by Gregory Lebens-Higgins; Published in collaboration with Boom Town Press

Rochester Downtown Development Corporation’s (“RDDC”) Economic Growth Series: Vision~Future 2023 took place on December 5, 2023, featuring presentations from Mayor Malik Evans and County Executive Adam Bello alongside remarks from members of RDDC.

“I want you to imagine,” begins Mayor Malik Evans before launching into an idyllic depiction of a gentrified downtown Rochester: “storage factories and warehouses that have been converted into artists’ lofts, studios, and apartments. Picture the Genesee River flowing between the Corn Hill and the South Wedge neighborhoods, [and] on the banks on both sides crowds are on lawn chairs and blankets watching a concert on a floating stage.”

We are at Rochester Downtown Development Corporation’s Economic Growth Series: Vision~Future 2023, and Mayor Evans is taking the property owners, developers, and investors filling the conference room at Rochester Riverside Convention Center on a journey of economic opportunity.

“Imagine twenty-two acres of brand new real estate where the Inner Loop North has been converted into residential neighborhoods, boutique shopping, and greenspace,” he continues. “Imagine Main and Clinton, at the historic part of Rochester, no longer a visual abomination that insults the eye.”

“Imagine the day when Rochester’s economy is once again driven by the most powerful economic resource in the world: Imagination itself.” But certainly no economy runs on imagination and it is in fact profit that Evans is thinking of.

The son of a minister, Evans frequently uses poetic refrains. Here, “imagination” alludes to the “dream” invoked by Martin Luther King Jr. With Evans, this dream is contorted in the service of extreme materialism, “encourag[ing] us in the greed and exploitation which creates the sector of poverty in the midst of wealth,” as identified by King in his address on the “three evils of society.” Though Evans wants us to dream big in transforming downtown, the best he can offer is a limited vision for the material benefit of Rochester’s owner class.

No Option for Opposition

The vision of Mayor Evans and RDDC countenances no opposition to their dream to turn downtown Rochester into an entertainment district and center of investment for the wealthy. Speaking prior to Evans, Joseph Rizzo, Manager of Economic Development at NYSEG and RG&E, described a career of moving economic development programs forward in a “swift and nimble manner.” RDDC seems poised to do the same with the planned Business Improvement District (or “BID”).

RG&E’s role as lead sponsor of Vision~Future is a perfect pairing. Hoping to ward off calls for a public utility, RG&E is attempting to improve public relations with spending throughout the community, including events to promote the BID. Under a public utility, similar spending would be subject to democratic control with recipients selected by and for the benefit of the community. RG&E’s quasi-government partnership—in effect a corporate expansionary program—is the perfect blueprint for the BID’s designers.

According to the Draft Downtown Rochester Business Improvement District Plan, the BID would levy a special assessment (or additional tax) on downtown properties. These funds would be controlled by a board of directors, the majority of whom “must represent property owners within the BID boundary,” and would be used for services including event promotion, supporting small businesses, maintenance and beautification, and supplementing social services. Importantly, these funds may only be used within the footprint of the BID.

How best to collect and distribute funds for Rochester are major decisions deserving of input by the entire community. However, RDDC’s demonstrated intent is to limit democratic engagement on the issue by implementing the BID without proper scrutiny. As early as February 2022, Bob Duffy, who is on RDDC’s Board of Directors and receives more than $200,000 annually from RG&E, spoke of “moving rapidly toward the approval” of the BID.

Although RDDC’s guiding principles include “community centered,” it has failed to ask whether the BID is something the community wants. Galin Brooks, President and CEO of RDDC, claimed to gather community input from speaking to “thousands of people.” But such interactions have been a fig leaf to hide the undemocratic nature of the process.

The limit of these interactions are exemplified by the Downtown Rochester BID Survey (which remained open for only one month after the Draft District Plan was released). There are no options for opposition—only the ratification and prioritization of programs and services that have already been decided on by RDDC. NO BID ROC, a coalition opposed to the BID, reports:

“Public engagement and feedback overseen by the RDDC has been far from genuine. RDDC members and BID affiliates filled feedback sessions and ‘Walkshop’ events. Board members routinely swayed discussions and mentioned pro-BID talking points. Consultants recorded them as general feedback. The RDDC filled their sessions with leading questions. As concerns about the BID grew, the RDDC canceled and failed to reschedule promised events, effectively silencing and keeping dissenting voices undocumented.”

Speaking at Vision~Future, County Executive Adam Bello encouraged attendance at an upcoming public input session—not to give feedback on whether or not a BID is desirable, but “so you can see all the benefits that the BID can bring.”

The Benefits of BIDs

But what benefits would the BID bring? “You’ve heard how over a thousand of these exist across the U.S.,” said Galin Brooks. “That’s because they work,” she asserted.

Perhaps BIDs are effective for RDDC’s purpose—as a “tool that displaces small businesses and heavily favors property owners.” But the noticeable effects for most Rochestarians will be to raise prices, decrease democratic control of downtown, and exacerbate heavy-handed policing.

BIDs are permitted to raise revenue through a special assessment levied on property owners. These costs will be passed onto residential tenants and small business owners in the form of increased rents. Businesses, in turn, will be forced to increase prices for food and entertainment. Those unable to make ends meet risk replacement by giant retailers and chain stores.

While tenants pay more to remain downtown, they will have limited input on the BID’s decisions. Although the BID’s governance body promises representation by at least two non-owner tenants, one small business owner, and a handful of other community members, a majority of board members must be property owners. There is no guarantee that they even live in the district they govern.

Once in power, these bodies are incredibly difficult to dissolve: “either a majority of property owners must turn against the BID, or there must be a direct decree from the City Council or Mayor.”

Incidentally, the BID would also achieve another purpose for RDDC by guaranteeing its budget. Unlike other not-for-profit organizations, RDDC would never have to fundraise or ask members (mostly large developers) to pay annual dues again.

The focus on investing additional funds downtown, while neglecting more impoverished areas of the City, is described as a form of 21st century redlining by anti-BID activists. Redlining is the practice of closing off minority neighborhoods to investment, while providing preferential loans to white property owners. The BID, by levying an assessment on downtown property owners that is not distributed into poorer areas, is premised on the same principles of racial exclusion.

