The dynamism and explosiveness of the Suntrapp Workers United (SWU) strike has been hugely activating for LGBTQ, labor, and political activists all over Salt Lake. It is rare that you see new unions in this state and in the food service industry. It’s even rarer you see those unions strike! SWU have taken a stand against their employer for their dignity and their right to control their own working conditions. They know their power lies in their labor and solidarity, and are causing a crisis for their employer in order to meet their demands. As a result, the vast majority of Salt Lake is behind the SWU strike and have been turning out in huge numbers to support it. Every night the bar looks almost completely dead; the end is in sight.

A strike is meant to put a business in crisis—that is precisely what makes it powerful. But when the business in crisis is a beloved small business, there is always opposition that feels it’s not “right” to unionize a small business. Is it ‘right’ for the workers to cause a crisis for an employer that has this kind of romantic cultural value, something that is increasingly rare and fleeting in a society where multinational corporations have almost completely erased the market for small businesses? This problem can be initially confusing for people trying to understand socialist politics, as progressive liberalism tends to prop up minority owned small businesses as agents of broader societal improvements.

In the DSA, we seek to understand this through a class analysis. Socialism is a project to change the world we live in, and so we have to understand the world objectively. Who controls society? By what mechanisms do they control society? Who is oppressed? How can we liberate the oppressed, and turn society on its head? In class society, the infrastructure and resources which we depend on to survive are controlled by a tiny minority of the population, which we call the ruling class or the capitalist class. They dominate society not just by controlling our workplaces, but also the state, the government, the police, the military, education, mass media, and cultural institutions. We seek to put workers collectively in charge, not just of their workplaces, but all these sections of society. In order to achieve this monumental task, we must build a mass movement of workers who understand the necessity of creating worker organizations to leverage the only advantage we can have over the capitalist class; our superior numbers and our indispensable role in the economy. We recognize trade unions as one form of worker organization which engages workers in the struggle against capitalism, so Salt Lake DSA supports and engages in efforts to build unions in Salt Lake City.

This unconditional support inevitably will lead to this problem we’re discussing at Suntrapp; what do we do when workers are unionizing against a small business? Do we support them, or do we condemn their struggle because it is against a small business owner? The answer should be obvious in the context of the class analysis above and the broader movement. It would not serve the mass movement or the organized socialist movement to make our support of unions conditional on the specific economic position of the business owners, picking and choosing which workplaces are “big enough” or “too small” for democracy. If the small business owner chooses to resist the union, they are resisting a part of the movement we’re building together.

However, there is a distinction to be made. In the simple class analysis above, do small business owners have the same socio-economic position as monopoly capitalists like Bezos, Buffet, and Musk? Are they equal members of that class which control all other aspects of society? Of course not. Capitalism and individual capitalists are not the same, and different capitalists have contradicting interests. Small businesses are much more precarious and must appeal to romantic notions of community, handicraft, and personalized experiences to stay afloat, since they lack access to the economies of scale which make large industry objectively more efficient. The owners may even do the most labor in their business, forced to exploit themselves due to the immense market pressures to stay profitable.

However, they are also not working class either. They control the working conditions of others, hire employees to work for less than they create just like any other business, and the only thing they risk is the possibility of losing their investment and becoming a worker. They don’t do these things because they are a “good” or “bad” person, but because the market forces them to make decisions to stay competitive. As a result, they occupy a middle, precarious position between hegemonic finance capital and the working class. They can be genuine community leaders, with close connections to workers, and contribute something meaningful to the world along the economic framework that our society functions. But it is also true that small business owners are materially motivated to oppose union efforts at their workplaces, and therefore will often choose to do so.

Class position alone does not always predict the decisions of an individual. Workers themselves can also choose to be enemies or allies to the working class movement. Millions of working class Americans are unconvinced of a socialist future, and often actively sabotage union efforts in their workplaces by scabbing or counter-organizing, just like business owners. Socialism is not about “good guys” and “bad guys,” it’s about who chooses to build the movement, and winning the majority to that cause. Small business owners are trying to escape the same conditions all workers are, and we can appeal to them on those grounds. Rather than seeking individualized liberation from exploitation by becoming a capitalist, the only sustainable and just solution to class society is participating in a historic effort to overcome class distinctions completely. Socialism will liberate elements of the small owning classes as well, as they will no longer need to struggle so desperately to escape being a worker. With a mass movement perspective in mind, and the disproportionate strength of the small owning class in the US, we will even likely need to win a section of this layer to our cause on the strength of our ideas and
organization.

