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The Past is Prologue: The History of the Cleveland Socialist Party of America (Pt 1)

Acronym Meaning
DSA Democratic Socialists of America
SPA Socialist Party of America
AFL American Federation of Labor
IWW International Workers of the World
SLP Socialist Labor Party

Introduction / Background

So far, 2026 has been a huge year for the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). We have reached over 100,000 DSA members, the highest ever, and have seen heightened electoral success, most prominently with the election of Zohran Mamdani as Mayor of New York City. As organizers within DSA grapple with the contradictions of this success, Eric Blanc and Steven R have made comparisons to the municipal socialism of the early 20th century Socialist Party of America (SPA), with a specific focus on Milwaukee’s sewer socialists which occupied their city hall for decades.

While DSA has not reached the SPA’s peak of 112,000 dues-paying socialists (or anywhere close when adjusted for population), Mamdani’s victory and our membership growth shows that we may be approaching similar political relevance. As argued by longtime DSA member David Duhalde in a piece comparing DSA to the SPA: “The U.S. socialist movement has returned, in some ways via a long reroute, to its original structures and impact.” As we continue to grow this movement, we have and will continue to face similar challenges to those of the 1910s SPA. For this reason, it is important to continue our study of socialism’s history.  

As many DSA members acknowledge this, the focus on Milwaukee, a city with many years of socialist governance, is understandable. However, as a member of Cleveland DSA, I am particularly interested in examining the vibrant socialist history in this part of the country, which saw its own share of socialist victories. As a result of the SPA’s electoral success in various municipalities early in the 1910s, this state was dubbed “Red Ohio”. By the end of the decade, Ohioan mass socialist organizing had arguably reached its all-time peak, as Cleveland’s SPA local led 30,000+ workers into the streets in the 1919 May Day demonstration.

IWW Co-Founder and five-time SPA Presidential candidate Eugene Debs speaks in Canton, Ohio

This growth was predicated on the historical context of the early 20th century, when Cleveland had taken its place as the heart of an industrial empire, represented quintessentially in the monopolistic trusts of Clevelander John D. Rockefeller. As industrialization pushed more workers into the mines, steel mills and garment factories, Cleveland would also become the site of increased working class organizing. This would only escalate as economic conditions worsened and the United States would enter World War One, sending workers to their deaths as the ruling class grew even more wealthy. These changing material conditions, alongside the organizing of the SPA detailed throughout this piece, led to unprecedented support for socialism. This strength was met with violent repression from the state, which, alongside internal party conflict and purges, led to a sharp downfall in SPA membership and activity nationwide. 

The widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo was also channeled by more mainstream political organizations. The late 1800s and early 1900s saw the Progressive and Populist movements gain heightened support in national elections. This included repeat Democratic presidential nominee William Jennings Bryan and Republican President Theodore Roosevelt, who would later found a third party (the Progressive Party a.k.a. the Bull Moose Party). Some figures of the Progressive movement, like Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld, were praised by socialists, but many of them strongly opposed socialism. Ultimately, the two largest political parties, despite flirtations with Progressivism and Populism, were largely beholden to the capitalist class, and no sizable third party would emerge. Additionally, the largest union confederation, the American Federation of Labor (AFL), was led by anti-socialist Samuel Gompers and avoided political advocacy until aligning with the Democratic Party in the late 1910s. At the turn of the century, the largest socialist organization in the country was the Socialist Labor Party (SLP), which remained marginal in size and had little engagement with mainstream politics.

Please return tomorrow for Part Two, “Electoral Politics”

The post The Past is Prologue: The History of the Cleveland Socialist Party of America (Pt 1) appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

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Chapter Notes: March 2025

We’re living in interesting times, comrade.

As I write, we are witnessing the opening salvos of what will likely develop into a major war of aggression by the US and Israel against Iran. The imperialist order is in decline across the globe. But, that also means the capitalist class that benefits from that order has never been more desperate — or more dangerous.

It’s clearer than ever that we have two choices: socialism or barbarism. We can have a world defined by peace, justice, and a dignified life for all people, or we can have a world defined by endless war, oppression, and suffering for all but an ever-shrinking circle of elites. It can feel hopeless sometimes, but that’s when we need to remember: there’s a power at the core of this monstrous machine. The force that keeps the wheels of this machine turning is our labor.

Our hands are on the switch, and we can turn off the war machine any time we choose. We just need to have enough hands pulling in unison.

The DSA is now more than 100,000 members strong, spread across all 50 states. We’re the largest socialist organization in US history by membership. And, our ranks are still growing fast.

Read on to see what we’ve been up to… and learn what’s coming next!

February Highlights

PDSA comrades rally in front of a Chevron station in Clearwater as part of the “Stop Fueling Genocide” campaign.

We started off the month with members braving the cold to kickoff the canvassing efforts to re-elect PDSA member Richie Floyd to St. Pete City Council. This is a critical project of our Electoral Committee, and although it’s only been a couple of weeks, we’re already well on the way to collecting enough petition signatures to secure Richie’s spot on the ballot (rather than buying ballot access, as most candidates do).

The Ecosocialist Working Group continued to advance our ongoing Dump Duke campaign, with organizers facing off against a representative from Duke Energy’s dark-money front group, to argue the merits of public power.

Our Education-Social Working Group hosted Capitalism vs. Socialism, the latest installment of our core training on the basics of organizing with DSA. In the session, which attracted nearly three dozen attendees (pretty good for a Friday night!), organizers explained why we believe that socialism is a superior system to capitalism, and how a socialist society compares to our existing capitalist one. And, our International Solidarity Working Group stayed busy, too, hosting a demonstration at the Chevron station on Sunset Point Road in Clearwater to protest Chevron’s complicity in the genocide in Gaza as part of the ongoing #StopFuelingGenocide campaign.