BIDs also contribute to the “coercive exclusion of marginalized people.” As rising prices make downtown unaffordable for the poor, increased security will ensure it also remains inaccessible. A study from UC Berkeley Law School’s Public Policy Clinic found that BIDs in California “habitually harass the homeless,” referring to them as “homeless exclusion districts.”

Homelessness is targeted using vagrancy laws passed at the insistence of business owners. These laws are harshley enforced through public-private coordination with the police, or using private security to patrol downtown. Such private security is empowered to function in ways typically reserved for state actors, i.e., controlling public space.

Given Rochester’s history of doubling-down on policing, one cannot doubt that these inequitable security aspects would be a major component of the BID. “It starts with safety,” said Malik Evans at Vision~Future, while Executive Bello’s presentation touted his excessive investments in policing. The groundwork for increased surveillance and criminal enforcement downtown can be seen with Evan’s failed attempt to conflate opioid settlement funding for people in need with RDDC’s concierge service known as the “ambassador program.”

BID Buzzwords

Vision~Future’s sales pitch for the BID is littered with vacuous phrases. Echoing the guiding principles of RDDC’s Draft District Plan, Bello spoke of “vibrant, thriving neighborhoods,” while Evans called for a “safe, equitable, and prosperous Rochester.”

These terms contain vastly different interpretations. For Bello, “vibrancy” does not describe a vision of integrated communities, but of marketable spectacle. Mayor Evans’ references to “safety” speak of militarized police forces rather than protective social welfare.

“We must move from a ‘poverty mindset’ to a ‘prosperity mindset’ in our City,” Evans proclaimed. Following the tenants of the pseudoscientific law of attraction, Evans believes we will manifest our desires merely by thinking of them. Perhaps if we ignore those in poverty, they will simply disappear.

Instead, we must focus on the visionaries, believers, investors and innovators:

“Innovators who look at a problem and see a solution. The visionaries who embrace their imagination and dare to hope. … Investors with the resources to make innovation possible … [and] believers with enough imagination to provide opportunity and turn hope into reality.”

Evans has an incredible talent for discovering provocative ways to say nothing. Yet we can count on the “divine serendipity that happens when visionaries and believers come together. When hope and opportunity collide.” Once again, Evans is reaching for God and scripture like laments to deliver for the upper class.

This vision demonstrates a disinterest in meaningfully addressing segregation and poverty. It is merely a retreading of the failed policy of trickle-down economics. The result is always the same—the rising tide lifts only a few yachts, not all boats. RDDC’s Draft District Plan provides no details for addressing poverty in downtown Rochester, and the section on “Social Services Supplement” is noticeably its shortest.

Who is “We”?

Despite these blind spots, Evans claims “we’re bringing people from all walks of life, from every economic spectrum, together.” A “downtown for everybody.” Likewise, Galin Brooks spoke of “a future for Downtown Rochester we can all embrace.”

But who is the “we” being described?

Clearly, “we” is not those unable to afford inflated costs for apartments, retail space, and events. When speaking of stakeholders, RDDC is referring to those present at Vision~Future who can expect to profit from the BID. Rochester’s impoverished residents, rather than a target for their own revitalization, are viewed primarily as a pliant workforce for outside investors.

Greater attention is focused on students attending the area’s universities and colleges. “When they graduate,” says Bello, “we want them to know our community, not just their campus. We want Rochester and Monroe County to not just be a stop on their journey, but a place to call home and raise their families.” As impoverished Rochester and Monroe County residents are denied basic social services, graduates are offered lump-sum payments to live and work in Monroe County.

Mayor Evans may speak of “visionaries in every neighborhood with a vision to change the world,” but it is clear that only certain visions are valued. Ultimately, RDDC views downtown as a play place for the rich. Somewhere “where people will continue to flock for shows and other entertainment,” in Bello’s words. Similarly, Evans speaks of “a Rochester that values a quality of life.” However, it is clear that quality of life under the direction of RDDC is restricted to upscale restaurants, shows, and high-end apartments, rather than guaranteed food and housing, reliable healthcare, and robust education.

“Nothing Goes Quietly in Rochester”

Trickle-down economics is the theory that increasing the wealth of those at the top of the class hierarchy will lift the economic fortunes of those at its bottom levels. But its implementation has only led to growing wealth inequality and stagnating wages. By steering funds into the hands of wealthy property owners who will reinvest them only for their benefit, a BID in Rochester will create the same results.

Mayor Evans speaks of “bringing people of every economic spectrum together.” But they cannot enjoy his gentrified fantasy of downtown Rochester collectively, since many will be priced-out, and others shuffled away by police and private security. The only “bringing people of every economic spectrum together” will be to provide an exploitable working class fully available for the needs of Mayor Evans’ rich friends and campaign donors.

Referring to the property owners, developers, and investors in the room, Joe Rizzo described a “unified front.” It is clear that the capitalists have organized as a class to maximize their control over downtown, and are coalescing to ensure the BID is implemented according to their careful watch.

But as Joel Frater, Past Chair of RDDC, said at Vision~Future: “nothing goes quietly in Rochester.” The NO BID ROC campaign—supported by a coalition including the NY Working Families Party, City-Wide Tenant Union of Rochester, Rochester Democratic Socialists of America, VOCAL-NY, and others—promises that neither will the implementation of the BID. By organizing a coalition that can confront the owner class, we can construct a Rochester that truly works for the benefit of all, rather than lining the pockets of property owners.

Calls for public housing, accessible healthcare, and robust education are so often depicted as out of reach. The American Dream is dead, but the dreams of the rich are always achievable. Mayor Evans pushed back on suggestions that his vision is “pie in the sky.” While “we have our eyes on the stars,” he said, “our feet are planted firmly on the ground.”

Evans spoke of believers “looking for something to hope for. A vision they can share and be a part of.” But those that cannot afford to invest in his vision will participate only as providers of labor and as consumers.

Instead of the limited, profit-driven vision offered by a BID, we must imagine a Rochester focused on meeting the needs of its community. We must imagine a downtown under the control of its residents, not property owners. We must imagine a community tied together by meaningful social connection, rather than economic relations. This vision is a more desirable, and in many ways more achievable, future for Rochester.

