Statement on State Department report “Cuba: The Capital of 21st Century Communism”

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We’ve asked our readers of all faiths to send us brief meditations on what brought them to democratic socialism and/or religion. Some examples can be found here, here and here. In what follows, Jon Hochschartner describes his understanding of Marx and religion.—Eds.

When I first started to form an independent political identity, as a high-school senior in the mid-2000s, New Atheism was ascendant. Politicized spirituality was almost wholly associated with the right wing. Dogmatic atheism seemed to be the price of admission to the socialist Left, and so, with some struggle, I paid it.

However, in recent years, as I’ve faced various personal challenges and the increasingly chaotic world we’ve all experienced, I’ve sought to reconcile a spiritual perspective with my political commitments. Religious tradition and historical materialism are two schools of thought that seem contradictory on a surface level. Historical-materialist analysis divides society into categories of base and superstructure, arguing that the former, which represents the economic foundation, primarily determines the latter, which represents the ideological system. Thus, the classic Marxist view of religion is that, as part of the superstructure, it will wither away as the base changes and no longer serves an ideological purpose.

Friedrich Engels expressed this consensus perspective in his 1877 text Anti-Dühring. “All religion, however, is nothing but the fantastic reflection in men’s minds of those external forces which control their daily life,” he wrote. “When society, by taking possession of all means of production and using them on a planned basis, has freed itself and all its members from the bondage… only then will the last alien force which is still reflected in religion vanish; and with it will also vanish the religious reflection itself, for the simple reason that then there will be nothing left to reflect.”

Following the totalitarian experience of the Soviet Union and the way in which state atheism was so often used in Red Scare propaganda, modern-day democratic socialists are still burdened by outmoded beliefs about socialism and religion. U.S. socialist pioneer Eugene Debs has long been an inspiration to me, and I think his example in this respect is a better model for our time. Although he was suspicious of organized religion, he peppered his political commentary with biblical references and had a portrait of Jesus of Nazareth hanging in his cell during his imprisonment for opposing the First World War.

Emma Goldman’s most famous apocryphal quote  goes, “If I can’t dance, it’s not my revolution.” In a similar vein, I would argue, “If I can’t pray, it’s not my revolution.” This is not only because I feel a genuine pull to spirituality, which I think anyone should be free to pursue, but also because I think government crackdowns on religion of the kind seen in the Soviet Union are indicative of a wider authoritarianism that will ultimately move beyond spiritual communities and affect the whole of society.

I’m not an academic, but  reconciling religious tradition and historical materialism doesn’t seem too difficult theoretically. If we concede that specific forms of religious expression are influenced by a society’s base, then the historical materialist view must acknowledge that at least some people have an innate drive toward spiritual life. It may not be possible for “hardliners” in each school of thought to admit these suppositions, but others should find them easy to adopt. 

For instance, these days, I think of myself as a Christian perennialist, by which I mean I feel most at home in the Christian tradition but interpret it through the lens of perennialism, the belief that all religious traditions are describing a single, universal truth; differences between faiths can be ascribed to different cultural filters through which seekers perceive that truth. Mapping historical materialism over this outlook appears fairly easy. I would argue that these cultural filters, which might be called the superstructure, are largely determined by the base.

Jon Hochschartner lives in Connecticut. He is the author of a number of books, including The Animals’ Freedom Fighter: A Biography of Ronnie Lee, Founder of the Animal Liberation Front. He blogs at SlaughterFreeAmerica.Substack.com.