CAMPAIGN UPDATE: Re-Elect Richie Floyd

Richie Floyd, a St. Petersburg City Councilmember and a member of Pinellas DSA.

Our campaign to re-elect Richie Floyd to the St. Petersburg City Council is shifting into high gear!

Since launching the campaign last month, DSA members have doggedly showed up, weekend after weekend, braving both the cold and the heat to knock doors in District 8. While the campaign could simply buy ballot access, as most elected officials do, the members of our chapter agreed to take the same approach as we did with Richie’s first election campaign, doing it the grassroots way and collecting petition signatures to gain a spot on the ballot instead.

After just one month, we’ve already collected more than half of the 500 signatures needed! As of right now, the campaign is in good shape. But, we need to keep up the energy and get those signatures. This is a people-powered campaign, so let’s show the members of the capitalist class here in St. Pete what the people can do!

CAMPAIGN UPDATE: End 287(g)

Attendees at our 287(g) information session in St. Petersburg.

Pinellas DSA, as a member organization of the Tampa Bay Immigrant Solidarity Network, hosted a public volunteer meeting on Saturday, February 21 at WonderWorks in Gulfport. Much like neighboring St. Petersburg, the Gulfport Police Department has signed a 287(g) agreement with ICE, volunteering their officers to work as deputized enforcers for the spear of the US regime’s fascist immigration policy. Our ongoing campaign aims to pressure local police departments in Pinellas County to end these agreements and to refuse to collaborate with ICE.

Following a presentation on local 287(g) agreements — including how they undermine public trust in law enforcement, drain public resources, fuel racial profiling, and erode due process — attendees went out to canvass neighborhoods across Gulfport, raise awareness about 287(g), and invite community members to sign petitions calling for an end to the city’s collaboration with ICE.

Our demand of local government officials is simple: No collaboration with fascism! No ICE in our streets!

CAMPAIGN UPDATE: Dump Duke

Dump Duke supporters following the the “Opposites Attract” debate hosted at Bayboro Brewing in St. Petersburg.

DSA members spearheading the Dump Duke campaign continue to pressure St. Pete officials to explore the feasibility of creating a publicly owned power utility in the city. We’re up against mounting resistance from dark-money groups funded by Duke Energy, including the Clearwater Energy Alliance and the St. Pete Energy Alliance. But, even with all the money Duke is throwing against us, we’ve got the people on our side!

Organizers with Dump Duke faced off against a representative from the Clearwater Energy Alliance as part the “Opposites Attract” debate series at Bayboro Brewing on February 9. We laid out a clear, practical case for public power — a publicly-owned municipal utility that puts reliability, affordability, and accountability ahead of corporate profit.

Dump Duke organizers also hit the streets at the Mezzo Market, speaking to St. Pete residents, asking their feelings about Duke Energy, and getting the word out that an alternative option is a real possibility!

If you haven’t already, make sure you sign the petition calling on city officials to fund a feasibility study on public power, and to begin negotiations with Duke Energy to end St. Pete’s relationship with the company. Also, if you’re interested in helping build support for public power, go to dumpdukefl.com to learn how you can get involved!

Upcoming Events

We have more than two dozen political events, working group meetings, and social outings scheduled in March. You can always view our full calendar of upcoming events, along with the most up-to-date times and locations, on our website: https://www.pinellasdsa.org/home.

Health Justice Working Group Meeting

Monday, March 2 from 7:00–8:30pm at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). Meeting will be hosted in Wesley Room & virtually via Zoom.

Housing Working Group & St. Pete Tenants Joint Meeting

Tuesday, March 3 from 7:00–8:30pm at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). Discuss and take action on the housing crisis in St. Pete at this joint meeting between the St. Pete Tenants Union and Pinellas DSA.

Socialists in Office Working Group Meeting

Wednesday, March 4 from 6:30–8:00pm at Allendale UMC.

Run DSA: Glow in the Park 5k

Thursday, March 5 from 6:30–8:00pm at Allendale UMC. Join us in the Hybrid room for a basic training on protest marshalling.

Canvas for Richie Floyd

Saturday, March 7 from 10:30am–1:30pm at Gladden Park Recreation Center (3901 30th Ave N. in St. Petersburg). RSVP at richiefloyd.com/volunteer-rsvp.

Self-Managed Abortion Canvass

Saturday, March 7 from 2:30–4:00pm at the President Barack Obama Main Library (3745 9th Ave N. in St. Petersburg).

General Meeting & Social

Sunday, March 8 from 2:00–3:30pm at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). To be followed immediately after by the Socialist Social Hour, with food and (non-alcoholic) drinks provided!

International Solidary Working Group Meeting

Monday, March 9·from 6:30–8:00pm. This will be a virtual-only meeting. Zoom Link.

Book Study: Health Justice Now!

Tuesday, March 10 from 6:15–8:00pm at Allendale UMC. Join us to read and discuss Timothy Faust’s Health Justice Now: Single Payer and What Comes Next. We will be meet in-person in the Hybrid Room and via Zoom.

Bylaws Meeting

Wednesday, March 11 from 6:30–8:00pm. At Allendale UMC, in the Teresa Room.

Cuba: An American History Reading Group

Thursday, March 12 from 6:30–7:30pm at Allendale UMC. Meet us in the Wesley Room for our final discussion of Cuba: An American History.

North County Meeting & Social

Friday, March 13 from 6:30–9:30pm. Location TBD.

