Monday begins early, at 7:15 a.m., when the line curls out of Red Line Roasters, a worker-owned café in the old Pacific Electric train station across from the Metro. Workers grab coffees and snacks on their way to the morning shift at the new state-owned electric motor factory off Lankershim.

The espresso machine hisses and inside, Marisol checks the co-op dashboard between orders. The shop’s profits this quarter are up, but instead of disappearing upward into some distant corporate skyline, they’re already earmarked for wages, reserves, and the neighborhood fund.

A flyer near the register advertises a Thursday night community investment meeting where people actually decide how the surplus gets used. Across the street, the public childcare center opens, and parents drop off kids without doing the quiet math of whether the day’s work is even worth the cost. 

On Tuesday, the old bank on Magnolia now feels more like a library than a financial institution. Sammy sits with a planner, pitching a cooperative music studio, and the questions focus on jobs, partnerships, and sustainability rather than extraction. The loan terms from the public bank are clear and uneventful, almost boring, with no trapdoors or predatory edges.

Capital has stopped being a hunter and become something closer to irrigation. Money flows where it is needed and stays long enough to matter. The difference is decisive.

By Wednesday evening, 60 or so neighborhood council reps gather at the Maurice Sendak school auditorium for the monthly housing assembly. North Hollywood now mixes rent-controlled units, newer public housing, and cooperative buildings, and decisions about development happen in the open. Arguments unfold over timelines, design, density, and even the types of shade trees. The process is slow and imperfect. Input is collected and sent upstream to LA Housing Works, the massive countywide public builder. 

But no one is waiting on a distant landlord, a long Sacramento legislative hike, or a hedge fund’s quarterly calculation. The decisions are local, contested, and binding. The friction is real, but so is the reality of democracy.

Thursday night returns to the café, where $48,000 in surplus sits on the table. The options range from expansion to raises to community investment, and the discussion circles around balance rather than maximization. In the end, the vote splits the difference, modestly increasing compensation while contributing to neighborhood energy retrofits for solar batteries.

Outside, the streetlights hum on, powered by a cleaner, regionally coordinated grid. It isn’t perfect, but it holds, and you can feel the difference in the summer air.

On Friday, a fabrication co-op loses a contract, but no one is fired. The workers draw on reserves, adjust hours, and rely on a regional employment program if needed. Risk is still present, but it no longer translates instantly into catastrophe. Maybe somewhere this too changes but now it mostly works. 

At lunch, someone jokes that a bad quarter used to mean existential dread, and now it just means longer meetings. Everyone groans, because some things, apparently, are permanent.

Saturday brings a festival to North Hollywood Park, where people drift in on cheap or free transit. Food co-ops, local artists, and planning tables fill the space, and infrastructure proposals are explained in plain English. Nearby, a booth answers questions about the federal social dividend, which arrives monthly and softens the edges of everyday life.

It isn’t dramatic, but it’s reliable, and that reliability changes how people move through the week. The system feels less like a gamble and more just like the weather.

Sunday is quieter, a day of checking accounts and taking stock. Pay is decent and compressed, bills are manageable, and healthcare no longer sits like a threat in the background. Manny and Rose, the oldest of couples, sit on a balcony and try to name the feeling.

It isn’t prosperity exactly. It’s the sense that everything is no longer hanging by a thread, that the floor is solid even when you trip.

The neighborhood isn’t a utopia, and disagreements, inefficiencies, and ambitions persist. Markets still exist even if mixed in with planning, and some projects succeed while others lag. But the center of gravity has shifted, and the basics of life no longer depend on winning a constant series of small bets.

No one designed it all in advance. It grew piece by piece, assembled while people were already fighting for it and living inside the shell of the old order. If you walk down Lankershim at dusk, you don’t see a finished future, just a place still being made in real time by real people.

This is just one imagining of what a transitional period of a society, our society, that’s gone down the democratic road to socialism might look like. You may have your own. What would be different? If a new future could be won, what would it feel like? 

