonization of workers and grassroots movements working for the rights of people everywhere.

To oppose the imperialism of the capitalists and the billionaires, we must work together. One step you can take to fight back against the capitalist interests pushing us into this unjust war is to commit to boycotting Chevron. Chevron is one of the largest suppliers of natural gas to Israel, even as they bomb homes and schools in Gaza and Lebanon. This imperialist war with Iran has, perversely, destabilized Chevron’s activities in Israel, opening a window for organizers to push for a permanent end to their investment in genocide. Join the Sacramento DSA International Committee’s Boycott Chevron campaign to demand Chevron stop fueling genocide and to begin to build the foundation for international working class solidarity from Palestine to Iran and beyond.

We have a world to win. Let’s get to work!

• Steering Committee of Sacramento DSA

This is an opinion piece written by an individual member and was not voted on by membership. Opinion pieces from members do not reflect the opinions of other members and are not chapter approved statements.

The conjunction of Zohran’s victory and the redistricting of CD-1 put the Salt Lake DSA (SLDSA) in a position where it was necessary to relate to and organize around both developments simultaneously. The sudden nationwide interest in the DSA led to a huge influx of members who were willing to organize to elect their own “Zohran in Utah,” and the excitement around CD-1 redistricting presented an obvious opportunity to realize this goal. Though winning a federal congressional campaign is far beyond the objective organizational limits of SLDSA, it was clear that if we did not run a candidate in CD-1, someone else would take advantage of the larger stage and define what a “Zohran in Utah” would look like for their own careerist aspirations. After a difficult period of deliberation (which is interesting in its own right but not relevant to this article), SLDSA activists ultimately decided (and I supported) to run a smaller race, Taylor Paden for State Senate District 13.

Abstaining from CD-1 has had political consequences for the popular understanding of Democratic Socialism in Salt Lake County. Two candidates have chosen to identify with the label to some degree, Liban Mohamad and Luis Villarieal, both of whom sought an endorsement from Salt Lake DSA. Additionally, Nate Blouin secured an early Bernie Sanders endorsement and has secured the strongest “Berniecrat” position in the race. Though he does not identify as a Democratic Socialist, the popular understanding of the aesthetic political brand of the left Democrats is bound to be confused and identified with the politics of the DSA. He has not sought endorsement from SLDSA, likely because he sought endorsement 4 years ago for his state senate campaign and failed. Chapter leaders from the time said simply, “he’s not a socialist.”

It will not be clear to people why there is very little interest in endorsing any candidate in CD-1 from SLDSA activists, nor will we be able to meaningfully communicate why due to our (probable) abstention. After all, if our goal is to further the socialist movement in Utah, how could we not endorse any one of the three “left” choices in CD-1, especially those adopting the label of Democratic Socialist? In this article I intend to communicate my own reasons for advocating no endorsement in CD-1, as well as some of the reasons that I think the average SLDSA member is uninterested. 

(For additional context, here are the candidate interviews for Luis and Liban)

What is the point of candidates and endorsing them?

Running candidates for office is often uncritically accepted as useful on its own merits because this is the hegemonic theory of change. To improve society, well meaning individuals are inspired to run for office, and, by the strength of their capacities and willpower, they use the institutions that are ostensibly designed to empower them to do so. Even when politicians engage with a broader mass movement, they do so assuming they are over and above it, commanding the grassroots to empower their personal campaigns and further their political position. This is not necessarily cynical; they genuinely believe those political positions occupied by “good people” is what results in a linear improvement of society over time. This default understanding of social change is also prevalent amongst the activist base of DSA, who sometimes assume that the steady increase of self identified Democratic Socialists in office will eventually lead to a fundamental change in society.

(This point is probably why most of the activist base of SLDSA is uninspired by Liban or Luis. Neither can win, with or without our endorsement, and so they can’t contribute to the increasing number of DSA electeds in office, no matter what they believe.)

This perspective is a misunderstanding of where power actually lies in society and how the working class can affect meaningful change. As socialists, we understand that all sections of society, both within and without the government, are controlled by the capitalist class. It is not a conspiracy but the natural consequence of class society, wealth, and power. Wealthy and powerful people will, more often than not, choose to concentrate and increase their wealth and power. They use it to shape society for their benefit and collaborate with other powerful people to maintain the systems that serve them. There is no secret plot; it is simply logical for them to do so. 