Canvas for Richie Floyd

Saturday, March 14 from 10:30am–1:30pm. Location TBD. RSVP at richiefloyd.com/volunteer-rsvp.

Safe Self-Managed Abortion Info Session

Sunday, March 15 from 11:00am-12:00pm at the President Barack Obama Main Library in St. Pete.

Boca Ciega Apartments Canvassing

Sunday, March 15 from 1:00–2:00pm. Canvass the Boca Ciega Apartments (3401 37th St S. in St. Petersburg) to inform and encourage tenants to attend a tenants meeting, where they can tackle the issues facing their property together!

Steering Committee Meeting

Sunday, March 15 from 7:00–8:30pm at Allendale UMC.

Fundraising Committee Meeting

Monday, March 16 from 6:30–8:00pm. Our chapter’s monthly fundraising check-in and brainstorming session at Allendale United Methodist Church (3803 Haines Rd N. in St. Petersburg). Will be hosted in the Hybrid Room, as well as virtually. Zoom link.

Electoral Committee Meeting

Wednesday, March 18 from 6:30–8:30pm. To be hosted at Allendale UMC in the Wesley Room.

Ecosocialist Working Group Meeting

Thursday, March 19 from 6:30–8:00pm. Hosted at Allendale UMC in the Hybrid Room.

Labor Committee Meeting

Friday, March 20 from 6:30–8:00pm at the Pinellas Classroom Teachers Association offices (650 Seminole Blvd. in Largo).

Canvas for Richie Floyd

Saturday, March 21 from 10:30am–1:30pm. Location TBD. RSVP at richiefloyd.com/volunteer-rsvp.

Dump Duke Social & Canvass

Sunday, March 22 from 10:30am-2:00pm at Dell Holmes Park (2741 22nd St S. in St. Petersburg).

International Solidarity Working Group Meeting

Monday, March 23 from 6:30–8:00pm. Meeting at Allendale UMC in the Hybrid Room.

Canvas for Richie Floyd

Saturday, March 28 21 from 10:30am–1:30pm. Location TBD, but RSVP at richiefloyd.com/volunteer-rsvp.

Pinellas DSA Orientation

Saturday, March 28 from 2:30–4:00pm. New member orientation hosted at Allendale UMC in the Hybrid Room.

DSA Nature Walk

Sunday, March 29 from 10:30am-12:00pm. All this organizing can wear you out — refresh and recharge with comrades on a nature walk at Sawgrass Lake Park (7400 25th St N. in St. Petersburg)!

NOTE: All dates and times are subject to change, so check the website regularly for updates!

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Steering Committee Statement on Kansas SB244

This past Saturday, a bill was passed by the Kansas Legislature, Kansas Senate Bill 244. This bill expands on SB 180 and hundreds of other anti-trans bills passed in state legislatures in recent years, explicitly targeting transgender people with the end goal of removing them from existence.

Overnight, Kansans were banned from participating in public life under threat of severe penalties. This is only the most recent egregious attack in a history of other laws excluding transgender people from school sports, depriving trans adolescents of healthcare, barring incarcerated trans people from gender-affirming care, and on and on. Depriving Kansans of drivers licenses that align with their gender identity forcibly outs these people as transgender. Using the bathroom associated with their sex assigned at birth would do the same, and put them at risk of being harassed or targeted for violence.

These laws put transgender people at immense risk any time they try to rent an apartment, get a job, open a bank account, access basic services and enjoy fundamental rights, as well as any time they are forced to interact with law enforcement.

The current administration has been remarkably clear about its stance on the existence of trans people in this country and has explicitly announced its intent to remove trans individuals from all facets of public life, and even the concept of gender non-conformity from existence.

These attacks are taking place at a time when ICE is actively spending billions of dollars in recruitment and to ramp up their detention capabilities, to intense push-back all across the nation. The number of transgender people detained by ICE has been increasing leading up to 2025, when ICE ceased recording data on transgender people in immigration detention and began practicing conversion “therapy”. All of this leads to a clear distinction that must be made, that the current administration is, and has been for over a year, engaging in genocide of trans Americans.

Being transgender is not a condition, to be cured or ruled illegal. Rochester DSA is horrified by these ongoing attacks on our trans comrades, neighbors, and siblings. An attack on one of us is an attack on all of us.

Rochester DSA continues to be proud to stand with the trans community, to welcome trans comrades into our ranks, and to recognize in the trans experience a universal struggle against the patriarchal gender binary, and for human freedom.

The post Steering Committee Statement on Kansas SB244 first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

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Opinion: It’s time for Mills to drop out (or step up)

Based on recent polling, it doesn’t look good for Gov. Janet Mills. Two new polls show her down by somewhere between seven and 38 points in her race for the Democratic nomination to unseat Sen. Susan Collins. And the poll showing her down seven, had her up ten a few months ago! 

At this point, the easiest call for a political pundit to make would be that the primary will go to Graham Platner, an incredibly on-point veteran turned populist oysterman.

And they would be right.

In truth, if Mills wants to save face, and save Democratic donors a lot of money, she should probably drop out. But, in truth, I don’t really believe she should. I think primaries are good. They are a testing/training ground for candidates, so everyone is better prepared for the big show in the fall.

And let’s be honest, Platner needs some testing. While I haven’t officially endorsed anyone yet, the Maine People’s Alliance, of which the Maine Beacon is a project, has endorsed Platner. Rightly so. His economic populist message, anti-ICE courage, and vociferous anti-war positions on Gaza and Iran, put him squarely in the lane where Democrats need to be for the good of our state and the nation. That said, his past statements about women, people of color, and rural voters are obviously problematic and could be huge liabilities in the general election. Having a robust primary will make sure voters have fully heard everything, so, if (when) he wins, nothing Collins’ says will be new information to voters.