The post RDDC’s Limited Vision for Downtown: A Rising Tide Lifts a Few Yachts… first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

by Gregory Lebens-Higgins

The following commentary represents a summary of DSA’s February Co-Chairs Fireside Chat. It does not necessarily represent the views of the chapter. It is intended to highlight national-level discussions for rank and file membership, and seek strategic alignment.

On Wednesday, February 7, National Political Committee Co-Chairs Ashik Siddique and Megan Romer held an address to hundreds of DSA members tuning in from across the country. Broadcast over Zoom, the event was termed a ‘Fireside Chat’ in a 21st century ode to Roosevelt’s famous radio communications to the public. Like the tone of Roosevelt’s communications, the Co-Chairs demonstrated resolve, reassuring membership in a period of financial uncertainty and uneven transformation.

Following introductions, the Co-Chairs shared that they have been busy visiting chapters. Romer mentioned her visit to the Harriet Tubman House alongside members of the Rochester and Syracuse chapters this past October.

The pair is “getting into the rhythm of reaching out more.” It seems likely this will not be the only fireside-style chat. Members were told to expect more communication than they had become used to under the previous NPC.

The Co-Chairs discussed the need to develop a long-term plan for DSA. We cannot just “ride the coattails of Bernie Sanders into power.” But DSA is studying the lessons of its failures as much as its successes. We are finding our identity as a “broad-spectrum” socialist organization, and discovering how we can effectively engage in critical battles on multiple fronts.

Last Saturday, the DSA Trans Rights and Bodily Autonomy Mass Kickoff Call had more than 600 individual attendees, along with chapter watch parties. The Co-Chairs highlighted the prominence and contributions of queer activists within DSA, and the organization’s visibility in fighting for queer liberation in an era of repressive targeting.

With the censuring of Rashida Tlaib, DSA electeds are also under attack. The Co-Chairs expressed the need for the organization to support them against challengers from the right of the Democratic Party. Turning to the executive branch, the Co-Chairs described the upcoming Presidential election as depressing. They said the electoral focus should be on “building the bench” locally, and elevating socialists into positions of power.

The Co-Chairs described DSA as becoming “increasingly coherent.” The organization is now more explicitly socialist than it had been, and is becoming better at identifying the working class and moving toward a working class orientation. Although National Director Maria Svart recently resigned from her role, the Co-Chairs described the opportunity to understand her broad job duties and evaluate how they can best be accomplished by the organization. Once this is done, a new director can be selected and set up for success.

Romer asserted that her and Ashik have been working well together, despite coming from different political tendencies. More broadly, the need to rise to the occasion in opposing the genocide of Palestinians has encouraged members across the organization to unify across tendencies.

Finally, the Co-Chairs addressed the elephant in the room—DSA’s budget deficit. The Co-Chairs expressed confidence that this can be overcome. They have “crunched the numbers,” and believe that overall, we are in an okay spot. The deficit is an “organizing task” for DSA; one that can be resolved by membership rising to the occasion.

The Co-Chairs believe that focus on this task will help us grow in numbers and strength. DSA has been “punching below its weight,” and there is a lot more we can do to organize new dues-paying members. Lately, we have seen a bump in membership in relation to Palestine solidarity.

We must also retain current members by keeping in contact with them and encouraging lapsed members to renew. The Co-Chairs claimed that phonebanks to lapsed members have paid off exponentially, bringing a high rate of return to the organization for each hour spent making calls.

Significant emphasis was placed on Solidarity Dues, an initiative passed at the 2023 Convention. These are income-based dues billed monthly, and a portion is shared with the local chapter. Members are encouraged to contribute “1%” of their income “for the 99%.” This helps offset low-income dues, enabling people with less resources to become members. So far 1,850 members have switched to Solidarity Dues, at a rate that has increased in recent weeks.

The Co-Chairs believe in the future of DSA, and are confident it can accomplish major tasks and empower the cause of socialism. There is an obvious effort to grow the organization—Romer called for “one million members by 2030.” There is also an effort to engage existing members, and to provide support from the NPC.

I believe that if members continue to hear from the NPC and can see that dues are being responsibly managed, they will be willing to dedicate money and energy toward the organization’s further success. As DSA demonstrates its ability to hold mass protests, articulate popular demands, and achieve political victories, it will be taken increasingly seriously and attract the momentum needed to accomplish our goals.

It is worth quoting at length from an article by Ross Barkan published in The New York Times on February 7, the day of the Fireside Chat:

The largest volunteer-run, electoral organization committed to the anti-Zionist project is not, however, Jewish Voice for Peace Action but the Democratic Socialists of America. Not since the Sanders presidential campaigns has there been so much fresh interest in D.S.A. It is one of the few unapologetically pro-Palestinian and anti-Israel organizations to endorse candidates in Democratic primaries this year, even though some longstanding D.S.A. members have publicly recoiled at its condemnations of Israel. In the last decade, D.S.A. had made support for, or at least tolerance of, B.D.S. a litmus test for candidates. After losing volunteers for much of the Biden era, D.S.A. is now increasing its ranks. According to Chris Kutalik, a communications director for D.S.A., it has added at least 2,400 new dues-paying members since October for a total of about 78,000 members.

Each of DSA’s constituent chapters must play its part in holding the NPC to the standard it has set, improving upon the strategy by democratic means, and collectively contributing to its overall success.

The post Socialism in Perspective: DSA Co-Chairs Host a Fireside Chat first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

Newton Teachers Defeat Corporate Mayor After 11 Day Strike

By Oriana R. and Henry De Groot

“Jubilant” Newton Educators Return to Classroom

NEWTON, MA – The strike of more than 2000 Newton Teachers Association (NTA) public school educators ended last Friday night with a tentative agreement, making it not only the largest, but now the longest teachers strike in recent Massachusetts history. The strike lasted eleven days, six days longer than the 2023 Woburn educators’ strike. 

The strike is the latest in a series of wins by the increasingly assertive Massachusetts Teachers Association, and a dramatic demonstration of the growing collective power that member-led internal organizing is cultivating in schools across the state.

