State Rep. Rabb has fought for working-class Philadelphians in the legislature for years. Now, he’s taking his fight to DC to continue the struggle for housing for all, universal healthcare, and for real democracy in America! DSA is incredibly proud to endorse Rep. Rabb and make sure our voices are heard in the halls of power!

Rep. Rabb is our second Congressional endorsement this cycle. He has some tough opponents, and AIPAC and other dark money groups are already boosting his opponents. Philadelphia DSA has built up a powerful canvassing operation, but we can all help!

Rep. Rabb is joining Oliver Larkin on our Congressional slate. It’s going to take a lot of us standing together to bring more voices and votes into the halls of power.

Rep. Rabb is part of a slate of candidates in the Socialist Cash Takes Out Capitalist Trash fundraising project!

The author of "Let the Record Show: A Political History of ACT UP New York, 1987-1993" discusses how her theory of an “Inside/Outside” strategy applies to the Mamdani era.

The post Let the Record Show: Democratic Left Interviews Sarah Schulman appeared first on Democratic Left.

by Niko J-F

Why You Should Join Us For International Workers’ Day in 2026

May Day Rally Friday, May 1 at Public Square, 4pm

As capitalism developed in the U.S.A, workers were put in grueling industrial conditions, and organized into unions to try to change them. By the late 1800s, workers were organizing to demand an 8 hour work day, facing violent repression from their bosses and the government. In May 1884, at Haymarket Square in Chicago, one particularly violent act of repression shocked the world. The struggle of these workers, and all workers across the world, has since then been celebrated on May 1st as International Workers’ Day.

By the early 1900s, workers across the world were growing in their organization and political consciousness. In the U.S.A., the Socialist Party was the largest political organization advocating for the working class, reaching over 110,000 members at its peak, and drawing over 900,000 votes in the 1912 election. In Cleveland, the Socialist Party grew dramatically throughout the 1910s. They consistently advocated for more worker organization in labor unions and against state repression, war and imperialism.

The Socialist Party in Cleveland regularly celebrated May Day, with the largest such celebration in 1919. Over 30,000 workers marched through the streets, including many in the International Workers of the World, and the American Federation of Labor. Their celebration was met with violent repression. Several workers were killed, over 100 were arrested and injured, and the Socialist Party headquarters were ransacked. In Cleveland and throughout the country, this reaction would become commonplace as the Socialist Party and the working class became increasingly organized, and strongly advocated against the U.S.A’s imperialism and wars abroad.

In 2026, we continue to organize around May Day to honor the histories of those that came before us, and continue their struggle for a better world. Today, we see our government increase its violent repression, including subjugation of immigrants and trans people in the U.S.A, genocide in Palestine, and imperalist aggression from Venezuela to Iran. To stop this oppression, and the everyday exploitation of capitalism, workers must be organized. This May Day is just one action to organize around, demonstrating our unity, calling for ICE out, an end for War, and worker power!

Solidarity, forever!

Link to more May Day Photos: https://clevelandhistorical.org/items/show/28

The post Why May Day? appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

Recommend Joe Gerard for Congress OH-03

In Ohio’s heavily gerrymandered congressional map OH-03 should be a seat that represents the district’s strong leftward tilt but it is instead represented by Joyce Beatty, a donor captured Democrat, funder of Israel, and champion of deregulation. She is being challenged by Joe Gerard. In meeting with Joe our chapter found we are aligned on opposing and abolishing ICE, stopping wars abroad, and championing labor rights. While our chapter is generally skeptical of self funded campaigns, Joe’s challenge to big donor’s power over elections is welcome. Though we tend not to offer full endorsements to non-socialist and non-member candidates, the recommendation here is clear: Joe would be a substantial improvement in representation for Central Ohio’s working class in the US House of Representatives.

Recommend YES on Issue 5

Issue 5 is a move to amend the Columbus City Charter with The Community Crisis Response Amendment. The amendment creates a system to provide non-police based emergency response. This would provide an alternative to frequently violent and potentially escalatory police responses to non-violent crises. Additionally this would be done without adding additional funding for the police. The amendment is supported by a wide range of local organizers, labor, and progressive organizations. A vote of YES would be recommended as any move away from the existing violent and militarized policing status-quo is a good move.