Indeed, Mills’ strongest (and perhaps only) strength in the race is that she is already known and tested. It’s pretty much all her supporters are saying about her, and what she emphasizes the most on the campaign trail.

But being known and tested is simply not enough for most voters. Beating Collins is going to be very difficult regardless of who we pick (Collins is polling in basically the same low place as where she polled in 2020, before cruising to victory). To that end, we aren’t going to waste our vote on someone, if that person doesn’t, at a minimum, boldly address what we care about.

And this is where Mills has fallen woefully short. From guns to the environment to workers, and most especially around affordability and income inequality. Meanwhile Platner is putting forward a populist agenda that focuses on taxing the rich, expanding Medicare to all, providing affordable childcare for parents, protecting the rights of workers to organize, and raising the national minimum wage. That’s an agenda people can get behind.

We have not seen this from Mills, either in her language, or in her legislative agenda. Just the opposite in some cases, which is likely why she is so far behind. But as someone who has no small amount of power right now, Mills has the chance to get more popular by actually getting behind and pushing through an affordability agenda.  

The legislature is in session for about six more weeks. If Mills wants people to believe she’s got the goods, she should use her advantage as governor by submitting emergency legislation to impose a 4% tax on Maine millionaires, expand the inheritance tax on the same people, subsidize the ACA subsidies that expired for Maine families, match the state’s minimum wage to Portland’s ($19 by 2028), pay for every district to expand universal pre-K down to three year olds, put a cap on all rent increases tied to CPI, and push out a $250 million bond to build affordable housing.

If she does all that, or even some of it, it will be good for all of us. Win, lose, or draw the primary.

If not? Then I take it back. Just drop out and save us all the time.

***

This story was originally published by The Beacon, a nonprofit and nonpartisan news organization. To get regular coverage from the Beacon, sign up for the free Beacon newsletter here.

The post Opinion: It’s time for Mills to drop out (or step up) appeared first on Pine & Roses.

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A Conversation on Graham Platner

Graham Platner’s campaign in Maine’s 2026 Senate race has caused divided opinions among many of the state’s progressive and left wing voters, partly due to revelations around his former military contractor work, comments he made online in the past, and especially due to a totenkopf tattoo he received while serving in the Marines overseas. The tattoo is a design that was historically used by the Nazi SS, and has become a popular symbol with white supremacist circles. Platner has since had the tattoo removed and claims he did not know about the hateful history behind the design when we got it in the early 2000’s. However, it has left a good number of progressives and leftists struggling with whether they can support him or not, while he presents himself as a left populist fighting for a pro-working class platform.

Two contributors holding different opinions on the candidate, Rose DuBois and T. Sinclair, have agreed to share their conversation on the candidate’s acceptability and viability. Below is a transcript of their back-and-forth. 

***

T. Sinclair

Before we get started, I want to clarify that in no way am I excusing Platner’s tattoo. It was a dumb thing to get when he was young and in the Marines, and a disgusting symbol of hatred. And, whether you believe him when he says he didn’t know what it represented when he got it, I think it’s important to consider that people grow and worldviews can change. Graham has shown in the last five years or so that he has evolved to genuinely hold progressive, working class values that support all people, no matter race, gender, or orientation; not just with his words, but also through his community work with Action Acadia. The Democratic field has a handful of declared candidates, but most agree that the nomination comes down to Platner or current Governor, Janet Mills. Given Mills’ centrist (and sometimes conservative) record on labor, criminal justice reform, and indigenous rights, coupled with her lower than average approval rating, I think Graham Platner is a win-win candidate with not only the best chances of beating Susan Collins in November, but also delivering on a true working class agenda. But I am interested in hearing your thoughts, Rose.

Rose DuBois

Up front I want to start by dismissing the various other “scandals” that have plagued Platner. There’s a lot of, I would argue, fairly bad faith criticisms of him that just don’t resonate with me, or with I think most Maine voters. Even the Reddit comments, while they did bother me, I also know how people talk online, and as you said, people can change. I found his apology video for the comments to be quite persuasive. Nor am I in favor of Janet Mills. I was incredibly excited when I found out someone was going to be challenging her for the nomination, and was a big supporter of Platner from day one. But having a Nazi tattoo—regardless of any context—should be a red line.

I’m willing to entertain his claim that he didn’t know what it was when he got it—fair enough, people do stupid shit. And if it had come out that he’d gotten one, but had it removed years ago, I’d maybe see it in a different light. But the idea that he didn’t know what it was until now, twenty years later, is completely ridiculous. We should absolutely extend grace to those who strive for redemption, but redemption requires remorse about one’s actions. Denial is the exact opposite, an attempt to escape responsibility.

But ultimately the specifics of shortcomings of a single person are less interesting to me than the wider context in which this is occurring. Even beyond the fascistic politics of Trump and MAGA, an open embrace of Nazism is becoming more widespread in our society. Admiration of Hitler, and belief in conspiracy theories and Holocaust denial are increasingly common aspects of right wing politics, particularly among young Republicans. By electing someone to congress with a Nazi tattoo, we are helping normalize this, something that is extremely dangerous. How can we, for example, attack Elon Musk for doing a Nazi salute, and paint his claim it was another gesture as an obvious lie, when we ourselves engage in the exact same practice of obfuscation for what is very clearly a Nazi symbol? It only serves to muddy the waters, and make it easier to get away with this sort of thing.