Teacher Mike Schlegelmilch’s spirits soared as he walked into his beloved classroom this Monday on the heels of an embattled strike victory. Schlegelmilch, an English teacher at Newton North High School, was greeted by fellow educators with hugs and a bouquet of flowers. 

As the co-chair of the Contract Action Team and a building rep, Schlegelmilch had worked tirelessly for over a year building up to this moment. His elation was shared by everyone in the building, sharing that “people are so moved by what they accomplished together. And people are talking about the deeper connections they have with their colleagues, people from other schools, people from other roles. I think people feel an immense sense of caring for each other. The mood in my building today was jubilant.” 

The NTA did not take the strike lightly, knowing they would be up against a court system ready to fine them hundreds of thousands of dollars, a legal system and politicians who have made their right to strike illegal, and the most anti-union school committee and mayor that Massachusetts teachers have gone up against in recent history. NTA educators bargained for more than 16 months and worked without a contract since this summer, before finally taking the step to strike earlier last month. 

“Even a year ago, I’m not sure I believed that this could happen in Newton. Do the work, learn the organizing skills, they really work.” 

No one expected the strike to last as long as it did, but teachers knew they would have to be steadfast in their commitment when the first week of the strike ended with little progress at the bargaining table. The administration had made it clear that their strategy was to stall until they broke members’ willpower as court-imposed fines piled up, threatening to bankrupt the local’s finances. But even the local judge seemingly recognized Mayor Fuller’s failure to bargain in good faith, ruling one week into the strike to halt the practice of doubling fines on the union each day and suspending fines entirely for three days.  

Such a long strike was only possible based on the enduring morale and high participation of the NTA members. The success of the strike is testament to the years that union activists have spent organizing their peers behind the scenes, and especially over the last months as the contract campaign continued to escalate.

One Week Longer, One Week Stronger

As the strike extended into historic territory, the slogan “one day longer, one day stronger” transformed into “one week longer, one week stronger” as the educators’ union dug in its heels in the face of an obstinate administration.

Morale was at its most vulnerable at the start of the second week of the strike, as the school committee’s intractable stubbornness eroded hopes of a quick resolution. Members were cold and tired, with educators eager to return to their classrooms and their students.

The threat of demoralization was exacerbated by growing division within the community, as a small group of parents held a press conference against the union and small groups of counter protesters started to show up to their rallies. One parent and local attorney even filed a motion calling on the court to arrest the NTA’s president if the union did not end its strike. These anti-union parents found a ready audience among the anti-woke, anti-educator movement which grew dramatically across the country since the start of the pandemic; a video of the anti-union press conference shared on X by right wing accounts Libs Of TikTok and Crisis In The Classroom was by far the most retweeted in relation to the strike.

But even as this minority of parents – boosted by right wing elements nationwide – organized against the strike, other parents and community supporters stepped up their efforts to show solidarity, holding their own competing press conference to show that Newton parents continued to support the NTA’s demands. And parents were joined by community supporters including national union leaders and local Boston punk band The Dropkick Murphies who continued to lend their support through the two week fight.

As the strike stretched further into its second week, educators held the picket lines, showing they would not be intimidated by cold, fines, or threats. Although a number of educators fell sick, at its lowest point attendance on the picket line still stayed above 93 percent, or some 1,850 picketing and pissed off teachers.  By midweek, the constant show of strength and solidarity undermined the confidence of some members of the school committee, which led to movement on a set of smaller agreements at the bargaining table. Building on this momentum, on Thursday the negotiations reached their height of progress with bargaining going late into the night and meeting agreements on all aspects except pay. 

But just as pay was finally settled on Friday, the School Committee pulled back and attempted to renegotiate non-economic components of the agreement. This was a pivotal moment for the bargaining committee and the union members to test their resolve and the strength they had built; having come this far, would the strikers continue to stand on their demands. 

Bargaining committee members were able to hold the line because it had become clear through the two weeks of bitter struggle that the 2000 members they represented were ready to continue the strike if needed, as nothing Mayor Fuller could whip up was strong enough to break the Newton Teachers Association. Rejecting a renegotiation, the bargaining committee finally reached a tentative agreement with the School Committee.

While the school committee had previously leaned on financial considerations to justify their rejections of the union’s demands, the last minute renegotiations by which they threatened to keep schools closed even further focused instead on teaching time and the learning agreement. The endurance of the striking teachers’ solidarity was apparently matched only by the enduring arrogance of the school administrators. As Schlegelmilch pointed out, the last-minute maneuvering was “just about trying to control us and take away our professional autonomy.”

Organizing Work Pays off in Tentative Agreement Wins

The NTA’s contract priorities focused on four categories of demands. 1) student mental health; demanding at least one full time social worker for every school and paying Social Emotional Learning interventionists a professional salary, 2) Special Education; give educational support professionals a living wage 3) Improved Daily Instruction; improved substitute coverage, increase elementary prep time, and provide adequate IT support and 4) Respect for Educators; Pay a reasonable Cost of Living Adjustment, equitable longevity payments, parental leave pay, and teaching and learning conditions. 

The Tentative Agreement critically includes wins from each of the four pillars of union’s contract priorities. Under special education, the pay increase for Unit C, teaching aides, increased from a minimum of $28,270 to $36,778 per year, a 30% increase. This was done by eliminating the bottom steps of the wage-scale throughout the contract years so that starting pay goes up for the bottom tier, as well as adding flat sums to annual salaries each year. 

Cost of living adjustments came out to a minimum of 12% over four years for all units. The agreement also includes improvements to the parental leave system, including twenty days of paid parental leave, after which teachers must use their sick days for pay as in the current policy. 

While the union did not win a complete victory on one of their core demands for a social worker in every school, they made meaningful progress towards this goal in the area of mental health. These wins include a district promise to hire five more elementary school social workers, and puts in place a recognition of the need for increased mental health support from the School Committee. There is also a series of commitments and a forum for increasing social worker staffing throughout the contract. The agreement additionally includes working condition protections and improvements, such as ensuring any changes to time and learning be negotiated. 