This means that even on the rare occasions where well meaning, working class people acquire positions of power in the government, they discover that the strength of their argument and their heartfelt appeals to the rights of common people cannot change the basic realities of living in a capitalist society. Any reform which is possible through legislation is inadequate to the scale of the problem, and even occasional consequential changes will be fought by the capitalist class with every tool available to them. This is why the greatest progressive moments in American history, though often resulting in legislative reforms, were at the end of intense social upheaval and mass actions i.e. The Civil Rights Movement, the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, the Congress of Industrial Organizations and the New Deal, the Civil War. 

A genuine socialist candidate must therefore have a fundamentally different strategy. They will not view the primary mechanism for change as legislation, but will instead take a class-struggle approach. By their connection to the mass movement and the organized socialist core, they use the position of elected official to reach a larger audience, show the illusions of the capitalist parties, educate people on the nature of class society in their messaging, and contribute to the independent organization of workers outside the government in any way they can. They will not be deluded into believing that the legislative process alone can fundamentally alter class relations. Their success can only be measured by the forces they politicized and organized to fight for reforms in their class interests against the capitalist class, not by the number of bills passed.

It is important to stress that a socialist in office is not useful because of what they believe. Belief in fighting for a better world is useless for the struggle of the working class if it does not result in concrete action. Utah Democrat Party politics shows the uselessness of abstract belief. Because of the conservative supermajority in the legislature, any meaningful progressive reform has no chance of being passed through the legislative process. As a result, Utah Democrats spend their entire careers proposing bills so diluted they’ll pass a conservative legislature, or bills they know will fail for the purpose of performing their virtue on the campaign trail. But without an actual plan to win, there is no consequence of these politicians’ beliefs. Some typical canned responses, “at least they’re trying” or “at least they’re better,” might have a certain narrow truth, but it does not help us advance the organization and consciousness of the working class. It is not wrong to tell people what society should look like. But if you don’t understand and articulate the scientific steps necessary to get there, there is no substance. It is an essentially magical theory of change which assumes that good heartedness has an effect on the structures of capitalist oppression. 

Instead, the socialist in office is just one lever in the process of organized struggle, and demonstrates that role by consistent building of and commitment to that struggle. DSA candidates must prove that they are able to use their position to contribute to mass movements, not for the purpose of securing their next campaign, but by winning genuine reforms. Every left Democrat says they are building a movement; socialists must actually demonstrate they can do so. People are generally not convinced by rhetoric; they learn through concrete struggle. 

There’s two candidates that are using the label of “Democratic Socialist,” doesn’t that make them part of or contributing to the socialist movement?

In order for us to believe a person can contribute to the socialist movement as a candidate, it is helpful if they have to have done so already. To be sure, Luis Villareal and Liban Mohamad have decided to adopt the label of Democratic Socialist to varying degrees. However, both of them cannot demonstrate a commitment to mass movement politics and independent working class organization. This is not because they are bad people or are intentionally duplicitous. Both attested, and I believe, that they do find Zohran’s campaign inspiring and are dissatisfied with the state of politics in the Democratic Party. They both attested they want society to be more equitable and serve the needs of working class people, and I believe them. However, neither can demonstrate a commitment or understanding of the steps that it will take to get there, either by their ideas or their political history. Neither has a history of organizing social forces in struggle against the capitalist class. Neither could contextualize their campaign’s strategy with the organized socialist movement, DSA or otherwise. Neither has a significant describable and specific history of activism in the mass movement. Both decided to run because they think their personal virtue and social position will lend itself to governing, which is admirable in a certain way. But ultimately they cannot have a conception of how to win the reforms they are running on by mass action because they have no experience doing so.

All this would be fine if it was possible for SLDSA to turn their campaigns into movement oriented campaigns anyway. If we were deeply involved from the beginning, the candidate forefronted their Democratic Socialist identity, committed to a Socialist in Office Committee relationship, and we had the organizational ability to realize those movement goals, the specific beliefs and experiences of the candidate would be secondary. It is helpful to use our current campaign as a counter-example, from an organizational perspective. If Paden had no previous experience union organizing or was not a member beforehand, but committed to the organizational relationship we have with him now, the campaign would probably have the same political character. It is helpful that he has those personal qualities, but they are secondary to the organizational relationship.

Why not just endorse the “most left” candidate, even if they cannot win, because the campaign will attract people to DSA?

A DSA electoral campaign should have two goals. Primarily, the campaign should clearly articulate a socialist politics and move people to action on those ideas. This does not mean adopting the “left wing of possible,” as most left Democrats do i.e. identifying the most acceptable left positions that will still probably get you elected. It means using the platform and attention to make connections between the present struggle and the socialist horizon in the minds of the public. Plainly explaining the illusions of the two party capitalist political system, the need for people to organize to improve their lives, the actions necessary to do so, and the basic reality of class society, even if it reduces the chances of the candidate’s victory.