Further Reading:

• The Economics of Feasible Socialism, Alec Nove

• Nordic Socialism: the Path Toward a Democratic Economy, Pelle Dragsted

• Reclaiming Public Ownership, Andrew Cumbers

• A Planet to Win: Why We Need a Green New Deal, Kate Aronoff et al

On May Day, hundreds of protesters descended on Oakland International Airport (OAK). Their demands: to abolish ICE, end US wars (including stopping the shipment of military cargo to Israel), and tax the rich. As a protest of over 150 on foot at Terminal 1 reached a crescendo, another hundred protesters inched past the terminal in a four-lane car caravan, honking horns and displaying messages. News camera crews captured some of the excitement.

OAK is home to a FedEx terminal that ships military cargo to Israel, making the airport the subject of the Oakland People’s Arms Embargo Campaign, of which East Bay DSA is a member. Terminal 1 is also the ticketing location of Delta Airlines, which deported Liam Conejo Ramos. Finally, it is the site of labor struggle involving airport workers organized by SEIU-USWW. 

The OAK action coincided with another, at SFO, where SEIU-USWW members working without a contract led a demonstration that resulted in 25 arrests. (A third airport action took place later in the day in San Diego.) It was organized in less than a month, led by East Bay DSA, along with the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE) and Indivisible East Bay, with support from leaders of the Arms Embargo Campaign, such as the Palestinian Youth Movement and Arab Resource and Organizing Center. Many other community and labor organizations participated, including contingents from ILWU local 6, Oakland teachers, and Bay Area Labor for Palestine. 

ILWU Local 6 Hosts a Pre-Action Meeting

Nearly 350 people, a third of them DSA members, met up in the morning at the ILWU Local 6 union hall, a few blocks from the airport entrance. We heard from speakers about May Day, the struggle of OAK workers, and about our three demands. A statement of support was also read from Angela Davis, who apologized for not being able to make it. 

Grace Martinez, statewide deputy director with ACCE, a co-leader in planning the event, reflected that the numbers exceeded our turnout goal. “There were people who had been in the movement for a very long time,” she said, “but for many, including many of our members, this was their first May Day – and their first protest. That was very powerful.” 

The Action at Terminal 1

The action at Terminal 1 kicked off when the first busload of people arrived from the ILWU hall. We wanted to let airport workers and passengers know through our banners, chanting, and flyers why this action was happening at the airport. By the time the second busload arrived, over 150 people were participating on foot.

Our signs, flyers, and chants proclaimed our overall immediate demands - tax the rich, stop US wars, abolish ICE - and also educated people about the fact that there’s an ongoing campaign to stop the shipment of military cargo through OAK (via FedEx) to Israel. An August 2025 study from the Palestinian Youth Movement found that 16% of Lockheed Martin military cargo bound for Israel passes through OAK - with over 250 military shipments to Israel from January to August 2025 alone. 

This demonstration came a few weeks after a car caravan organized by the Oakland People’s Arms Embargo campaign, and the addition of an on-foot rally made our action an escalation and a reminder to the airport, which is governed by the Oakland Port Commission (appointed by famed anti-war politician and Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee), that business as usual will continue to be disrupted so long as military cargo flows through OAK. The action felt even more powerful when we saw our comrades in the car caravan shut down the only road into the airport, moving slowly enough that our banner holders were able to walk in front of them.   

One of our coalition partners, Nancy Latham, a member of Indivisible East Bay’s steering committee, recalled waiting for the caravan at Terminal 1. “The moment they turned the corner,” she said, “they looked like a bunch of huge animals ready to stampede. And then as they drove toward those of us standing outside the terminal, it was as if two tributaries were flowing together. We all felt a surge of power to have this other group meet us. It was a peak experience.”

The View from the Car Caravan

To prepare for the caravan, May Day organizers incorporated the lessons learned from the Oakland People’s Arms Embargo caravan two weeks before, including preparing for the possibility of arrest. While we did not plan to disobey authorities, confronting the possibility of arrest focused participants on the risks and heightened personal security necessary in these times of authoritarian surveillance. After all, airports are among the heavily surveilled environments in the country. We secured our phones and conducted our chats in Signal, good practices for all activists. We had caravan training sessions with East Bay DSA members a few days prior to May Day and during the pre-action training at the ILWU hall.

Before getting into our cars, we practiced on foot the formation we would deploy. We had over 60 cars ready and able to join the caravan, each with a driver and at least one “co-pilot” to monitor the Signal chat. The cars were decorated in car chalk proclaiming “Abolish ICE”, “Stop US Wars”, “Tax The Rich”, and “No Killer Cargo Thru OAK”. 