Does DSA have a supporter ceiling? A discussion of how large DSA could grow in the United States.

The post How High is the Sky? appeared first on Democratic Left.

Who wins and who loses when Trump's America goes to war?

The post War, Forever and a Day appeared first on Democratic Left.

By Chris W.

A big advantage that the right and forces of reaction have compared to us on the left is that they are defending a system that already exists. There’s not much for them to disagree over, at least not ideologically. We on the socialist left, on the other hand, are trying to build an entirely different kind of society. There are many different ideas of what socialism means and what a socialist society will look like. Ideally, DSA would be united with a clear vision of the socialist society we want to create and firm tactical and strategic plans to get there. We are not at that level of development yet. How do we get there?

I was impressed with the conduct of the chapter at convention. Considering the endless Slack arguments in the weeks leading up to it, I and other comrades I talked to were anticipating an extremely contentious Saturday. Even though there were raised voices at times, all of the arguments were political. I didn’t hear anyone’s character impugned or socialist bona fides questioned. It was even more impressive considering how few times I’ve seen real substantive debates, the kind that draw out the political fault lines within the chapter, happen in my time in DSA (just one time since I joined last June, when there was an amendment on the resolution to endorse the Michigan for the Many campaign).

The lack of debate at General Meetings might have appeared to newer members to show that there was a great deal of ideological unity in the chapter, and the disappearance of that illusion might have come with some shock. If you follow the goings-on at the national conventions, you know that there are a very wide array of tendencies, represented by an even wider array of caucuses. We got a short, though probably not exhaustive, list of the caucuses represented in the chapter at convention after a point-of-information from a comrade. To the newer member, it may seem like they’ve joined an organization of organizations rather than an organization of organizers.

Perhaps even more alarming to them, was the clear divide between Groundwork and the Democracy Coalition. If you were to look at both of their respective voting guides again (don’t worry, I looked so you don’t have to), neither side won everything they wanted. If one side had, I suppose that would be a type of unity, though it would be a shame if the winner would assume they had total control of the direction of the chapter, disregarding the margins they actually won. In the “big tent” of the DSA, the “big tent” meaning that DSA contains any and all tendencies of the anti-capitalist left, there isn’t going to be ideological unity.

The most unified way to move forward is to deliberate and decide our course democratically, so that all sides can make their case to the body they’re in front of, so that both the winning and losing sides will respect the decision that’s made. The way we get to a more unified chapter is through having these types of deliberative assemblies more often.

I think a big reason for the tensions on Slack leading up to the convention is the lack of a public forum for these various views to be heard. Importantly: these need to be in-person forums. It’s much easier to be short with someone or misinterpret tone when things are being hashed out online rather than in person, and having an audience adds additional social pressure to make sure everyone is on their best behavior. While I agree with comrade Ian A.M. that one-on-ones are great and necessary for our organization and rebuilding a sense of camaraderie between the different factions, the best way to build unity is to continue these debates on the floor of the new General Meeting.

It’s my hope now, as it was when I was writing the amendment to R8 to create the new General Meeting structure, that the half hour of time dedicated to debate in the new General Meeting format will be a place where we can regularly exercise our deliberative muscles and collectively develop politically while we try to steer MDDSA. All the amendments, motions and counter-motions that can occur on the debate floor under Robert’s Rules may seem onerous, and there was a point during the afternoon session of the convention where I was feeling ready to get the whole thing over with, but continued practice will help to smooth out our processes.

These debates aren’t just rhetorical exercises, though. The point is to collectively decide on a plan of action, implement it out in the real world, and then evaluate its efficacy. Then the process starts over; we deliberate over a new course of action, vote on it, implement it, and evaluate it. This is how we achieve unity, by respect for democratic decision-making.