The second goal is to develop the sophistication, ability, size, reach, political consciousness, and leadership of the DSA. We lend credibility to the campaign’s message through strong organization and coalition building. Most people will not seek out and respond immediately with action to even the best articulated socialist positions. If this were true, we’d have a revolution by now. The organization which builds the campaign must demonstrate its capability by extending the reach beyond the activist base and into the general public. This does not necessarily mean a winning campaign, just one that the public must take seriously. Our goal as a socialist organization is to win the confidence of the masses as leaders of the struggle for their own liberation. If we endorse and organize unserious campaigns, it will only serve to perform some rhetoric for the tiny minority of people who already agree with us. 

Luis and Liban’s campaigns can do neither of these things, for our organization or for the broader movement. They developed their platform, branding, strategy, and communications as individuals before seeking endorsement, resulting in a muddled political outlook and a lack of clarity. Though they assure us they are Democratic Socialists in private conversations, their messaging does not convey that either in substance or explicit mentions of the word socialism. It gives the (perhaps mistaken!) impression they adopted it to the extent they could get the endorsement of Salt Lake DSA and branded as Utah’s Zohran, but did not want the word “socialism” to affect their chance to win. It’s almost more frustrating, personally, that they don’t understand that these tepid capitulations are not worth making for our endorsement. SLDSA is a small organization; our endorsement and participation is not going to outweigh the political costs of actually adopting a socialist platform in a capitalist party primary.

Obviously, neither campaign is credible, whether or not we organize to support them. I don’t think it’s helpful to list reasons why I think neither campaign can make it to the ballot because it is a secondary question. Though it must be said that although Liban has taken a more serious approach to campaigning and appears more viable, this is due to his history of working inside Washington DC with and amongst capitalist politics, not because of an understanding of organization. His background working at TikTok gives his campaign the aesthetic of a professional and serious campaign, similar in “vibe” to Zohran’s. However, it is very important to understand the relationship in NYC-DSA’s strategy between communications and organizing the field. The purpose is not to look flashy and get clicks, it’s to create a narrative that clearly communicates the politics of the campaign, a politics which motivates people to get involved on a deeper level. Aesthetics can help deliver a message, but they do not make up for a weak message and an inability to turn that flashy messaging into organized action. Though he appears to be doing an admirable job of collecting signatures, he stated in the interview this is because he is paying for signature gatherers, not because the campaign is organizing volunteers.

(Additional listening on the Zohran campaign strategy, The Dig episodes “Three Million Doors” “Zohran’s Message” “How Zohran Won w/ NYC DSA”)

For these reasons, this means that an endorsement in the present conditions would be nothing more than our logo on their campaign websites. Over time, DSA activists are becoming more critical of their use of the endorsement and are shying away from “paper” endorsements, meaning one which just exists as a rubber stamp on the campaign website and isn’t associated with any action from activists. This is how endorsements from most non-profits, unions, and Democrat aligned groups work, perhaps with a cash donation. Instead, a DSA endorsement means that we are going to move people to action, both inside and outside the activist base of the chapter. We’ll do that difficult work because we think the campaign can increase class consciousness and working class organization, which is the primary goal of a socialist campaign. This is an important part of the scientific approach to socialism; actually fighting for something in the world, not just writing down an endorsement statement on a page that almost nobody will read all the way through. If we do paper endorsements, it teaches our base that we think rhetoric alone is an effective form of political action. To those outside our base, it teaches them nothing, because they won’t have reason to care.

Then what are the next steps for SLDSA?

All of these arguments are not being made to the public, because we abstained from the race. It is not persuasive to the public to abstain from struggle, especially in the current situation of generalized disorganization, lack of left leadership, and low level of class-consciousness. I don’t believe I’m making a sectarian argument for no endorsement, rather an acknowledgement of our objective limitations as an organization in relative infancy taking its first steps. If we were more organized and identified a stronger candidate for CD-1, then the best course of action would have been to run in CD-1, but I agree with the direction we chose. SLDSA should continue to organize to create the strongest possible campaign in State Senate District 13, develop new connections, widen our activist base, qualitatively change our organization to a real power player (however small), and then use the campaign as a springboard to a struggle for a concrete reform. I believe the Paden campaign has already demonstrated that the Salt Lake DSA is capable of taking on a bigger fight for a specific reform. It is hard to say the precise form that will take, an evaluation in June after the primary ends will be necessary before we can say. But an endorsement in CD-1 would be a distraction with no obvious positive outcomes.

The post A Case for No Endorsement in CD-1: Some assertions about socialist electoral campaigns in DSA first appeared on Salt Lake DSA.