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Events and Actions

Tuesday July 21 (4:30 PM – 7:00 PM)  Jackie Fielder Town Hall & Tenants Rights Lit Drop (16th St. Mission, Qa, 2000 Mission St)

Tuesday July 21 (5:30 PM – 7:00 PM) Social Housing Working Group (zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister St)

Tuesday July 21 (7:00 PM – 8:30 PM) EWOC Fundamentals of Workplace Organizing (1916 McAllister St)

Wednesday July 22 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM) Phonebank for the Affordable Housing Guarantee Act – Hybrid (Syzygy SF, 395 S Van Ness Ave,)

Wednesday July 22 (7:00 PM – 9:00 PM)  Socialist Shop Talk (1916 McAllister St)

Saturday July 25 (10:00 AM – 2:00 PM)  No Appetite for Apartheid – Store Canvass (1916 McAllister St)

Sunday July 26 (1:00 PM – 2:30 PM)  What Is DSA? (1916 McAllister St)

Sunday July 26 (5:00 PM – 6:00 PM)  Tenderloin Healing Circle Working Group (zoom)

Monday July 27 (6:00 PM – 8:00 PM)  Tenderloin Healing Circle (220 Golden Gate Ave)

Tuesday July 28 (5:30 PM – 7:30 PM)  Phonebank for the Affordable Housing Guarantee Act (1916 McAllister St)

Tuesday July 28 (6:30 PM – 8:00 PM) Ecosocialist Bi-Weekly Meeting (1916 McAllister St)

Wednesday July 29 (6:00 PM – 8:00 PM) DSA SF Electoral Board x WFP Happy Hour (Teeth Bar SF, 2323 Mission St)

Wednesday July 29 (6:45 PM – 8:30 PM) Tenant Organizing Working Group Meeting (1916 McAllister St)

Thursday July 30 (7:00 PM – 9:00 PM)  ICE Out Orientation (1916 McAllister St)

Saturday August 1 (1:00 PM – 3:00 PM)  Immigrant Justice KYR Canvassing – Pacific Heights (Raymond Kimbell Playground Park, 1901 Geary Blvd)

Monday August 3 (6:30 PM – 8:00 PM) Homelessness Working Group Regular Meeting (zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister St

Apartheid-Free Bay Area Outreach Training and Canvassing

Come join our store canvass for the No Appetite for Apartheid campaign on Saturday 7/25! We will meet at 1916 McAllister St for the training at 10. Snacks will be provided. Canvassing starts at 11:30, and will run until around 2.

This event is very new member friendly! We hope you can make it!

RSVP here.

Immigrant Justice Know Your Rights Canvassing Event & Social

Join the Immigrant Justice Working Group for Know Your Rights (KYR) canvassing Saturday August 1 at 1:00PM at Raymond Kimbell Playground Park!

We will be distributing red cards and KYR materials to businesses and community members in the Pacific Heights neighborhood.

We will meet at Raymond Kimbell Playground Park on the corner of Geary Blvd. & Steiner St. to receive training and materials before canvassing.

Join us after for a social/debrief session at a local spot and grab food/drinks!

New to canvassing? No worries! There will be a brief how-to training before we go out in pairs or small groups.

Reportback: EWOC Fundamentals of Workplace Organizing Week #1

Last Tuesday we held our first session of the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC) course Fundamentals of Workplace Organizing, a four week course that goes into the basics of organizing: from organizing committees to inoculation against the boss. A group of 10 met in person at 1916 McAllister to watch the course plenary before diving into a discussion about the material we covered. This week’s topic was “Developing Leadership” and was focused on the organizing committee, the core group of workers who lead a union campaign. We heard from a worker-organizer at Attaboy, a newly-unionized cocktail bar in Manhattan. She recounted how they identified leaders in the workplace, assembled an organizing committee, and eventually charted every member of their workplace. Her account emphasized how the organizing committee model played a decisive role during the unionization campaign. The plenary kicked off our discussion, where we compared our own experiences to the blueprint laid out in the plenary. We also talked about the differences between organizing in a small and large workplace and how we have spotted leaders in our own jobs.

The next session will take place on Tuesday, July 21th at 7PM, hosted at 1916 McAllister and will cover the organizing conversation.

If you’d like to get involved with the SF local chapter of EWOC, reach out to the lead coordinator Caitlin S or email labor@dsasf.org. EWOC is a standing topic at meetings of the Labor Board, which are held every other Monday at 7:00 PM, both in-person at 1916 McAllister and over Zoom. Anyone is welcome to attend, and we’re always looking for people interested In workplace lead canvassing, organizer trainings, and volunteer outreach. If you’re interested in organizing your workplace and would like to be connected with an EWOC organizer, fill out the request form here.