This intensive preparation led to the execution of a wildly successful caravan. The key tactic was having four lead cars, with the co-pilots in constant communication, along with a police liaison in the middle of the formation, and a rear car providing updates from there.

When we reached the point where four through-lanes emerged, we slowed to two miles an hour in four columns and proceeded to the terminal area. As we approached Terminal 1, we were greeted with raucous cheers and sign waving. We responded with car horns and fists in the air out of the car windows. Suddenly, people carrying three banners emerged from the crowd, took the street, and led us through the airport on foot. Horns and cheering continued. It was exhilarating and powerful. The sheriffs decided to intervene by segregating the last third of the caravan into the far left lane reserved for car shares. So now the caravan was slowing traffic in that area as well.

It took the caravan 40 minutes to snake through the airport. We were able to stay in formation across all the lanes and keep our speed at 2 mph until the entire caravan cleared the airport. By then, the sheriffs had blocked off the two closest exits leading back to the terminal.

No worries. With the Terminal 1 rally concluded, we cheered our victory and drove back to the union hall. 

The road to May Day 2026

Complementing the traditional afternoon rally and march by the Oakland Sin Fronteras coalition, the morning airport action marked a structure test and turning point in the coalescence of progressive and working class East Bay organizations around demands and tactics that we can build on over the coming two years. Getting to this point was the work of many months by East Bay DSA’s Fighting the Oligarchy campaign.  

The campaign, voted East Bay DSA’s top priority at our June 2025 convention, began by organizing in solidarity with the Federal Unionists Network. It was an important goal of the campaign to help the FUN’s Bay Area Hub grow their ranks and develop their organizing capacities and reach. By the early Fall, that goal was well advanced, through a variety of means that included regular canvasses of federal workers at workplaces in Oakland, Richmond and San Francisco. 

Another important campaign goal, however, was focused more broadly on the growing mass resistance to the Trump regime:

“Shape the politics of East Bay resistance: Cohere the growing mass movement in the East Bay to fight the oligarchy and incipient fascism by providing support and leadership, democratic organizational practices, and a political analysis that this is a fight in solidarity with the working class against capitalism, not with the Democratic against the Republican party.”

Since Labor Day, the Fight the Oligarchy campaign turned our focus to becoming a valued partner of Bay Area resistance organizations and coalitions.

We met with the Alameda Labor Council and SEIU 1021, proposing a series of “May Day in the Time of Trump” political education and organizing trainings, which both organizations endorsed, along with ACCE, Bay Resistance, the FUN and several more unions. The first event covered the history of May Day, and brought together a panel of partner organizational leaders who spoke to their vision for using this May Day to build power toward May Day 2028. The second featured Eric Blanc speaking to the Lessons of Minneapolis, followed by a table discussion and organizing training.

At the national level, one of our co-chairs was actively engaged in MayDayStrong, and in the NLC May Day committee. Locally, we focused on several key centers of resistance activity in the East Bay: Bay Resistance (a coalition led by numerous labor and community organizations), ACCE and Indivisible East Bay. Through building relationships and showing up to do work, we proved ourselves to be good leaders and organizers in the final months of 2025, at No Kings in October, and a People over Billionaires action at the homes of several SF billionaires, led by ACCE. This resulted in our being included in the planning committees for No Kings 3 and the Bay Area’s MayDayStrong solidarity school. 

With partners convened by Bay Resistance, we planned a February 27 “train the trainer” event geared to turning people out to the solidarity school, and a solidarity school in San Francisco attended by about 1,000 people. East Bay DSA contributed two trainers at the solidarity school, including co-leading a training for union members, which was focused on organizing No Kings participants to take action on May Day. The planning for the OAK action began at these regional convenings, with East Bay membership organizations, primarily DSA, ACCE and Indivisible, taking on the challenge of quickly planning the OAK action.

Internal Organizing

With more than 2,000 members and dozens of active chapter projects spread across four counties, it took work to coordinate and get everyone on the same page about shared priorities in our chapter, even for a big event like May Day. 

Over the last couple of years we’ve worked at improving our ability to turn out to protests en masse - first by establishing rapid response endorsements and turnout infrastructure for Palestine solidarity work after October 7, and more recently by calling and planning our own actions, like our solidarity march and rally with Minneapolis in Oakland on January 23. 