[[{“value”:”

By: Mitch Gayns

This was originally published as video footage for Working Mass digital on Instagram.

LYNN – On March 21, hundreds took to the streets to defend their neighbors from ICE raids and deportations. Lynn organizers are among the most impacted– and they’ve looked to Minneapolis for inspiration on how to defend themselves. 

“When you see it in the WhatsApp, you blow the whistle!” said the rally organizer.

Rally attendees all blew the whistles as if on cue. 

After organizers launched the rally, immigrants directly impacted by ICE were the center of the Lynn demonstration. One woman, dressed for the brisk weather holding her speech, told the crowd “immigration kidnapped my brother in front of my children’s school.”

One community organizer, Ampara de Pad, told us in Spanish:

This is our city. We love it. And they say we only come to do wrong, that we come to destroy everything. But no. We come to improve ourselves.

From Minneapolis to the North Shore

Adam Kaszynski of the North Shore Labor Council, hands thrust in his pockets, spoke to the tactics that have drummed up militancy against ICE in Lynn. Techniques like whistles, he indicated, were inspired by Minneapolis.

What we learned from Minneapolis is that they had set up these verifier networks, mutual aid networks, organizing beforehand is the key to that, and having those networks already there, the phone trees already there, for if ICE is banging on our doors, we know we have enough people that we can make serious interventions to get them out of our community.

The role of labor to fight ICE is necessary, but underestimated. Labor unions – alongside tenant unions – are memberships capable of taking direct action strategically and effectively against ICE. For example, unions can shut down production, transit; labor can freeze cities.

When the North Shore Labor Council puts up LUCE flyers and materials, that means that labor isn’t just against ICE; they are actively building the network from below to defend communities beginning in vulnerable community members’ own workplaces, since many unions consist of immigrant workers and leaders themselves. Labor in doing so joins the long tradition of bargaining for the common good, which has included not only political causes but also has historically included the building of cooperative housing by unions, to fight the deadliness of rising rent. Now, labor forms also a bulwark advancing tactics from Minneapolis in Boston.

Over the din of whistles, community organizer Jessica Rivera argued:

People are scared, but we know it’s actually when we’re in together like this, when I can look at my neighbor and know who they are, that’s when we are safest, when we keep each other safe.

Mitch Gayns is a digital creator and campaign organizer based north of Boston.

Transcribed By: Travis Wayne is the managing editor of Working Mass.

The post Lynn, MA Organizes ICE Resistance appeared first on Working Mass.

“}]] 

by Richard P

Why do we protest? In a recent blog post, comrade Kevin N spoke of how his “romanticized 1960s images of crowds of protestors” transformed eventually into a commitment to “organizing, not just mobilizing,” and on both points, I agree with him. However, his argument that protests are “cathartic, empowering, and publicly visible” but ultimately “will accomplish … little” misses a few key points.

Kevin suggests that protests are simply tools to mobilize people to show up, and that organizing, which has “a deep commitment to developing one another into leaders both inside and outside the organization,” is fundamentally different and unrelated to this mobilization effort. I would instead argue that if we want to “organize people into DSA and build it into a formidable political force that can leverage its power from below,” we must engage with them where they are, and that includes through endorsing and attending protests. Thousands of people showed up for the No Kings rally last October, and the numbers increased in March. These protests are thus an excellent opportunity to meet potential comrades, and show left-leaning Clevelanders that Cleveland DSA cares about the issues that they care about enough to march in the streets about it.

As a chapter that says we are informed by labor organizing strategies (shout-out to No Shortcuts), we recognize that the foundation of that organizing is solidarity. The working class acting together in solidarity has ended authoritarian governments, improved the lives of millions of union workers, and spurred some of America’s most necessary changes such as civil rights legislation, expanded healthcare coverage, and child labor laws. Protesting, too, just like those romanticized 1960s marches in the civil rights and anti-war movements, is an act of solidarity.

But what does solidarity look like in 2026? The socialist theologian and former Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams, in his upcoming book Solidarity: The Work of Recognition, makes the argument that we need a “solidarity of the shaken,” that is, “a radical human togetherness formed out of an acceptance of our shared vulnerability and reliance on each other in a fallen world.” To protest, then, is not just to have a shared moment of catharsis, but to stand in solidarity with those who are feeling vulnerable. Our current moment, brought on by the failed capitalist state that is the United States of America, has left too many people vulnerable and marginalized. It is an outward and visible sign of our inward emotions, worries, and hopes, being present in physical space and taking on risk to support the marginalized (especially when they may not be able or willing to take on that risk themselves), not just posturing “allyship.”