The owner of Suntrapp, and all business owners confronted with a union, should see the union for what it is—a piece of the wider movement to transcend class society. If she cannot, we need not concern ourselves too much on whether or not she will voluntarily recognize the union. We will tirelessly organize, regardless of the opposition we encounter. As a result, we must confront a final possibility. What if Suntrapp closes completely? Are the workers still correct to organize and to strike?

If the owner chooses to close their bar (to be clear, it will be her choice; the bar can absolutely continue to operate with a unionized workforce) rather than maintain complete control over their employees, we would continue to support the SWU strike as a win for the organized working class movement. Socialists are not engaged in a project to build more small businesses. We know the organized working class has the power to transform our society; a nation of small businesses does not. The workers in SWU know the stakes, and understand their struggle in the context of a broader one. Every picket I’ve attended, the workers at Suntrapp emphasize their vision of transforming the entire food service industry in Salt Lake. If an owner is too proud and short-sighted to bargain with their employees, then so be it. SWU will carry their experience and knowledge to their next workplace with an intimate knowledge of the stakes and an understanding of themselves as members of a working-class movement. The community should also learn the same lessons; that we have the ability to take a stand collectively as a class.

Unions at large businesses face the same threat of discipline through closing businesses. Capital has moved entire manufacturing bases to more oppressed nations for ‘cheaper’ labor and less regulation, and will often threaten to discipline organized labor by accelerating that process. That does not mean we oppose the movement the ruling class is trying to punish. It should be clear that we do not evaluate support of a union effort based on the reaction of any business owner, large or small. We see it as an element of an international working class movement.

The post Suntrapp Workers United and Small Business Liberalism first appeared on Salt Lake DSA.

The Nov. 4 Parks Levy effort becomes part of the Chapter’s emerging Family Agenda. 

On September 14, members of the Portland chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America voted to endorse the upcoming Portland Parks and Recreation Levy 2025 Ballot Initiative as part of its Family Agenda campaign, and is training members to canvass Portland communities in support. 

The 2020 voter-approved levy to support parks and recreation operations expires at the end of the fiscal year. If the Nov. 4 levy is not approved, the Parks operating budget would be cut nearly in half, resulting in far fewer programs and services. The Parks Levy ensures Portland can maintain parks and community centers by increasing the property tax rate by 60 cents per $1,000 in assessed property value. That means a median homeowner would pay about $26 per month and the median commercial property owner would pay around $37 per month.

Why it matters

Parks are about more than recreation: they are sites of community, climate resilience, public health, and intergenerational, cross-cultural connection. In a city increasingly shaped by privatization and budget cuts, securing resources for public parks is essential. Local governments around the country have found that investing in parks, and providing equitable access to them, can increase economic vitality and make their cities more attractive for existing and potential new residents. 

“The levy is an important piece of our community’s future, particularly for renters who rely on city parks to access the outdoors. With everything costing people more these days, parks are a great example of the community coming together both literally and figuratively, to ensure we have free outdoor spaces for all. My coworkers and I are the first line of defense to make sure these spaces are welcoming and well-maintained. I wish we had a more secure funding model but for now, the levy is essential.”

• Ryan Heidt, horticulturist for the City of Portland and LIUNA 483 member (Parks & Rec workers)

The wealth is here, if we want it

Contrary to the stories that wealthy people like to tell, we know that the rich only get richer by exploiting their workers: as of 2024, the average CEO-to-worker pay ratio for major companies was $285-to-$1. We also know that “tax flight” is a myth cooked up by the city’s elite to get out of paying their fair share. That’s why Portland DSA supported City Councilor Steve Novick’s proposal earlier this year to increase the existing surcharge on corporations that have highly skewed ratios of CEO-to-worker pay, in addition to DSA member and City Councilor Mitch Green’s Healthy Parks, Healthy Climate Plan which would have built on Novick’s proposal. These are examples of the creative policy-making this city desperately needs right now.