By late February, it was clear that East Bay DSA would be playing a major role in making May Day big in the Bay this year, and a core group sprang into action to get organized internally. We began meeting in late March, setting a goal of 200 East Bay DSA members committing to not work on May Day. Our initial group of ten members from different chapter projects eventually grew to include nearly twenty actively planning East Bay DSA’s roles in the OAK action as well as the Oakland Sin Fronteras rally and march. We coalesced on the demands we wanted to center, brought those back to our coalition partners, made a communications and turnout plan, held a chapter leaders’ meeting to incorporate our May Day asks into their organizing, and held a large community meeting on April 28 to get final preparations in place. All of this meant that  dozens of chapter members from several different committees and campaigns helped organize hundreds of people to take action on May Day. 

What comes next

We aspire to play an even bigger role in making sure that May Day actions disrupt the flow of capital next year. That means both continuing to build coalition relationships and getting even more organized as a chapter to be able to put forward clear demands and plan significant actions. 

Our proposed mechanism for doing so (subject to approval at our annual convention on June 7) is establishing a May Day Working Group that will work all year to identify potential opportunities for mass and escalating actions, especially workplace actions. This group will be structured explicitly to bring together leaders from different chapter projects, maximizing our reach and coordination. The hope is that this will put us on an even stronger footing as we look towards May Day 2028. 

This approach is consistent with the national labor priority established by the DSA NPC encouraging chapters to organize toward actions on May Day 2028. The resolution calls for a “2026-27 strategic plan that may add detail, scope, timelines, staff time allocation, budget guidance, and concrete goals to these priorities [including preparing for May Day 2028].”

Meanwhile, several of us will be in St. Louis at the end of May with our local partners, and many DSA members from around the country, to learn and plan together, anticipating major provocations and mass resistance to come.

We’ll go to St. Louis with a new sense of what’s possible. As a structure test, the OAK action exceeded our expectations. ACCE’s Martinez said, “The whole point was to have an assessment of where we were as a movement, a coalition and organizations. While the May Day action came together in just three weeks, it was the culmination of a series of escalating actions that we pulled off together going back to last Fall.” Now, she added, “May Day is becoming more real for a lot of people.”

As one of our members, Eileen T, explained after returning from an exhilarating May Day visit to Chicago, “May Day is a distress signal. It can come at any time.” When it does, we aim to be prepared to fight back and protect our working class communities.

California DSA will be hosting a zoom meeting on May 28 at 6:30 to provide an overview of the two progressive tax measures that will be placed before voters on the November state ballot. You will hear about recent tax the rich efforts in California, and speakers from the campaigns will provide updates. You will also have an opportunity to ask questions and get answers. Register here.

From the time of Marx and Engels’ Communist Manifesto to the present day, taxing the rich has been a central project of the socialist movement. Why?

As long as the capitalist class extracts surplus value from the labor process it will continue to grow richer at the expense of the working class. (See Piketty, R > G). Economic inequality has surpassed Gilded Age proportions. Progressive taxation is an essential means of clawing back some of the wealth created by the working class so that we may fund vital public services and provide the basis for a more egalitarian and democratic society. Campaigning for progressive taxes provides a direct opportunity to raise class consciousness, as the discussion naturally revolves around how inequality benefits the rich, hurts everyone else, and can be at least partly fixed with this solution. 

As such, a tax the rich campaign opens the door to the next level of discussion: how capitalism works, and how democratic socialism can fix its problems. 

A common thread

The other benefit of a tax the rich campaign is that it represents a common thread through just about every other issue and concern to DSA members. If you are working on issues like public transit, public education, universal childcare, public health and safety or social housing, none of these issues can be properly addressed without adequate funding from the state. Taxing the rich is pivotal to success in any of these areas.

If you are interested in electing democratic socialists, once in office they need more funding than currently possessed by the public sector. We shouldn’t be electing socialists to administer austerity, but that’s what usually happens, given the bad choices they face without progressive taxation to fund their work. The ‘electing’ part of local electoral work is also supported by a tax the rich campaign, because taxing the rich remains consistently popular, and when presented in cooperation with local DSA-endorsed candidates who are on board, it broadens their appeal as well.