The NTA outlined members’ financial situations and their proposals for the current contract in a 2022 report, showing that their own COLA proposals were modest and low, not covering the 6.5% loss of real wages since the beginning of the previous expired contract. Their COLA proposals did not factor in the increase in cost of living in Boston, nor increased mortgage rates, factors that have undoubtedly contributed to the increased financial squeeze felt by educators since the pandemic. The City of Newton has decreased the percentage of the total budget it spends on schools since Fiscal Year 2007, which if it would have stayed the same in 2022 would offer the schools $7 million more to meet educator and staffing needs. 

Although many of these results fall short of educators’ full aspirations, they represent a marked improvement from the retrogression proposed by the School Committee in the lead up negotiations. The members were able to show true solidarity and strength over the protracted contract battle by no accident. Only through concerted action by the joint work of rank and file members, shop stewards, elected leaders, and union staff the resolve built. The contract action team was formed about a year ago and it took numerous thankless actions that finally paid off. Beginning actions that elicited grumbles from teachers were those such as wearing union blues every Tuesday, ranging to more difficult actions such as work to rule and staying silent during faculty meetings. Schlegelmich attributes the long and slow buildup to the strike for the members’ unyielding resolve, sense of community, and practice. 

To fellow union members and hopefuls, Schlegelmich says “Even a year ago, I’m not sure I believed that this could happen in Newton. Do the work, learn the organizing skills, they really work.” 

Strike Highlights Divide Among Massachusetts Democrats

As the strike wore on, it became increasingly clear to the community that the continuation of the strike was due to the stubbornness of the Newton School Committee and Mayor, with the crowds of educators and community supporters mocking the Mayor more and more with each passing day. 

Mayor Fuller was supported by the school committee and the city council, who were nearly unanimous in their opposition to the teachers union and the strike. Twenty-two out of twenty-four city counselors came out immediately with a statement against the strike, and the school committee consistently used Newton Public Schools communication channels to spread disinformation about the state of bargaining. There were even moments where it was made clear to union organizers that police were ready to arrest teachers if they went into the street. “The statements they made in public were so contemptuous of our union, the actions they took were so clearly trying to break our union” Shelgelmich reflected.

The confrontation between striking educators and the anti-union administration in Newton is just the latest example of the growing divide between the progressive movement and the corporate wing of the Democratic party in Massachusetts and across the United States. As the labor movement regains its militancy, it cannot help but come into conflict with those politicians whose progressive rhetoric evaporates as soon as they come to the issues that impact working people. 

It is unsurprising that this divide came to a head most sharply in Newton, a wealthy suburb of Boston almost synonymous with liberal elitism where the high-performing school district helps elevate property values. To her credit, Mayor Fuller, a former management consultant and Harvard Business School graduate who sent her own children to private school, does play the perfect villain. But Mayor Fuller is just the local personification of the corporate wing of the Democratic Party, which in Massachusetts is led by Governor Maura Healey. While a number of more progressive Democrats, including Congresswoman Ayanna Pressley and Senators Warren and Markey came out in full support of the educators demands, Governor Healey called for the teachers to end their strike, telling teachers to “get back in the classroom.”

Massachusetts residents should be forgiven if they struggle to tell the difference between their new Democratic governor and her Republican predecessor Charlie Baker. Healey has failed to back major parts of the MA AFL-CIO’s legislative agenda, and is opposed to efforts by the Massachusetts Teachers Association to legalize the right of public educators to strike. But while a number of labor leaders in the Commonwealth have privately expressed to Working Mass their distrust of Governor Healey, they overwhelmingly supported her 2022 election campaign and mostly have failed to express any public criticism of her policies, such as tax breaks for the rich, out of fear of falling out of her good graces. 

Healey’s call for the NTA to end the strike was parroted by the increasingly reactionary editorial board of The Boston Globe, who ran no less than three editorials using the talking points of Mayor Fuller. The Globe has apparently taken it upon itself to oust The Boston Herald as Massachusett’s most reactionary and anti-union newspaper, making room in its prestigious pages for columnist’s attacks on the Massachusetts Teachers Association and calls to fire teachers if they refused to return to work.

One of the only Newton politicians to support the Newton educators was councilor Bill Humphrey, who was also involved in the Bernie Sanders campaign. Humphrey’s support is just the latest example that, as the class struggle escalates, labor unions need politicians committed to a wider political movement and not just a few key issues. The more the class struggle escalates, the less unions can rely on a handful of crumbs from Neoliberal Democrats.

While Democrats were divided in their support, socialists had no such trouble picking a side. DSA members and other socialists showed up in support on the picket line, and are now planning a fundraiser to help cover the cost of the court-imposed fines.

While support for labor from progressive politicians like Pressley and Warren is meaningful and welcome, socialists know that pro-labor politicians can and should do more than issuing written statements. It is crucial that our elected leaders walk picket lines with their constituents, support pro-labor legislation, and condemn their corporate peers when they fail to side with labor. Even more so, we need elected officials who see building a movement against the economic and political elite – in the legislatures, the workplaces, and the communities – as their overall purpose. 

Ultimately, this will require the launching a new party for working people which breaks fully with the Democratic establishment. The corporate Democrats will not be won over by perfect policies or appeals to morality, but can only be defeated by an open and organized struggle waged by working people. The job of socialists is to organize within unions to push them towards a final break with corporate politicians in the Commonwealth and across the country.

As for Newton, as the educators’ contract fight comes to a close, mainstream media has focused on the pain felt by teachers, students, and parents throughout the process. It was indeed painful and difficult, as Schlegelmich stated, people’s feelings are “a little complicated because this was truly a struggle, it was truly hard.” But as classes resume, Newton educators “are holding their heads a little higher.” 

Oriana R. is an educator, union member, editor of Working Mass, and member of the Boston DSA. 

Henry De Groot is a 2014 Newton North graduate, an editor of Working Mass, and a member of the Boston DSA.

This past weekend, DSA held their inaugural kickoff for their new nationwide campaign for Trans Rights & Bodily Autonomy. Spearheaded by the Trans Rights and Bodily Autonomy Campaign Commission, DSA will mobilize the organization’s tens of thousands of members across 150+ chapters across the country, not only to combat the advances of the far-right and their systematic attempt at every level of government to remove trans people from public life & restrict access to abortion, but also to advance a positive vision of queer liberation that protects queer spaces, our rights as workers, students & educators, and as human beings. Tonight, we will hear from Genevieve, joining us from Ithaca, NY and one of the leaders of this organization-wide project, to break down all the pieces of this ambitious campaign, how DSA will rise to fight the far-right, and why the struggle for trans rights & bodily autonomy is a struggle for the whole working class. 