And while attempts to depict any support for Palestine as being inherently antisemitic are preposterous, it’s unfortunately the case that antisemitism is also a growing problem on the left as well. What will it mean when the most pro-Palestinian member of the Senate (which I believe Platner would be) is also someone with a tattoo of the unit that was responsible to administering the death camps. It doesn’t take a political genius to see how this will get used by pro-Israeli figures and organizations in our politics. 

T. Sinclair

I see where you’re coming from, and I completely understand the concern with a member of Congress who formerly had a Nazi symbol tattoo (he has since covered it up) serving as a representative of the left, and how AIPAC would use that in ad campaigns. There is no doubt antisemitism is on the rise; people on the left who rightly call out the state of Israel’s genocide in Gaza and apartheid policies have made clear time and time again that their criticisms are of a nation-state, not Judaism or Jewish people, but even in some far reaches of the left (and pretty blatantly on the right) antisemitism has crept in and must be combatted. I don’t think Platner is in those far reaches of the left though, and rather stands firmly with 99% of progressives and leftists who abhor all racism and ethnic hatred. 

While I take him at face value that he didn’t know it was a Nazi tattoo (his wife and her family are Jewish and he claims they never raised concerns about it, and he passed federal screenings for gang/hate tattoos), let’s assume for a second that he at least had an inkling. I can see that causing voters to take a great pause and really inspect his politics. When you do that, what you find is a man who had mental health trauma from multiple tours in active war zones, came home and sought treatment for it, realized how messed up it is that working families can’t afford basic healthcare (or housing, or childcare, etc.), saw that the system was deeply flawed and got involved with local community organizing for progressive causes. 

Facing the given situation, MAGA and Trump 2.0, which is kidnapping people off our streets to extra-judicially deport, initiating illegal violence overseas, attacking the rights of our LGBTQ neighbors, flagrantly bypassing Congress and taking over agencies like the Federal Reserve, FTC, FCC, and FBI to favor Trump’s personal interests, it is not only paramount but existential to elect people to federal office who stand ready to oppose this right-wing “soft coup.” We have a chance here to kick out the conservative Sen. Susan Collins and replace her with a progressive. In my opinion, the good that Platner offers outweighs his bad misdeeds, like getting a terrible tattoo with his Marine buddies 20 years ago. To be honest with you, his choice to join the Marines during the Iraq War, or his short stint with a private military contractor should be bigger issues; but, most voters are fine with that. Is your issue the message that electing him would send, because of his tattoo, or is there reason to believe he wouldn’t be a good advocate for positive change?

Rose DuBois

I wouldn’t be so quick to dismiss the idea that Platner himself isn’t at least adjacent to the sort of online spaces that are helping conspiratorial thinking proliferate. His Twitter account recently agreeingly quote tweeted the neo-Nazi Stew Peters (before quickly deleting), and in January he did an interview with Nate Cornacchia, a YouTuber who has spread antisemitic conspiracies (as well as racist anti-Somali ones that led to the ICE surge first in Minneapolis and then in Maine), with Platner saying he is a long time fan. Now sure, we can probably come up with explanations for these sorts of things—it’s pretty much impossible to open Twitter and not see the posts of far right users for example. But it’s one thing if it’s a one off event, it’s another entirely when there’s a growing pattern. I would find the defenses of him far more credible if he did not keep dabbling with the promoters of these kinds of conspiracies. If he’s so serious about affirming his anti-fascist commitments to us, why does this keep happening? At minimum it shows poor judgement and a bit of a cavalier attitude towards bigotry.

There’s been a concentrated effort to paint any concern about the tattoo as being “establishment,” or similar, and I find this to be quite insidious. The fact that the response is to become quite defensive is itself a red flag. People should be outraged that he had it! I mean in many countries having such a tattoo is a crime, and one that can incur jail time, it’s no light thing we can just walk past. If the circumstances were remotely any different, everyone on the left would be crying for a cordon sanitaire against him, but because it’s “our guy” suddenly it’s no big deal to have a Nazi tattoo. The way it’s being downplayed is incredibly discomforting.

I also think everyone is overbaking the idea that this won’t have any negative impacts on his electability. What happens come November when every Republican PAC puts millions behind “Graham Platner is a Nazi” ads? Collins is able to win primarily because she overperforms in Southern Maine, largely in the Portland suburbs and the Midcoast—places that used to be more Republican leaning decades ago. I’m not totally convinced that such hits are going to do zero damage among these kinds of split ticket voters.

I am glad that Platner has been able to move on from the dark place he was in after returning from the Middle East, and that he’s been able to channel that into becoming a community organizer. But that doesn’t mean he needs to be a senator. There are 1.4 million people in Maine, many of whom hold similar progressive values, and I would bet that basically none of them have Nazi tattoos. He’s not somehow singularly equipped for the job. I mean a year ago nobody had heard of him! His entire public profile was conjured up by out of state political consultants last summer! It almost feels like an inversion of the “not me, us” framing of the Bernie years, where somehow only this one man can lead our movement and save us, and the movement is treated as nothing without him.

I think if he actually cared about opposing fascism he would have dropped out. There’s no reason why, if he genuinely espouses the values he claims to hold, he couldn’t continue to fight for them as an organizer locally. I would not have become as skeptical of him as I am if he had done the honorable thing and stepped aside. We could’ve gotten behind someone else.

T. Sinclair

The more we chat, the more I think I’m understanding where we basically disagree, which I’ll get to in a second. While you have doubts about his electability vs. Collins, I would point to the most recent poll out of UNH that has him up by 38 points over Mills in the Democratic primary. While I agree with you that it would be a tight race against Collins, he clearly has the best shot for Democrats from a polling perspective come November. Admit it, if it’s Mills v. Collins, Collins wins by a mile. 