This solidarity requires urgency and discernment in where that urgency is applied. Not everything is a five-alarm fire, but these emergencies do exist. When the next Tamir Rice or Tanisha Anderson is brutally killed by the police, the next bomb is dropped on a country we do not want to be at war with, the next ICE action crosses yet another line, or some fresh hell that we cannot begin to imagine occurs, our solidarity is important. We can’t just ignore what other organizations and people think about us – they, as our fellow humans and potential comrades in collective struggle, deserve our solidarity and for us to be in solidarity together. When we remember the civil rights movement, we remember the titanic work of Black-led organizations like the NAACP, the SCLC, and the SNCC, but there were white people and groups who showed up in solidarity too, from Dwight Eisenhower’s personal physician Paul Dudley White to the lawyer Jack Greenberg, who argued over 40 civil rights cases in front of the Supreme Court. When we recognize that we are all vulnerable and hurt by the system of capital, we then realize that it is incumbent on each other to be in solidarity and support – including at protests.

In the last verse of that great union anthem, “Solidarity Forever,” we sing that “In our hands is placed a power greater than their hoarded gold, / Greater than the might of armies, multiplied a thousand-fold. / We can bring to birth a new world from the ashes of the old / For the union makes us strong. / Solidarity forever! / Solidarity forever! / Solidarity forever! / For the union makes us strong.” 

Our union comrades show us what this means every day – even when their union isn’t on strike, members show up to other protests, teach others about the power of the picket line, and support union organizers that are helping other people get the same protections they have. There is no reason we shouldn’t want to do the same for everyone suffering under the boot of capital and fascism, especially when we are discussing building towards a General Strike in 2028. That takes organizing, from conversations, to strike votes, to picket lines. But it also includes collective action, i.e. a protest on May Day this year.

If you consider the prototypical protester, the “liberal wine mom,” if you will, there are avenues available to us to welcome them into our movement. An avowed democratic socialist with the NYC-DSA endorsement won a plurality of all white women in the 2025 New York Mayoral election. Even amongst older white women, he still got over a third of their support last November. They’re not turned off by democratic socialism and might even be interested in our work – but what have we done to recruit them and get them to join our movement? We need to show up in the places where they gather, including protests. Protesters are already agitated and will know something about our organization or democratic socialism because of figures like Zohran, Bernie, or Rashida – that’s a lot of our organizing conversation already done! Cori Bush, a phenomenal fighter for the working class in Congress, came out of the movement in Ferguson. Our comrade, Cleveland City Councilman Tanmay Shah, as well as many other electeds, have come out of the labor movement.

The more than twenty DSA members who were at the Cleveland No Kings protest at the end of March saw a moment that encapsulated the issues we’re dealing with. State Senator Nickie Antonio, who gets to be considered “progressive” in part because of her sexuality, despite her fundraising with senior Republicans, stopped the speech of a Latina activist speaking in Spanish about the fight for immigration rights. A video of something similar happening to a pro-Palestinian speaker in Pennsylvania has gone decently viral. Antonio, like current Flock employee and former Cleveland City Councilman Kerry McCormack, benefits from a system where, as Olúfẹ́mi Táíwò argues in Elite Capture, identity politics has been twisted to serve the elites and their interests, not those of working class people.

If you are unconvinced by the establishment’s choices, you can either sigh and return to being apathetic, or you can work with an organization that is actually trying to challenge the Democratic status quo that self-aggrandizes itself as “brave” while simultaneously snatching the mic from a Latina discussing immigrant rights. A protest isn’t the end of our anger and frustration – it’s the beginning. Being present and using that presence to invite someone to consider joining DSA and enter our membership pipeline gets them into a structured mass party-like movement that takes them away from the unstructured progressive movement that, in the immortal words of Jo Freeman, isn’t “very good for getting things done,” a take echoed by Vincent Bevins in If We Burn.

Our transformation into a mass party does not need to be slow and incremental – as comrades in New York showed us last year and as our comrades in Wisconsin are showing us right now with Francesca Hong. The voters supporting her and putting her at first place in the polling aren’t just members of Wisconsin DSA chapters. When we present our message, as Oliver Larkin is doing in his primary against Jared Moskowitz in Florida, we see voters joining with us. Mass action, be it electoral work, protests, public comments, community response networks, or encampments, helps people get to know us better by meeting them where they are and on the issues they care about – and that’s the core of solidarity.