Join DSA's Trans Rights & Bodily Autonomy Campaign Commission: https://airtable.com/appxkhakxWCUXVVqO/pag9jCfy3jpsn74do/form

Support Tech Guild Workers organizing for trans rights at The New York Times:

https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/nyt-respect-trans-workers

Here’s your February Dispatch! This month, hear our co-chairs on DSA’s budget and organizing, join our school staff network launch, sign up for Green New Deal organizing training, and more. Read on to get involved. 

And to make sure you get our newsletters in your inbox, sign up here! Each one features action alerts, upcoming events, political education, and more.

• From Maria —  An Important Choice
• Tonight Wednesday 2/7 — Join our Fireside Chat with National Political Committee Co-Chairs!
• RSVP for National Labor Commission School Staff Network Launch Thursday 2/8
• Starting Thursday 2/15 — Building for Power Strategic Campaign Training Series
• Join our Budget and Finance Committee Member Call Tuesday 2/20!
• Mutual Aid Working Group Takes over Solidarity Dues Sunday 3/3

From Maria — An Important Choice

This is my last Dispatch. The National Political Committee has asked me to stay on for another six weeks to focus on transition work. I agreed because I believe in you.

As our co-chairs Ashik and Megan have pointed out, DSA is at a crossroads. (I bet you will hear more about this tonight on the Fireside Chat!) We face a Christian Nationalist movement and far-right presidential candidate Trump, and a genocide-funding Biden is driving his own re-election chances off a cliff. Just when we need to be our most unified and strong, talking to our neighbors and coworkers and bringing them into campaigns that transform them and build solidarity and working class power, we are instead scrabbling for scraps.

We have nine months until the election, and the clock is ticking. Who in your community outside of DSA is in motion? How does your chapter relate to them, and what’s the plan for the next five months until the Republican and Democratic party conventions? For the next big union contract expiration or new organizing campaign in your state? What ballot initiatives, candidates, or pressure campaigns are you using to build coalitions and trust and flex your grassroots muscle?

Mass work like this is how we build the power it takes to win. It’s how we grow our membership and budget. And it’s how we learn the lessons and mutual respect that helps us work through our internal divisions and forge a stronger whole. 

To reword that famous JFK phrase, consider not what DSA can do for you, but what you can do for DSA. Now more than ever, it’s time to fight for someone you don’t know. 

In solidarity,

Maria Svart
DSA National Director

Tonight Wednesday 2/7 — Join our Fireside Chat with National Political Committee Co-Chairs!

Tonight, Wednesday 2/7 at 9pm ET/8pm CT/7pm MT/6pm PT, join Ashik and Megan, our 2023-2025 National Political Committee Co-chairs, for our February Fireside Chat!

On this call, you’ll hear about:

• our 2024 national budget
• the organizing landscape for the year ahead of us
• the growth and sustainability of our organization’s future

And check out Megan and Ashik’s letter to membership! You can also find their letter on the Discussion Board here.

RSVP for National Labor Commission School Staff Network Launch Thursday 2/8

Join fellow DSA educators and school staff in (re)launching our industry network! The call is on Thursday 2/8 at 8pm ET/7pm CT/6pm MT/5pm PT. We’ll discuss the education workers unions, reform efforts underway around the country, and school board races happening nationwide!

Starting Thursday 2/15 — Building for Power Strategic Campaign Training Series

Join the Green New Deal Campaign Commission and the Growth and Development Committee to learn about strategic campaigning! Over the course of three sessions (Thursdays Feb 15, Feb 22, and Feb 29 at 7pm ET/6pm CT/5pm MT/4pm PT), we’ll equip you with the political education, tools, and coaching necessary to launch, run, and win a Building for Power campaign. We’re talking about deeply felt demands that will help improve conditions for the working class, while building your chapter’s membership and supporter base at the same time. Join us! 

Join our Budget and Finance Committee Member Call Tuesday 2/20!

Join members of DSA’s Budget and Finance Committee and national staff on Tuesday 2/20 8pm ET/7pm CT/6pm MT/5pm PT for our first quarterly report on DSA’s 2024 budget. We have been working hard to develop our 2024 budget so that we can meet the needs of our growing organization without breakin’ the bank. Hope to see you there — bring all your financial questions! 

Mutual Aid Working Group Takes over Solidarity Dues Sunday 3/3

Join the Mutual Aid Working Group phone banking members about solidarity dues! We’ll be on the Solidarity Dues Call-a-thon Sunday 3/3 at 4pm ET/3pm CT/2pm MT/1pm PT. And give 1% for the 99% by signing up for solidarity dues today!

The post An Important Choice — Your February Dispatch appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).

by Brett Arnold

The following comments are a summary of the readings for Socialist Sunday School #53: Why the BID is Bad for Business, held Sunday, February 4, 2024. Socialist Sunday School is a program of ROC DSA’s Political Education Committee that meets to discuss socialist theory, organizing, and local issues.

Please join our upcoming “In Jackson Heights” Screening and Panel, on February 11 @ 2:00pm. Hear why a Business Improvement District (or “BID”) in downtown Rochester is not only unjust but destructive. ROC DSA and NO BID ROC will host a 30-minute screening followed by a Q&A panel. Register here: bit.ly/JacksonBID.

This is a great opportunity to meet your comrades and discuss important ideas, whether you’re new to these conversations or have been involved in them for a long time. Every effort will be made to create a safe, accessible, and comradely space for learning and discussion.

Welcome to this week’s Socialist Sunday School! This is a project hosted by Rochester DSA’s Political Education Committee, meeting biweekly on Sundays to help educate current and prospective members as well as our friends and neighbors. This week we partnered with NO BID ROC to focus on an issue specifically facing our community.

Our reading this week covers two articles related to BIDs: “Business Improvement Districts Ruin Neighborhoods” by Max Rivlin-Nadler in The New Republic, and “Business Improvement Districts Allow for Aggressive Policing of the Unhoused” by Tyler Walicek in Teen Vogue.