As for his interview with Nate Cornacchia, we both know Platner’s team has made it a priority to reach out to all voters, including those who voted for Trump out of frustration and attempt to bring them over to a working class agenda that isn’t hateful. When one is trying their best to reach audiences that don’t often hear a progressive populist message, one necessarily has to utilize some conservative media platforms. That’s just the name of the game, ugly as it is. Though, I wouldn’t be surprised if his team might end up looking back on some of those decisions and feel sheepish about them.

So, finally, my thoughts on what I see as our basic difference. You are putting your principles first, believing the tattoo is disqualifying due to the symbol’s terrible past (and him keeping it for so long), his campaign team’s bad media platforming, plus a few other times when he made discomforting online comments. You interpret these as red lines based on your principles, so you cannot support him. I respect that. This is my position: pragmatic strategy should come first. We have to take back power. I have written on my belief in revolutionary forgiveness before, and I am more willing to forgive past decisions of candidates if they show that they’ve grown and matured, which I believe Platner has. I also believe in the importance of progressive working class representatives winning office (especially in this time of existential political crisis).

In my opinion, Platner clearly offers the most pro-working families agenda; one that is pro-LGBTQ, pro-labor, pro-choice, anti-racist, anti-fascist, and anti-war. Plus, he is the most electable. So, in that regard, you could say I am prioritizing pragmatism. And I hear you on the concern that he doesn’t have that same “mass movement” feel Bernie offered, but I would also like to point out how well attended his series of town hall meetings have been, how Bernie endorses him, and that maybe sometimes it just takes an unexpected spark to light a larger fire. Maybe he was hand-picked by some labor-friendly political head hunters, I don’t know, and I honestly don’t care. What I care about is replacing Collins with someone who represents working and marginalized folks’ rights and needs in the halls of power. 

As you go into your final thoughts, those are basically mine. This is where we are, and as politically-minded people we ought to look at the terrain and tools we have in front of us, not wish for ones that don’t exist. And, to be honest, I think Platner’s platform is about as good as we could have hoped for in this given time. There’s no changing horses now, even if we wanted to. Unless you think the unpopular Mills or some other dark horse is the way to go. But for me, Platner gives us the best shot at claiming a Senate seat with a truly progressive, working class person, blemishes and all. I really appreciated this chat though, it let me think through a lot and I look forward to your final thoughts.

Rose DuBois

I absolutely would not make a judgement call on an election based on a single poll from one pollster three months before the primary, and eight before the general (though I do tend to agree that Platner is ahead in the primary). Polls aren’t definitive, they’re snapshots, and how voters are feeling can and do change over the course of a campaign. In Texas’s Democratic primary, much of the early polling showed Crockett well ahead of Talarico, a trend that did not continue closer to election day (or ultimately the results). The UNH poll also has some questionable methodology, and other polls also show both a much closer primary and general.

I’d grant that it’s fair to conclude that were the election to be held right now, like this minute, before any real campaigning (on which millions and millions of dollars will be spent), Platner likely has an edge over Mills in terms of beating Collins. But there’s no certainty that that will be the case come November, and I do not think that the maximum damage the Republican campaign machine can do to a candidate like Platner has necessarily been priced into polling yet. I also have zero trust that there aren’t more skeletons in the closet.

I would push back on the idea that were Mills to be the nominee, she is fated to lose. I’ve been fairly bullish on Collins going down this Fall since election day 2024, regardless of who we put against her. We certainly want to ensure that we have the best candidate for the job, but I’m skeptical that taking her down is going to come from a magic trick of a candidate, and more so the basic fundamentals of how Maine’s electorate is changing, the difference in environment between 2020 and 2026, and the profound unpopularity of the current administration in a midterm year. Even when I was excited about Platner I felt that way! The point in my mind was never to find a perfect candidate, but to get the best possible senator. Now that’s certainly not to say I think Mills would be a good nominee, or a good senator—I do not. She has become quite unpopular, she is far too old, and her politics are not remotely suited for the political moment. I’m not arguing for Mills, I’m arguing against Platner.

Responding to your point about the interview, I want to contrast it with the hubbub years ago when Bernie appeared on Joe Rogan. That feels quite different to me, and it was fine for him to do, as you said, in the interest of contesting voters. But the huge glaring difference is that Bernie did not have a giant Nazi tattoo on his chest. Sure, you can make a mistake and apologize for it, but words are cheap, and if you go back and continue to make the same mistake again, you’re making it pretty clear how sincere you are. Since the revelation of the tattoo, he’s done nothing to disabuse us of the notion that he’s still mixed up in circles where antisemitism and right wing conspiracies are common. And if he’s going to be influenced by that sort of thinking, I absolutely do not want him in any position of political power period.

I’d also like to point out that contrary to what the narrative is, Platner’s base very much is not the working class that exists outside of the progressive bubble. It’s more or less the exact same coalition we’re seeing from insurgent candidates elsewhere across the “democratic tea party” moment—combining the classic Bernie base of young and well educated downwardly mobile professionals with middle class suburbanites. Mills does notably better in polling in CD2 and Northern Maine than Platner does, and Platner’s strongest income bracket by far are people making over $100k. And I would be remiss not to point out how incredibly gendered this whole thing is as well.

Which ultimately brings me to your concluding point about principals vs pragmatism, to which I could not disagree with more forcefully. You’re framing this as a blemish that can be looked past in the name of the policies he might support, a bump in the road you feel comfortable ignoring while I do not, completely missing that my central objection to him is that the normalization of Nazism has very real consequences. Yes, I certainly hold anti-fascist principles, and these principles do guide my thinking, but these aren’t coming from abstractions, but a quite concrete and deadly serious reality. 