Collective study and public debate lead to collective liberation and the advance of socialism. Socialist Forum is DSA’s main platform for airing the thorny but necessary theoretical, political, and cultural issues that confront us in an age of U.S. hegemony and empire. The editorial board of the publication—writers, organizers, and political educators—are  committed to a vehicle to present ideas and analysis that would prove useful to winning socialism. We develop thinkers and writers who can provide clarity for our peers and comrades looking for ways to understand the world as is and ways to resist. We seek pieces that explore how capitalism leverages structures and institutions to exploit the peoples of the world. Analysis, inquiry, and discussion into forms of effective resistance are vital in fighting for the liberation of all peoples from exploitation and domination. 

As the late great thinker and writer, Ghassan Kanafani had once stated, “Scientific revolutionary thought is clear thought whereby the masses are able to understand their enemy, his points of weakness or strength and the forces that support and ally themselves to the enemy. Likewise, the masses should understand their own forces, the forces of revolution, how to mobilize, how to overcome the enemy’s points of strength and take advantage of the weakness of the enemy, and through what organization, mobilization and political and military programmes, they can escalate their forces until they can crush the enemy and achieve victory.” Theory and written analysis is a foundational part of our ability to grow as a movement and to some day, succeed, finally winning a world freed from capitalism, colonialism, and U.S. hubris. 

Socialist Forum, therefore, is an avenue for DSA members not only to publicly present their thinking but to work with one another. Our editors are themselves constantly learning and developing ways to strategically address the dilemmas facing the movement. Inspired by thinkers like Kanafani, we are not just a publication. Our aim is to help generate theory that can aid in practice. Moreover, DSA as a multi-tendency, big tent organization creates the ideal circumstances for struggling through ideas together. Pushing ourselves to engage with thinking and debate across the various socialist traditions forges  more robust analyses. We are a stronger organization when we discuss and debate our ideas openly in our publications.

Socialist Forum publication is organized into quarterly-themed issues. We accept pitches on a rolling basis on a variety of topics, and encourage all members to pitch on the current theme topic. Send us pitches that present the general topic of your article, the main argument you hope to emphasize, and its connection to DSA’s larger project. While our sister publication, Democratic Left, reports on the news and events, our publication prioritizes longer form writing and analysis with a global view. As such, our articles typically range from 3,000 to 8,000 words. We also strongly encourage engagement with previous articles and ongoing debates within the publication.

We look forward to writing from seasoned experts on an issue as well as comrades exploring a topic for the very first time. We are all revolutionaries and, at Socialist Forum, we want all revolutionaries to be heard. 

There are multiple reasons why Robin Hood remains the most-retold, favorite saga in the English language, exceeding, even in the United Kingdom, King Arthur and all the associated court drama. A perfect saga for popular theater, then films and television, Robin features the poor-versus-rich, the wrongful ruler, furtive romance across social classes, and so on. This year’s The Death of Robin Hood follows a century of film fascination.

In 1922, the newly launched independent United Artists studios borrowed heavily to produce the first notable film, Douglas Fairbanks in Robin Hood, and succeeded beyond anyone’s expectations. Among much competition for successors, The Adventures of Robin Hood (1938) with Olivia de Haviland and Errol Flynn, would remain totemic for generations of screen audiences.

In the time of my childhood, The Adventures of Robin Hood (1955-59) was the first British series to become a hit on U.S. television, with an accompanying theme song that reached millions. Its scriptwriters happened to be blacklisted leftwingers who hid in the metaphorical forest, under pseudonyms.

It was succeeded best, in my view, by Robin and Marian directed by Richard Lester, an ally of the Beatles. In this version, we see Crusaders slaughtering innocent populations, Good King Richard in charge of war crimes, and Audrey Hepburn as the rebel Marian turned prioress (to escape persecution) who tries to revive Robin from war wounds with her healing herbs and finally administers the poison that they take together. 