The word “solidarity” comes to us from the French solidarité which is rooted in the Latin solidus – Firm. Whole. Undivided. Entire. What transformations might we see in our work and our world if we lived into those four words as a goal for who we are fighting for and the type of movement we have to build? Every time we turn up and show out, a new organizer grows in their skills and learns even more what solidarity means, not just with each other as comrades, but with the marginalized who we continue to fight for. Let us be firm on our beliefs and what we are called to do, but with the understanding that we are seeking an improved life for the working class of the entire country, and indeed the world. Together, the people must be undivided – no matter where or how we meet them.

The post “Solidarity Forever”: The Need for Protest Activism appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

DSA proudly endorses Val Thomason in the race for Nevada’s State Assembly, District 10! Val is a long time DSA member and a pillar in Las Vegas DSA’s fight for rent control, health care, worker’s rights, and more!

We look forward to continuing to fight alongside Val and Las Vegas DSA and bring Democratic Socialism to the Nevada state government and beyond!

We stand with Val, Las Vegas DSA, and our comrades across the nation as we elect more socialists to public office. Let’s carry the torch for our comrades! A little bit of your socialist cash will help us take out capitalist trash!

Val is part of a slate of candidates in the Socialist Cash Takes Out Capitalist Trash fundraising project!

DSA is thrilled to endorse Richie Floyd and wholeheartedly supports his re-election to St. Petersburg’s city council! Richie is one of the most historic DSA candidates of our time, and we will fight alongside him once again!

A few years ago, Richie Floyd became the first openly self-identified socialist to win an election in Florida since the early 1900s, and he became St. Peterburg’s youngest council member!

While many of Florida’s elected officials remain openly hostile to socialists and insist on pushing red-bait culture war hysteria, Richie held his ground fighting for tenant’s rights, reproductive rights, and the entire working class of his city and state.

Richie is part of a slate of candidates in the Socialist Cash Takes Out Capitalist Trash fundraising project!

Hello again, comrade!

When we last spoke, we were witnessing the opening salvos of the US assault on the people of Iran, carried out on behalf of the genocidal apartheid regime that is our overseas Israeli colony. Over the last four weeks, the world has remained on the precipice of widespread destruction and economic collapse. But, things here in the United States sometimes feel… surreally mundane.

That awareness — that sense that while we watch unbelievable imperialist violence unfold, the routine of life goes on as usual domestically? That capitalist value extraction continues unabated? That’s what it is to live in the imperial core.

The contradiction can make you feel as if you’re losing your mind. But, that’s the distilled, mad logic of capitalism at work. Stripped of the platitudes about human rights and democracy, liberal capitalism is a cold and unfeeling machine — a vise, designed to crush life from the world and extract value for the ruling class. Citizens of the imperial core will be the last fed into the press, but with time, the machine comes for all of us.

The only thing that can disrupt this mad machine is for people to throw their weight against the gears and make it stop. Not with grand, spectacular gestures, but by carrying on with the day-to-day business of building a better world in every corner of the imperial core in which they find themselves. Combined, our efforts will make the gears stop.

More and more people hear the call to build a better world everyday. Read on and see how we’ve answered here in our corner of Florida!

March Highlights

This month, our members mobilized for emergency demonstrations to voice opposition to the war against Iran. We stood beside our comrades in Tampa to say in one clear and unified voice: NO to war! NO to imperialism!

We also organized a film screening to share inspiring moments of Cuba’s revolutionary cinema, and to raise money for medical devices that are desperately needed by the Cuban people as they withstand the US’s brutal embargo and military threats. In one evening, we raised more than $1,000 to help our comrades on the island!

Our members knocked hundreds of doors to help re-elect Richie Floyd to St. Petersburg City Council. Richie was the first socialist elected to public office in Florida in a century, and with our ongoing, continued efforts, he will be the first of many!

Our Health Justice Working Group hosted a self-managed abortion information session, sharing facts about how self-managed abortions are administered safely, and how to pass on life-saving information and resources without being subject to state reprisal.

We also brought out a contingent of DSA members to table at the No Kings demonstration in St. Petersburg. We distributed literature to get the word out about our ongoing campaigns, circulated ballot petitions for congressional candidate (and DSA member) Oliver Larkin, and called in neighbors desperate for a way to strike back against the present state of affairs.

Working Group Spotlight: Ecosocialism

The Ecosocialist Working Group exists to help DSA organize around the reality that ecological, economic, and climate crises all stem from the same capitalist system. Our purpose is to build campaigns that challenge corporate control of energy, expand democratic ownership of essential systems, and support working‑class communities most affected by pollution, rising costs, and climate disasters.

The core goal of our working group is to advance a vision where people and the planet come before profit, achieved through collective action and democratic control over the systems that shape our lives. This is why the working group is currently focused on the Dump Duke campaign to bring public power to Pinellas.