Nazism is an ideology of death and its continued growth in our society puts me under direct threat. The Nazis persecuted and murdered trans people in the camps, and you can absolutely bet that the current crop of groypers and neo-Nazis that increasingly make up the lower echelons of the Republican Party, given power, would do the same again. Twenty years ago, even having a hint of Nazi connection would end your political career, but the norms around this have become much thinner, and they are breaking. Every little thing that chips away at them makes Nazism a more acceptable part of our political life, and you can be certain that electing someone with an SS tattoo to congress is taking a huge sledgehammer at these norms. Whether intentional or not, it makes it easier for the sort of hatred to spread unabated that puts marginalized people in harm’s way.

What’s in Platner’s heart, whether he’s an anti-fascist or an antisemite, a progressive populist or a secret Nazi, is ultimately immaterial to the problem here. What policies he would or would not support are equally irrelevant to my perspective on him. It’s that his election in and of itself is a danger because of the tattoo, and one many people are brushing past and taking far too lightly.

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We would like to thank our contributors, T. Sinclair and Rose DuBois for agreeing to partake in such an important conversation. Pine & Roses will continue its coverage of the Maine 2026 races throughout the year. 

The post A Conversation on Graham Platner appeared first on Pine & Roses.

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San Francisco DSA posted in English at

PRESS RELEASE: DSA SF Calls on Supervisors to Protect Prop I

SAN FRANCISCO, CA —  Last week, Mayor Lurie and Supervisor Bilal Mahmood proposed legislation (the BUILD Act) that would gut City funding for affordable housing and exacerbate the budget crisis while putting hundreds of millions of dollars back into the pockets of real estate developers, speculators, and other wealthy beneficiaries of Trump’s federal tax breaks – including Donald Trump himself.  

DSA San Francisco and our allies stand in resolute opposition to this proposal, and we will fight to protect the interests of San Francisco’s working class and the clear mandate San Francisco voters delivered in 2020 by approving Proposition I, which the Mayor’s legislation would overturn. We urge the Board of Supervisors to honor the will of their constituents and reject this undemocratic transfer of wealth to the rich. 

“San Franciscans came together to impose taxes on those who make fortunes speculating on the properties where we live and work. We will do so again and again, if we have to, so that the rest of us can afford to live here,” said Raya Steier, Proposition I campaign manager and DSA SF member.

By passing Proposition I, San Franciscans voted to increase the tax on the sale of commercial and residential units exceeding $10 million in order to fund permanently affordable housing. Prop I has raised over $500 million to date by taxing real estate speculation, a primary driver of San Francisco’s housing affordability crisis. This revenue has provided:

  • $42m for the strongest COVID-19 rent relief program in the country, saving more than 20,000 San Franciscans from eviction.
  • $40m for land banking which has been used for more than 550 affordable homes, including over 300 currently under construction today.
  • $64m for housing acquisition that has taken hundreds of homes off the private speculative market.

Proposition I was supported by 57% of voters despite $5 million spent by real estate interests and billionaires to oppose it. It’s no surprise that billionaires like Mayor Lurie prefer not to pay taxes. But the claims that this billionaire tax cut will “spur housing development” and “create thousands of good union jobs” are outrageous and deserve intense scrutiny. 

The vast majority of Prop I revenue is derived from the sale of rent-controlled apartment buildings and large commercial properties built decades ago. Hundreds of affordable units are under construction in San Francisco directly because of the funds raised by Prop I. Liquidating this revenue stream will not “spur housing development” because the construction of new market-rate housing faces a confluence of economic factors that the Mayor’s bill will do nothing to improve. 

Cutting taxes to spur housing development is a failed policy that has been tried time and again without success. In this case, the cut would redistribute money away from the production and protection of affordable housing directly into the pockets of the wealthy. San Franciscans can’t afford to be fooled again by the rhetoric of trickle-down economics.

“San Francisco real estate and rent prices are out of control and have been for some time. The transfer tax on high-end real estate — selling for over $10 million — captures some of the seller’s profit and gives it back to everyday San Franciscans. The Mayor should be ashamed, trying to take away crucial funds intended for housing just to give a tax break to billionaires,” said Dean Preston, former District 5 Supervisor and author of Proposition I.

Mayor Lurie and Supervisor Mahmood’s anti-democratic bill would redistribute money away from affordable housing directly into the pockets of their ultra-wealthy constituents. Everyday residents struggling to stay housed in the nation’s most expensive market would suffer in order to further enrich the very people who benefit from the city’s affordability crisis, including Lurie’s extended family and donors. And President Trump, who owns 30% of one of the biggest properties currently on the market in San Francisco at 555 California St., would stand to rake in tens of millions of dollars off this tax cut when it’s sold.

“When it comes to enriching billionaires at the expense of working people, Daniel Lurie is giving Donald Trump a run for his money,” said Shanti Singh, statewide tenant advocate and DSA SF member. 

This is only the latest attack on the working class of San Francisco by Mayor Lurie and his allies. In the year since Mayor Lurie took office, median rents in San Francisco have soared by an additional 15%, becoming the highest in the nation. San Francisco’s working people deserve real solutions from their government, San Francisco’s voters have given our government the funds to provide them, and DSA SF will continue our fight to ensure this Mayor can’t give away those resources to his rich friends.