Nothing since (and there have been many more) has been anywhere near as good, with one interesting exception: Maid Marian and Her Merry Men (1987-93), a hugely popular, perky, and funny British television show for children, which featured a Rastafarian who had his own interpretations of society and religion.

That Robin Hood lore is also, at base, a religious, folkloric saga is not well understood. We start with the Wat Tyler Rebellion of 1381, the first of the Radical Reformation mass struggles, highlighting the deteriorating condition of life for the poorer classes together with the impact of the Wycliffe biblical translation. Lollardy, a heretical Christianity, spread from the Oxford community as lay preachers and organizers mobilized the masses to urge the confiscation of the Church’s wealth and that of the Monarchy. The uprising was brutally suppressed, but the sentiment and the movement lived on across the continent. The 1525 peasant uprising behind Thomas Müntzer, a minister-revolutionary beheaded at the order of Martin Luther, stands among the most noted successors.

It was said that the Wat Tyler rebels could quote passages from Piers Plowman, that epic poem from the onset of English literature. Something is amiss, and protagonist Piers, sleeping in the Malvern Hills of Worcestershire, is awakened by the Lady explaining to him that the earth provides clothing, food, and drink if only its measures can be taken properly: it belongs to all. 

So much of English village life had been sustained for centuries around the Commons and the use of oak trees, along with ash and elm, apple and cherry, to sustain the  human inhabitants with their livestock. The Norman Conquest threw much of this into imbalance, but the expansion of serfdom pushed harder yet. The forest had become home to the deer—protein on the hoof— forbidden to villagers on penalty of death. It was now contested territory, notwithstanding the Magna Carta.

At one level, the more or less contemporary appearance of Robin Hood could be seen as revenge against the rising wealthy classes. For the great utopian socialist William Morris, ordinary people resisted the kind of “progress” pressed upon them by the rising upper classes, while they themselves looked backward at a Golden Age, before class society. A popular nineteenth century socialist idea, it reflected a belief in a kind of religion of nature. But it also reflected the folklorist English Christianity wrapped around holidays and rituals. Such rituals survived into the nineteenth century, including the Mayday night mating rituals in which the Virgin Mary became Marian the Queen of the Village and Robin her necessary mate.

The totemic Child Ballads folklore collection of English and Scottish ballads contains almost forty Robin Hood sagas. With plenty of direct action, these recall, explore and anticipate the further attack upon the established clergy in the name of a higher Christianity. No less than John Knox attacked the religious rebels, “the rascal multitude stirred up to make a Robin Hood… [who] disobey and trouble the town” of Edinburgh. The earliest printed version of A Lytell Geste of Robyn Hode, reprinted several times in the sixteenth century, openly advocates civic insurrection and the overthrow of the empowered clergy. As Robin instructs Little John, “these bishops and these archbishops/You shall beat and bind.” 

It is not entirely clear when Friar Tuck appeared in the Robin Hood saga, but he matches the restless element of the Church as it consolidated its property and power. He spies upon the powerful and reports to Robin, allowing the Merry Men to prepare for battle. But he also, famously barrel-chested, is the jolly Christian dispatching the images of blue-nosed propriety.

This year, though, the Robin Hood on screen tells us that his legend is a lie, and in real time, the famous Sherwood Oak in which Robin allegedly hid his gold, has died. Neither Robin nor the Oak will be allowed to die in imagination, for the acorns planted by legend bear high hopes. Such is the nature religion of lore that the Oak is Robin and Robin is the Oak. 

Paul Buhle is, with Mari Jo Buhle, coeditor of the biographical William Morris graphic novel, If I Could But See It, written and drawn by Nick Thorkelson, scheduled for September publication by Pluto Press. Much of the material in this essay is drawn from the text in the collaborative comic edited by Paul Buhle, Robin Hood: People’s Outlaw and Forest Hero (PM Press, 2011).

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