Check out the full report back from the Ecosocialism Working Group, written by Jason S.

CAMPAIGN UPDATE: Re-Elect Richie Floyd

The campaign to re-elect Richie Floyd continues to gain traction.

Richie and the campaign team took a break for their weekly canvassing efforts to table at the No Kings Day rally on March 28. Richie was able to talk with dozens of St. Pete voters, hear their concerns, and share information about the campaign. But, we’re already back to our regular canvassing schedule — be sure to come out Saturday, April 11, because after we knock some doors, we’ll host a post-canvas barbecue (address to be provided at the canvass)!

We’re closing in on the number of petitions needed to secure Richie’s spot on the ballot. But, the deadline is coming up next month, so anyone able to lend a hand for the weekly Saturday morning canvassing would be greatly appreciated!

CAMPAIGN UPDATE: Dump Duke

In March, the Dump Duke campaign marked its one‑year anniversary with a canvass and poster raffle, celebrating a major milestone: collecting our 4,000th petition! The posters featured at the raffle will also be available for purchase at the next general meeting.

Later on in the month in St. Petersburg, bids were submitted for the feasibility study RFP, including NewGen Strategies which conducted Clearwater’s study, and from GDS Associates. These bids are now moving through the administration’s selection process. The Tampa Bay Times also published an investigation identifying the consultants behind the Duke‑linked dark money groups and detailing their history of opposing public power efforts in other states, including Maine’s Our Power campaign, where investor‑owned utilities spent more than $4 million fighting against it.

Upcoming Events

We have more than a dozen political events, working group meetings, and social outings scheduled in April. You can always view our full calendar of upcoming events, along with the most up-to-date times and locations, on our website: https://www.pinellasdsa.org/home.

Canvassing at The Morgan Apartments

Monday, April 6 from 6:00–7:30pm. Canvass The Morgan Apartments (2822 54th Ave S. in St. Petersburg) to inform and encourage tenants to attend a tenants meeting, where they can tackle the issues facing their property together!

International Solidary Working Group Meeting

Tuesday, April 7 from 6:00–7:00pm. This will be a virtual-only meeting. The Zoom link will be provided in the Discord.

Health Justice Working Group Meeting

Wednesday, April 8 from 7:00–8:30pm. Meet in the Hybrid Room at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg)

Housing Working Group & St. Pete Tenants Union Joint Meeting

Friday, April 10 from 7:00–8:30pm. Meeting of the Pinellas DSA Housing Working Group and St Pete Tenants Union to decide action on tackling the exploitative capitalist housing system. Meet in the Hybrid room at Allendale UMC.

Canvass for Richie Floyd & BBQ

Saturday, April 11 from 10:30am — 3:30pm. Meet at Gladden Park (3901 30th Ave N. in St. Petersburg), then stick around afterward for a barbecue (address to be provided at the canvass)! RSVP here.

General Meeting & Social

Sunday, April 12 from 2:00–4:30pm at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). To be followed immediately after by the Socialist Social Hour, with food and (non-alcoholic) drinks provided! And bring your favorite board game!

287(g) Committee Meeting

Tuesday, April 14 from 6:30–8:00pm. Location TBD.

Bylaws Committee Meeting

Wednesday, April 15 from 6:30–8:30pm. The Zoom link will be provided in the Discord..

Canvass for Richie Floyd

Saturday, April 18 from 10:30am — 1:30pm. Location TBD. RSVP here.

Boycott Chevron Canvass

Sunday, April 19 from 1:00–2:00pm. Canvassing in Clearwater for our ongoing #StopFuelingGenocide campaign. Meeting location TBD.

Canvass for Richie Floyd

Saturday, April 25 from 10:30am — 1:30pm. Location TBD. RSVP here.

Pinellas DSA Orientation

Saturday, April 25 from 2:30–4:00pm. New to DSA? Or, been around for a while but want a refresher on the basics of organizing in our chapter? Come on out! Meet at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg) in the Hybrid Room. RSVP here.

PDSA Member Social

Saturday, April 25 from 4:00–6:30pm. Join us immediately after the Pinellas DSA Orientation in the Community Center at Allendale for game night!

International Solidarity WG Meeting

Monday, April 27 from 6:30–8:00pm. Meeting at Allendale UMC (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg) in the Hybrid Room.

Socialists in Office Working Group Meeting

Wednesday, April 29 from 6:30–8:00pm. Meeting location will be provided in the Discord.

NOTE: All dates and times are subject to change, so check the website regularly for updates!