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Seattle DSA posted in English at

February General Membership Meeting Recap

February 2/24/26, 7pm, Centilia Culture Center, Seattle WA

Introduction

Each month the SDSA holds General Membership Meetings. These meetings serve as a democratic vehicle for members, educational vehicles for those looking to get more involved, and informational vehicles to learn about upcoming events and votes.

Each GMM follows the same basic schedule: We begin with a call to order, during which we acknowledge the fact we’re operating on stolen land. After the call to order, we vote to approve or amend the proposed agenda, and then we move through the agenda once approved.

Robert’s Rules of Order is our chapter’s parliamentary authority, which sets rules on decorum, debate, resolutions, and voting for making democratic decisions.

Business Summary

Consent Agenda

No objections, approved. 

  • Extension of the Chapter Structure and Democracy Commission (CSDC) charter for six (6) months, to present their work in September. 
  • Reopening the electoral endorsement process to consider candidates for the 37th Legislative District, to be decided at March Convention
  • Appointment of Chris W as Facilitator for the remainder of the current LC term

First Readings

2/2026 Seattle Local Organizational Bulletin to be voted on at the convention in March 2026.

1. Bylaws Amendment to Change Endorsement Threshold to 60%

Introduction

Livey introduced a change to raise the endorsement threshold from a simple majority (50%+1) to a supermajority (60%), aligning with NYC DSA practice. The change aims to ensure that any endorsed candidate has enough active member support to successfully mobilize canvassers, which is essential for building power. Members were encouraged to evaluate potential endorsements by asking themselves if they would personally be willing to canvas for the candidate.

Arguments For
A 60% threshold is common across DSA chapters, preventing last-minute campaigns from vote-whipping for an endorsement sticker without doing the party building work. It ensures enough excited members will canvas, avoiding unproductive close votes (like Katie Wilson). It also safeguards against entryism and holds candidates more accountable.

Arguments Against
Requiring 60% lets a minority override majority-supported candidates, contradicting labor movement tradition (e.g. Teamsters honoring a 54% rejection of contract). A 50% threshold forces campaigns to sharpen political arguments and persuade members. Raising the threshold adds bureaucracy without addressing core political divisions. The real fight should be over political standards, not numerical thresholds.

2. Resolution for Establishing a Seattle DSA Voter Guide

Introduction

Pete introduced the proposed guide that would allow SDSA to signal support for potential allies who don’t meet endorsement criteria, while still critiquing them, maintaining influence without granting official endorsement. Recent endorsements of non-socialists have blurred DSA politics. A clear guide distinguishes between endorsed candidates and those simply worth noting, resolving this ambiguity. When candidates don’t meet the threshold, the guide provides a way to analyze the electoral landscape and channel member energy into future organizing, rather than losing momentum entirely.

Arguments For
A voter guide would educate the public on what DSA candidacy means, countering media narratives (e.g. being called “sectarian” for voting down endorsement of Katie Wilson). It fills a left-wing void beyond outlets like The Stranger, covering socialist analysis of propositions other guides ignore. Building this platform creates name recognition to eventually promote our own cadre candidates.

Arguments Against
A recommendation for an electoral candidate/proposition functions as an endorsement to voters, blurring our strategy and diluting what a socialist candidate/program looks like. Resources are better spent on developing cadre candidates and material organizing, not “bourgeois electoralism.” Without clear criteria for the guide, a committee could signal support for unvetted candidates (including Democrats) without membership approval.

3. Resolution for A Party-Like Endorsement Questionnaire

Introduction

Livey from the EWG is introducing a new candidate questionnaire focused on a candidate’s theory of change and relationship to socialism, rather than just lengthy policy questions. The updated version asks whether candidates agree with the membership-voted program, while still requiring explanations. The new questionnaire is shorter and more politically sharp than the previous version. The new questionnaire aims to encourage members to think critically about what they want in a DSA-endorsed candidate.

Arguments For
The questionnaire asks direct political questions (e.g., independence from Democrats) that elected officials should be able to answer, ensuring socialist alignment. It promotes campaign accountability by requiring engagement with membership-voted programs. It can be amended as the chapter program develops, remaining a living document.

Arguments Against
The questionnaire is premature. It asks candidates to align with a chapter program not yet finalized. It should wait until the program is completed and membership-voted.

2026 Chapter Budget

Introduction

Fernando introduced the proposed yearly chapter budget. The chapter maintains 11 months of reserves, meeting the NGO best practice of 6–12 months. Full budget details are available on Discord and will be emailed before the convention. Members can submit amendments specifying funding sources, and are encouraged to contribute monthly directly to Seattle DSA.

Discussion/Questions

Information on actual spending and donations will be sent out before the budget is passed. Working groups maintain their own records. The fiscal year aligns with the calendar year (January start). National member dues total approximately $4,000/month, while local monthly donations (separate from dues) bring in around $14,000/month.

Final Readings

None

Education and Development

Announcements

  • The Seattle DSA chapter convention is March 21 at 11 AM. RSVP here!
    • LC nominations are open! Please reach out to interested members. 
    • Resolutions can still be submitted, but bylaws amendments are past the deadline.
    • Chapter program committee’s draft program is available on Discord. Please provide feedback!
  • Palestine Solidarity WG elections are in March 2026. 
  • The Protests, Actions, and Coordinated Events (PACE) committee meets Thursday 3/5 on Signal. RSVP to the event for a link to the Signal chat. You can also send a message in #pace-general on Discord to get in contact!
  • May Day is Friday 5/1, save the date for DSA action!
  • Pride planning underway. Get involved via the Member Engagement Committee.
  • New labor publication Labor Herald launched by National Labor Commission! 

Adjourned at 8:51 PM