The two articles overlap but provide different perspectives. TNR provides a good overview of what a BID is, and the problems with them, and is recommend if you’re looking for a quicker read and summary. The Teen Vogue article provides more specific insight, including lots of great details on the role of BIDs in exacerbating the criminalization of homelessness. The TNR piece also briefly spotlights the documentary “In Jackson Heights”, focusing on one Queens neighborhood’s fight against a BID, which ROC DSA and NO BID ROC will be screening along with a panel discussion one week from today. We will also be hearing from one of the organizers featured in that documentary today for their perspective!

So what is a BID? In theory, they are a private entity founded by property owners at the neighborhood level, who band together to boost commercial activity by taking over activities that the municipal government could provide like trash collection and security, as well as public events. BIDs first arrived in the 1970s, and now there are over 1000 nationwide, with at least 115 in NYS at last count, with nearby examples including Syracuse, Buffalo, and Geneva.

The name and purpose sounds positive at first glance: Who doesn’t want the small businesses that our friends and neighbors make their livelihood from to thrive? However, the insidious nature of BIDs ultimately lies in their decision making structure. BIDs remove democratic power from the hands of working-class residents and place these areas under private control of local property owners. Even BID members are not immune. Instead of one person one vote, property owners have weightier votes with the more properties they own, leading to the voices of small businesses being drowned out by large property owning corporations.

The problems BIDs claim to solve are real, and BIDs may grant some additional funding and power to benefit small businesses and residents in some ways. But ultimately they remove accountability mechanisms, allowing the wealthy property owners who operate the BID to remake entire neighborhoods as they see fit.

So in theory, BIDs are a way to help struggling municipal governments at the local level. But in practice they serve the needs of the wealthy few over those of the many, who are free to put in place policies harmful to the residents with limited means of accountability or transparency.

The board of directors of a corporation managing a BID oftentimes does not live within or even close to the area managed by the BID. There are additional problems with their funding structure. BIDs are funded by tax dollars and a fee imposed on their membership businesses. This means BIDs funnel tax dollars from residents and property owners into a slush fund for the BID members and board of directors. In essence, using our money to invest in their businesses, so they can profit at our expense while also funding marketing and political lobbying for ever increasing power. Taxation without representation, anyone?

In addition to BID fees often passing down from landlords to tenants, BIDs lead to increased gentrification by raising rents that can price out both residents and small businesses alike. This is fine for large property owners who are only interested in profit, but terrible for residents who are often rent-burdened in the City of Rochester. This displacement from downtown, while at the same time limiting investments into the area, effectively creates a 21st century version of redlining.

A BID’s vision of neighborhood revitalization is focused on commercial interests, over the interest of the community members. So who gets left out? The development of BIDs coercively excludes marginalized people, especially people who are unhoused. These people are harassed by over-policing (selectively enforcing crimes like “vagrancy” and loitering)—only now via private security, instead of via city police who are at least in some way accountable to the public via the mayor and police accountability boards. This private security surveils local residents, issues orders, and works with police to issue citations and arrests. Some people charged with offenses within the BID may even be referred to community service to occur for the benefit of the BID—free labor!

The BID amounts to a secondary, private government stapled over top of our existing one, and one that does not work for us or our interests. Ultimately, the BID serves business interests with an outsized voice, ensuring the needs of other community members go unmet. BIDs and allied businesses often lobby to oppose social aid and outreach measures, in the name of successful commerce downtown.

A BID may seem harmless or even beneficial at first glance, but by its very nature of removing our democratic input, we have no way to keep it accountable to our needs. Cities are not run for the sake of businesses alone. This is why we ask for your help in stopping the Roc BID!

Discussion Questions:

1. In the New Republic article, they note that “It’s theoretically possible that a Business Improvement District can help a community and help small businesses grow through actions like improving garbage collection, putting on public events, and providing the tools small businesses need to navigate bureaucracy. But too often BIDs have turned against the businesses they were meant to serve, making the cost of entry into a new area even higher for local merchants, or lacking the transparency needed to instill trust from the community.” As socialists, is it in our interest to support the success of small businesses? Does this point resonate with you (why/why not)?

2. What are some alternate ways to address municipal issues such as those listed in the articles (e.g. trash collection, public events, public safety) in Downtown Rochester? Further, do you think these are the most pressing issues to focus on, or are there others you would like to see addressed first?

3. The Teen Vogue article notes that the exclusion of marginalized folks, including those who are unhoused, is at the heart of BIDs. As members of DSA, how can we respectfully and successfully work with unhoused folks in Rochester to fight back against the BID?

4. One of the main arguments against BIDs is the subsequent creation of private police forces, notably for enforcement of “quality of life” violations. How does this policing affect public engagement in shared spaces? What are some ways to ensure public spaces are truly open to everyone?

* * *

Please attend the upcoming “In Jackson Heights” Screening & Panel, featuring City Councilmember Stanley Martin, local comedian and activist Chris Thompson, owner of Ugly Duck Coffee Rory Van Grol, and former Deputy Commissioner of Neighborhood and Business Development Kate Washington.

Register here: bit.ly/JacksonBID

The post Business Improvement Districts in Theory and Practice: Comments from Socialist Sunday School #53. first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

Is the United States a democracy? What steps could we make today to improve democracy here? What will potential roadblocks be, and how do we overcome them to achieve a society that works for instead of against the working class?

Join the Education Committee’s Democracy Social Discussion Group for a series of informal discussions about democracy. 

Upcoming

No sessions are scheduled at this time.