As we always say at our general meetings, the real work of DSA is done in our working groups. Each working group is made up of a dedicated cadre committed to advancing the cause of socialist struggle in one specific arena, be it housing, labor, electoral, ecosocialism, health justice, etc.

We wanted to begin spotlighting the important work carried out by each working group, and how it fits into the broader strategy of our chapter. This month, we’ve invited the members of our Ecosocialist Working Group to share a little about what they’ve been up to, what’s coming next, and why this work is important to the broader aims of the chapter.

The Ecosocialist Working Group exists to help DSA organize around the reality that ecological, economic, and climate crises all stem from the same capitalist system. Our purpose is to build campaigns that challenge corporate control of energy, expand democratic ownership of essential systems, and support working‑class communities most affected by pollution, rising costs, and climate disasters.

The core goal of our working group is to advance a vision where people and the planet come before profit, achieved through collective action and democratic control over the systems that shape our lives. This is why the working group is currently focused on the Dump Duke campaign to bring public power to Pinellas.

Over the past year, the campaign has pushed back against misinformation from Duke Energy and its dark‑money groups, applied sustained pressure on city councils to pursue public power, and canvassed door to door to collect thousands of petition signatures. It has also helped expose Duke Energy’s actions at the state level and within the PSC (the Florida Public Service Commission), bringing much needed transparency to how these decisions affect our communities.

To support this effort, please make sure you’ve signed our petition and begin contacting your local council members, as two major votes are approaching.

In June, the St. Petersburg City Council will vote on whether to conduct a feasibility study for public power. Meanwhile in Clearwater, the City Council will decide whether to begin negotiations with Duke Energy for a buyout of their assets or to end their fight for public power. This decision will come down sometime before July. Our voices need to be heard, so use the links below to reach your council members and add your name to the petition.

• Sign the Petition!
• Contact St.Petersburg City Council — Say you support public power!
• Thank Clearwater city officials for standing for public power!

🌹

The period we are living through is one of profound importance for the workers’ movement across the globe, and in particular for the American socialist movement. Over the last year, the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), once near-moribund, have exploded back to life in response to the action of the American regime. 

Madison Area DSA’s number of Members in Good Standing (registered members who pay dues to DSA National) has increased from 402 in February of 2025 to 750 in February of 2026, an 86.5% increase. (Refer to the report of the Membership Committee in the 2026 MADSA Convention Compendium for details.) Ongoing political campaigns, such as the Strike Out ICE campaign, and MADSA’s participation in several electoral campaigns (most notably Francesca Hong’s gubernatorial campaign) continue to draw in more members. 

The conundrum facing the chapter at present is not how to find new members, but how to integrate and retain those who join as a result of our efforts. Historically this has been a major weakness of DSA as a national organization, as highlighted by the article State of DSA Part 2: Lessons Learned by comrades Andrew Dai and Hazel Williams, writing for Democratic Left. DSA chapters which fail to rapidly integrate new members often lose the members they gain within a year, and the authors pinpoint this as both a failure of membership work and a result of a lack of membership engagement infrastructure within chapters. Losing members almost as rapidly as one gains them is precisely how chapters lose institutional knowledge and find themselves “treading water” rather than building workers’ power.

This is an issue which affects every part of DSA’s existence as an organization and touches on every other area of work. If members do not feel engaged and “plugged into” the life of the chapter, then our chapter democracy will become a democracy in name only. If members do not participate in committee work, then the capacity of our committees to conduct party work will be dramatically reduced. If our electoral efforts cannot consistently mobilize members, then our power as a political organization and the weight of our endorsement will collapse. The general consensus of the chapter, as expressed in resolutions and debate, is that we are working towards the goal of a socialist political party. We cannot speak of being a party, let alone a mass party, unless we have an active membership which actively fights to build workers’ power. 

If we are to achieve our goals as socialists, people who believe in the power of collective action, then priority must be given to the work of membership engagement and activation. We must pull new members into the work that we are doing, give them things to do and people to befriend as part of a Madison DSA community. This is at present primarily the role of our Membership Engagement Committee, assisted closely by the work of the Communications Committee, but it is a task which must involve every member of the chapter. We must cultivate a party spirit which encourages every member to do their part.

The confused flailing of the American regime and the fecklessness of much of the opposition has created the conditions necessary to facilitate the creation of a mass American socialist movement for the first time in generations. If we are to fulfill the potential of the Democratic Socialists of America and carry out our world-historic mission as socialists, we must not only improve our membership work, but master it. 

If you are a member of Madison DSA, and you want to help the Membership Engagement Committee, check out our slack channel on the MADSA slack, and consider attending one of our meetings. We meet virtually from 7:00-8:30pm on the first and third Tuesdays of every month.