If you want to stop the imperialist war machine of the US government in its corrupt alliance with private sector capital—including the current AI investment bubble that supports data centers, environmental destruction, and surveillance technology alongside new forms of mass death in other countries—we must wrest as much of that capital as we can out of the hands of the ruling  class so that it doesn’t control these enormous sums to invest. Taxing the rich is a vehicle to do that.

If you wish the labor movement to become more militant, raising class consciousness can be transferable from the ballot box to the workplace. The working class has two methods to retrieve the capital it produces through the labor process: militant, democratic organizing unions that extract a greater share of the pie through collective bargaining, and political organizing to tax the rich. With socialist education as the nexus, each method can reinforce the other.

After November, more taxing the rich

We have created a Tax the Rich Working Group in East Bay DSA to work on the two state ballot measures that will appear in November before the voters. Similar groups have been chartered in other chapters. But our progressive tax work won’t be over with the election. Even if both measures pass, capital will continue to be bloated and the multiracial working class will continue to have needs that can only be met through other forms of progressive taxation, like increased corporate taxes and splitting commercial property off from residential property. After November we intend to turn to political education and legislative efforts along these lines. These will be key components of our ongoing May Day education and coalition-building project, reinforcing the idea of what May Day 2028 signifies in terms of a political economy for workers over billionaires. 

If your chapter has not yet started working on the campaign here’s a chance to get going. Check out the campaign page on the California DSA website. Joining this work will engage the diverse activities of California DSA chapters within a unifying theme and effort. It will help us to stand alongside and uplift our allies in the labor movement and community in common struggle. And it provides the opportunity for pushing beyond reform toward revolution. 

What:‍ ‍Online forum on taxing the rich in California

When: Thursday, May 28, 6:30 – 8 pm

Who:

• Matthew Hardy, Communications Director, California Federation of Teachers

• Doug Jones, Organizer, United Health Workers-SEIU

• Fred Glass, Co-Chair, East Bay DSA Tax the Rich Working Group

Register here.

Here’s how DSA members and other progressives can organize to compete in upcoming intra-party contests.

Oligarchs and the donor class still have a firm grip on the Democratic Party apparatus and politics. But the cracks are increasingly obvious:

Zohran Mamdani; Analilia Mejia; the crumbling of AIPAC/DMFI sway; burial of the DNC’s 2024 autopsy report for fear of what it might reveal; polling numbers that show a party less popular than even Donald Trump; widening gaps between the progressive and corporate wings. 

And now, still small but growing numbers of DSA cadre and allied candidates are competing and winning local, state and federal elections around the country, defeating some guardians of the status quo.

When will the ice break in California?

The day may be coming soon. We’ll know a lot more after June 2 primaries and November 2, when progressives who make “top two” test the thesis that the road to victory is the opposite of chasing Republicans to the right in pursuit of mythical centrist “swing” voters. 

Next, we’ll have an opportunity to contest for control of the state Democratic Party.

Compared to many other states, the composition of the California party’s Central Committee, which elects its officers and endorses candidates, approves the party platform and passes resolutions, enables significant small D democracy, if we organize. 

About a third of the approximately 3,500 members are elected in caucus-like processes—4 in each of the 80 state Assembly districts. Voting has gone more and more by mail and online since the pandemic, with plenty of opportunity for mischief but also real opportunities for progressives —again, if we organize. 

Path to success

The path to success in the 2026-27 ADEMs (Assembly District Election Meetings) is to create solid, diverse slates of candidates in each district, with strict solidarity—each member working hard to get out the vote for all—facilitated by an effective system to register voters in a special process. (It’s not enough to simply be a registered Democrat, though that is required.)

Another third of delegates to the state Central Committee will be selected by county central committees, which in most of the state will be elected on the 2028 primary ballots (exact methods vary some from county to county, confusingly). In most locations, a similar process of creating progressive slates and campaigning for them will be in order.

Recruiting candidates to construct ADEM slates needs to begin now. They must file by late this year, with voter registration following, and balloting in early 2027 (exact dates to be announced). Many DSA members have run in recent rounds, which come every two years, though participation has been passive to negligible in many chapters. Chapter electoral committees may want to change that, determining the best strategy—and it can vary a lot depending on the demographics, politics (e.g. union strength, local Democratic leadership) of the district.