At the same time, the 2025 Parks Levy is necessary but insufficient. This is especially true given that the Portland Metro Chamber threatened a campaign of opposition to the levy if the City Council didn’t reduce the amount, thereby protecting the Chamber’s elite base from having to pay a more equitable share. While the levy will provide urgently needed funding, relying on periodic levies to sustain critical infrastructure is an inequitable and unstable approach. Public goods should be guaranteed through progressive, permanent, and reliable funding—paid for by taxing the wealthy and corporations who benefit from our shared resources, not through regressive measures that disproportionately impact the working class. That’s why we need more elected leaders with the guts to push back against the arm-twisting elites at the Portland Metro Chamber and to stand up for working people.

“For years, Portland DSA members have shown up and testified for more sustained funding for the essential services that parks and community centers provide. The 2025 Portland Parks Levy will be no different. We’ll engage our neighbors and push to pass the levy while remaining crystal clear: a longer term funding structure is sorely needed and we’re ready to fight for that too.”

• Olivia Katbi, parent and co-chair of Portland DSA.

We need you. Yes, you! 

Portland DSA believes in vibrant public spaces as a collective right. Do you? Then sign up to stay in touch on future events and actions. Over the long term, the City Council must put more resources in public hands, but right now passing this levy is our best shot at retaining what we love about our parks and community centers. 

About the Parks Levy

The 2020 Parks Levy was a success for the city, as shown through both an independent audit and reports from the existing Parks Levy Oversight Committee. The 2025 Parks Levy would:

Preserve Program Access

• Continue free and discounted recreation programs for families experiencing poverty
• Provide free lunch & play programs, movies, concerts
• Preserve classes, community center hours, arts and cultural centers, parks, pools 

Ensure Neighborhood Parks Maintenance 

• Daily restroom cleaning, trash pickup
• Routine maintenance, minor repairs
• Repair or renovate facilities like playgrounds, restrooms, pools
• Park ranger safety patrols, incident responses 

Protect Nature in a Changing Climate

• Plant, maintain trees
• Preserve natural areas, trails, water quality, wildlife habitat
• Clear brush, maintain emergency access routes to reduce wildfire risk 

About Portland DSA’s Family Agenda

Families, however you define them, are a crucial part of a movement for a better world. Through the Family Agenda campaign, Portland DSA seeks to build a culture of collective care for working people, children and elders in our community, while rejecting the right-wing nationalist definition of family. We will make our voices heard at the city, county, and state to stop the slashing of programs that families rely on, and to demand that our parks, community centers, and after-school care programs are fully funded. We’ll be working to expand public support for public education and fight for full implementation of universal preschool at the county level – a policy that Portland DSA fought for and won in 2020.

Contact: family.agenda@portlanddsa.org  

The post Portland DSA Endorses Parks Levy, Calls for More Ambitious Public Investment appeared first on Portland DSA.

From the beginning, the Trans Liberation Priority Project has put on its agenda passing trans sanctuary city legislation in the cities of Lakewood and Cleveland.
Lakewood is our first success.

The Cleveland DSA Chapter first submitted draft legislation to the City of Lakewood in April 2025 and showed up in support of this at a city council meeting, with numerous DSA members who resided in Lakewood giving testimony. Afterwards, representatives from DSA kept in touch with Council President Sarah Kepple about this for several months. In addition, we attended several events in Lakewood and canvassed, gathering resident signatures in support of the legislation.

The City, after consulting with leading local and state LGBTQ rights organizations, transformed our original draft into a Gender Freedom Policy which enshrines and upholds transgender rights in Lakewood. Sarah joined a DSA call in September and discussed the policy further. The legislation was formally brought to the floor of council in September and passed on October 6th, 2025—and we gained an earned media opportunity by being featured in an article in Ohio queer news publication The Buckeye Flame!

What does this show? Our efforts work. There is strength in numbers. Public support can sway minds. There is an appetite to protect our most vulnerable populations in Ohio, despite what legislation our state and federal governments pass. Persistent, polite communication and pressure works with local politicians. Blue cities can be beacons of hope, even in red states.

Our goal is to emulate this in the City of Cleveland. Through concentrated, democratic efforts with local partners and politicians, we aim to encourage Cleveland to pass similar legislation. The fight for another victory is only just beginning, and we are ready for it!

The post DSA’s Success: Lakewood Passes First-of-its-Kind “Gender Freedom Policy” appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.