Past

Upcoming Events

Tuesday, 2/6 (6:30 p.m. – 8:30 p.m.): SHOP Training with the Tenant Organizing Working Group (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Wednesday, 2/7 (5:30 p.m. – 7:00 p.m.): Ecosocialist Research Party (Zoom)

Wednesday, 2/7 (6:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Extreme Dean Turnout Wednesday (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Wednesday, 2/7 (6:30 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): HWG Reading Group: Mean Streets (In person at 1916 McAllister; Zoom)

Friday, 2/9 (12:00 p.m. – 5:00 p.m.): Office Hours (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Saturday, 2/10 (11:00 a.m. – 1:00 p.m.): Homelessness Working Group (HWG) Office Hours (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Saturday, 2/10 (11:00 a.m. – 3:00 p.m.): Extreme Dean Lit Drop Mobilization (Jefferson Square Park, 950 Gough Street)

Saturday, 2/10 (1:00 p.m. – 4:00 p.m.): HWG Sock Distro (Meet in person at 1916 McAllister)

Wednesday, 2/14 (6:45 p.m. – 9:00 p.m.): February Chapter Meeting (UNITE HERE Local 2, 209 Golden Gate Ave)

Friday, 2/16: Cross-Bay Mixer with East Bay DSA (Location and exact timing TBA)

Saturday, 2/17 (12:00 p.m. – 2:00 p.m.): Field Trip to the Museum of International Propaganda with EBDSA (1000 5th Ave, San Rafael)

Check out https://dsasf.org/events/ for more events.

Events & Actions

Join the Tenant Organizing Working Group for SHOP Training!

Come join the DSA Tenant Organizing Working Group tonight for the final session of a three-part training to develop successful socialist tenant organizers.

Part 3 of the Socialist Housing Organizing Program (SHOP) covers the basics  of an organizing conversation to recruit your neighbors to the tenant union.

You can attend upcoming training on today, February 6th at 6:30 p.m. at 1916 McAllister.

This training will take place at the DSA SF office at 1916 McAllister. Zoom is available upon request. Register today!

Join the HWG’s Sock Distro on Saturday 2/10!

Come join the Homelessness Working Group on Saturday, February 10th for our sock distro mutual aid project! We’ll be meeting at the DSA SF office at 1916 McAllister at 1:00 p.m. before heading out to different neighborhoods to pass out socks, sandwiches and hygiene products. Feel free to show up an hour early if you’re able to help prep sandwiches!

Nominate Co-Chairs for the Palestine Solidarity Working Group

The Palestine Solidarity Working Group will be holding elections for the working group’s co-chairs at the February 14th chapter meeting! The new co-chairs’ term will last from February through June. Members can nominate themselves or a comrade by emailing steering@dsasf.org with their nominations before the February chapter meeting.

A Report from Extreme Dean’s Office

Hello Comrades, 

The D5 Team had a busy week! In case you missed it, Dean has called on the City to implement Zurich’s Four Pillars strategy to help save lives and address the opioid crisis in San Francisco. Before implementing this model, Zurich was dealing with public drug use, cleanliness issues, crime, and deadly overdoses. After implementing the Four Pillar strategy, which included prevention, treatment, harm reduction, and enforcement, Zurich has seen a reduction of overdose deaths by over 60%, a decrease in crime related to drug dealing, and a 98% reduction in thefts. Learn more about how we can overcome this crisis by working together toward a solution that emphasizes science, care, and compassion here.

Dean also introduced a resolution urging state lawmakers to reverse the $1.2 billion cuts to affordable housing programs made by Governor Gavin Newsom in his proposed budget. We all know the City badly needs affordable housing and has produced less than half (48%) of its targeted goals for affordable housing goals, while producing 151% of its market-rate housing goals. More than 6,400 affordable homes could be lost if these cuts are adopted. If California is serious about keeping more people in their homes, our state legislators must work together to restore the proposed budget cuts. 

Upcoming opportunities to help Extreme Dean:

• 2/7 – Turnout Wednesday at the office from 6:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.!
• 2/10 – Mega mobilization and lit drop for the progressive DCCC Slate and Dean at Jefferson Square Park at 10:00 a.m.
• 3/17 – Official Dean field campaign launch mega mobilization and door-knocking at Alamo Square at 10:00 a.m.

Show Your Smolidarity at the February Chapter Meeting

The Priority Mutual Aid Working Group will be providing childwatch at the chapter meeting next month on February 14th!

Parents and caregivers can fill out this form before the meeting to help ensure we have enough volunteers and supplies on hand. Volunteers interested in providing childcare can let us know on the #priority-mutual-aid Slack channel or via the form. We hope to see you and your kiddos there!

Field Trip to the Museum of International Propaganda with East Bay DSA

EBDSA is organizing a  field trip to the Museum of International Propaganda on February 17th from 12:00 p.m. to 2:00 p.m. in San Rafael. They’ve invited us to join them!

If you’re interested in tagging along, message ellie or Jenna L on Slack.

Apply to Join the 2024 Convention Planning Subcommittee!

The 2024 Convention Planning Subcommittee is tasked with setting the timeline, putting together the agenda, leading the coordination, and handling the logistics for the chapter’s 2024 Annual Convention in June. We are starting early because its a big operation! The cadence will be light at the beginning of the process and naturally pick up the pace as we get closer to the main event!

Comrades with event planning experience are especially encouraged to apply! This is also a great place for newer members who are interested in jumping into the chapter to get involved. You’ll have plenty of support and see how the sausage is made for one of the biggest productions and most important cornerstones of our chapter’s democratic practice.

Behind the Scenes

The Chapter Coordination Committee (CCC) regularly rotates duties among chapter members. This allows us to train new members in key duties that help keep the chapter running like organizing chapter meetings, keeping records updated, office cleanup, updating the DSA SF website and newsletter, etc. Members can view current CCC rotations.

To help with the day-to-day tasks that keep the chapter running, fill out the CCC help form.

Questions? Feedback? Something to add?

We welcome your feedback. If you have comments or suggestions, send a message to the #newsletter channel on Slack.

For information on how to add content, check out the Newsletter Q&A thread on the forum.

When you are having trouble navigating relationships and dynamics or whether you have a grievance you wish to file, an HGO can help you. HGOs serve a specialized role with Central NJ DSA. If you feel you need an HGO to help with a topic you are facing please do reach out as soon as possible. You can reach an HGO through this form or by emailing HGO@central.dsanj.org.

A HGO will help you in a compassionate and professional manner navigate tough obstacles and can be used to help further difficult communication amongst a set of people or a group.

Contacting and HGO does not mean harm was done and that is often assumed. HGOs serve a valuable role in helping comrades navigate dynamics. Every case a HGO handles is unique and must be cared for in that nature. There is no easy solution to an HGO case and you can rest assured that your approach will be tailored to your needs and the community at large. You have a voice in how your case is handled.