Help for Organizing

Gearing up to help organize locally is a PAC in formation, the People’s Democracy Network (PDN), operating fully outside the Democratic Party but dedicated primarily to building power for the left inside the party. We hope to accelerate the ability to work with local progressives to build ADEM slates this year, but the main organizing needs to be done by people with local relationships and skills in each district. Careful navigation is often needed to forge coalitions where necessary and to counter fake “progressive” rivals. Last time, we saw an unusual infusion of money for competitors in some districts by PACs apparently fronting for Israel lobby groups.

PDN will soon be recruiting members to support its particular narrow mission – building progressive power in the California Democratic Party, from the outside. Exact criteria are in the process of being determined, but to be clear, it’s not exclusive: members of DSA or other groups are welcome. To read PDN’s mission statement and 2024 policy platform (needs updating, including the name), go here.

For a more detailed description of the ADEM process and advice on constructing local slates, please see here.

And to let us know of your interest in helping organize in your district, please submit this form.

Ballots have already begun arriving in the hands of San Francisco voters, and as we muddle through long lists of voter guides, candidates and propositions, we will ask ourselves many questions. 

But will we be asking the right ones?

It is a privilege, and wholly inadequate, to deliberate over which unsatisfactory choices we will make this election cycle, without material worry as to whether our ballots will be collected and counted, or whether our polling stations will be opened; meanwhile the Supreme Court’s recent ruling in Louisiana v. Callais has allowed southern states to redraw Black-majority congressional districts out of existence entirely, gutting the Voting Rights Act and disenfranchising millions of Black people in a single stroke of a pen. In Louisiana alone, a state where there has never been a black person elected to a statewide executive office, over 40,000 ballots that were already cast will now be defunct according to these new maps. 

This is not an unfortunate isolated event, but rather the latest decisive move in a decades-long struggle to claw back the democratic gains won through generations of Black struggle, labor movements, anti-colonial resistance, and mass civil disobedience. Reforms were not secured because the ruling class suddenly developed a conscience, they were bloody concessions won because millions of people developed their collective consciousness, organized, rebelled, and created a political crisis so great that it threatened the legitimacy and stability of the entire capitalist system. From Birmingham to Selma, the expansion of democratic rights in the United States came through sustained pressure from below, from the oppressed masses and workers.

What does it mean for us to participate in this system of government which so easily stratifies access to basic functions of democracy, one that even after over a century and a half of effort and reforms, so easily and gleefully reverts its shape to previous racial viciousness?

The United States of America is the most advanced settler-colonial project in the world. Chattel slavery funded colonialism and was the fuel that kickstarted capital accumulation as we know it, until it was legally replaced with prison labor, with Black people still the primary targets of the USA’s forced labor industry, their communities and bodies policed and incarcerated at much higher than average rates. The United States is a prison house of not only people but whole nations as well. Indigenous peoples have endured centuries of genocide, not as an unintended byproduct of white nation building, but as the primary vehicle of it. Even today Indigenous lands are stolen and exploited, from Standing Rock to Pe’Sla water and land defenders have shown us how plainly our modern day government, courts and military coordinates with private companies to desecrate Indigenous lands and brutalize their bodies for profits. The last two decades of the creation and expansion of ICE have only been a continuation of the colonial violence which established these borders in the first place. Our government shamelessly runs concentration camps for children and trades human bodies to foreign prisons because it has no need for shame as it fulfills its intended purpose.

Our planet faces a catastrophic ecological crisis imposed on us all by capitalism. Due to our state’s most recent imperialist violence we face shortages of fuel, food and other necessities in the immediate future. Our politicians from Congress all the way down to the municipal city level are either captured by capital interests or rendered toothless before those who are. Austerity measures are being inflicted on our most vulnerable populations while the price of commodities rises endlessly, a cliff is rapidly approaching and we must prepare. 

So what then, is to be done?

We cannot merely say that “democracy is dead” and give up, this would be a fundamental misunderstanding of the contradiction; democracy is not dead, democracy has not yet been born. Instead we must collectively create democracy, bottom up, from our own power as workers and whole communities; voting is only one small part of a democratic society. History has taught us plainly that the ruling class will never concede without being forced to and that liberation is never given, it must be seized. As socialists we must recognize the electoral terrain for the limitations it reveals with its own contradictions; a system of governance that was derived from white men who owned people as livestock and who murdered and robbed whole civilizations for the pursuit of property is not the basis for a functional democracy. While we engage in elections strategically, we would be foolish to turn a blind eye to the results of centuries of struggle, the effort wasted trying to mold and reshape it into what it is not, that has failed to produce lasting material changes.

The only proven counter to capitalism which has descended into fascism is socialism; a state that only exists to manage capitalist property relations and labor extraction must be replaced with one that manages the productive relationship amongst fellow workers to provide for the needs of all. We must recognize the disenfranchisement of any of us as the disenfranchisement of all of us and fight back in every available avenue. We must identify the primary contradiction and determine our course of actions accordingly, not merely continue to play fairly within the parameters laid out by those who benefit from our oppression. It is our duty to build collective power and then to wield it in service of building socialism. To stand in solidarity with communities both near and far, we must speak out at every injustice, especially the ones that are not an injustice to us.

An injury to one is an injury to all. 

JUSTICE FOR THE NEGROS 19! River Valley DSA echoes calls to hold the Armed Forces of the Philippines accountable for their massacre of 19 individuals on the island of Negros. Among those killed were two Filipino-American comrades who had gone to Negros to learn from and be in solidarity with the brutally exploited peasant masses […]

There’s a new DSA member in Congress! In Pennsylvania, Chris Rabb defeated an establishment-backed opponent and another secretly funded by AIPAC. Now Congressman Rabb will continue the fight to abolish ICE, free Palestine and win Medicare for All in the U.S. House of Representatives!

You can find out more about Congressman Rabb’s campaign here. Philly DSA, together with thousands of other working class people across Philadelphia, organized to make this win possible. That’s the DSA difference — our work is based in solid organizing in our communities, with our neighbors.

And it’s not just Pennsylvania! Here’s just some of our nationally-endorsed state and local successes:

• In Kentucky, Louisville DSA’s former co-chair Robert LeVertis Bell, a proud union teacher, will now be the first socialist in the State House! And Andrea Parr has just advanced to the runoff for Louisville Metro Council District 9. She’s fighting for budget reform, public power, and sanctuary policies protecting trans and immigrant communities!
• Georgia wins are coming in hot! Two years ago, Atlanta DSA’s Gabriel Sanchez broke ground by becoming the first Democratic Socialist elected to the Georgia General Assembly. This Tuesday, he won his race for Georgia State House District 42. And congratulations to Mathewos Samson on advancing to the general for Georgia House District 58! Mathewos will fight to make Georgia work for the working class, not the billionaires. Athens Area DSA is celebrating as well — proud DSA member Tim Denson is advancing to the runoff for Athens-Clarke Mayor.
• In Arizona, public interest lawyer Bobby Nichols just won his race for Tempe City Council At-Large! Bobby’s platform includes making Tempe affordable for everyone, building public housing, and making it easier to form a union.
• And in Oregon, Tammy Carpenter for winning her election to Oregon House District 27! Tammy will fight alongside Portland DSA to fully fund public schools, win universal healthcare and establish a Renters’ Bill of Rights.

More elections are coming up this summer. Check out our live results tracker to find out more about DSA’s national and local endorsements!

DSA organizing goes beyond the ballot box, too. Here’s just some of our work this spring:

• This month, over 170 DSA chapters participated in May Day actions, showing our solidarity with the labor movement and the global working class in the streets, in our workplaces, in our schools, and beyond.
• From Wisconsin to Georgia, DSA chapters are standing against Big Tech’s AI and data center projects, and organizing for green projects instead!
• Chapters across the country are organizing to stop war, taking to the streets and sending tens of thousands of letters to Congress!

As a DSA member, you can help build the strong working class movement we need to stand against fascism and build a brighter future. Join today!

As the weather gets hotter, DSA members are serving up cool wins. Be a part of it!

The post Hot DSA Electoral Wins! New Democratic Socialist in Congress — Plus State and Local Wins Across the Country appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).

By Emily D. Thank you for reading  This cartoon is part of Issue No. 01 of Garden State Socialist, a publication of the North New Jersey chapter of the Democratic Socialists […]

By Zach K. It’s springtime and budget season in Jersey City, and the nascent progressive movement in this city is facing an all-too-common problem. Our new left-of-center mayor, James Solomon, […]

By Patrick G. “The big thing that people need to know is just how horribly the people inside [of Delaney Hall] are being treated. And not only the people inside, […]