Coming out of convention, I actually see a lot of unity in our chapter. We’re unified behind two new campaigns: No Appetite for Apartheid and Organizing Amazon. We have a new Mobilization Working Group. All three of these will carry our work out into the world after spending a bit too much time concerned with internal organization.

Democracy may look like chaos, but it’s actually the source of our strength. Democracy and organizing create our unity, not bylaws amendments or an omerta on discussing factional differences. I look forward to continuing our deliberations and organizing in the next year with all my comrades.

Chris W. is a law student and an uncaucused member of the Democracy Coalition.

How to Live in a Big Tent was originally published in The Detroit Socialist on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

The post Coulee DSA ENDORSES Fran Hong for Governor! first appeared on Coulee DSA.

Nine things to do before Friday May 1, and one thing to do on that day

1. Plan to take the day off work, either by going on strike at your workplace (probably not that many of you have that option), or by taking a personal or sick day.

2. Find a demonstration near you statewide here and here. Bay Area here (scroll down).

3. Reach out to your union, affinity group, pod, friends, co-workers, family members, parishioners and/or comrades, and invite them along.

4. Make signs. Here are four slogans to start you off: 

• Tax the rich for schools and health care

• Fund communities, not war

• Yes to socialism, No to fascism

• Abolish ICE! Immigrant rights = everyone’s rights

5. Read about the history of May Day.

6. Grab some popcorn and set up a group screening of the thirty-minute documentary video, We Mean To Make Things Over: A History of May Day, streaming for free here.

7. Join DSA, the largest socialist organization in the United States since the 1940s. If you’re already a member, recruit a friend.

8. Spend some time thinking about the best, most sustainable activity you can involve yourself in  to fight fascism.

9. Grocery shop on April 30 so you don’t have to on May 1.

10. Join millions of workers around the country and the globe on May Day, International Workers Day, in demonstrating for a better world. Workers over billionaires! No Work, No School, No Shopping!

For many years I taught labor history at night to working students at City College of San Francisco. Since Bay Area workers and their unions had carried out two consequential general strikes (San Francisco in 1934, and Oakland in 1946), each semester I assigned my pupils an essay question:  Is it possible—or even desirable—for our region’s workers, if faced with oppressive circumstances, to replicate those feats today?

My students’ essays appeared along a range of responses between two poles. On one end, no, not possible, even if desirable, due to changed conditions like suburban distances between home and workplace, along with the decline of union density. On the other, yes, both desirable and possible, because new communications technologies allow ideas and organizing to spread rapidly online, and labor’s steep decline means that workers are angry enough to make it happen. Few students in either camp thought it would be an easy lift, reflecting a general sense of limited horizons for labor-led progressive change in the late twentieth and early twenty first centuries.

The 1946 Oakland General Strike was the very last one American workers had managed to put together, literally a lifetime ago. But metaphorically, post-January 23, 2026, we might now be onto a new calendar. In the wake of the powerful “No Work, No School, No Shopping” day that erupted in the Twin Cities, alongside a steady drumbeat of growing demonstrations and electoral successes against the Trump regime, there’s wind in the sails for mass action on May Day 2026.

Just in my neck of the woods many events have already taken place, and more are on the boards, combining planning, training and coalition building for that once-unpopular holiday, officially observed in one hundred or so nations across the globe but not in the country that birthed it. I hear from a friend in Minneapolis that he’s been going to meetings attended by hundreds of people dedicated in a serious way to making May 1 another day of action. 

We shouldn’t underestimate the significance of what happened January 23. In the midst of a brutal occupation by poorly trained, heavily armed troops operating with seeming impunity on behalf of their fascist mission of ethnic cleansing, the ordinary people of Minneapolis organized themselves to defend their streets, their democratic rights, their immigrant neighbors, and their idea of a decent society to demand “ICE out!”. Somewhere around 75,000 people showed up on a cold Minnesota winter day to freeze the gears of the local economy and the occupation. 

It was pretty close to a general strike, and unlike all the other dozen-plus city-wide general strikes in American history it was waged not around an economic struggle between workers and bosses, but on behalf of a political idea, more like what happens every so often in other countries. Which is very much in the spirit of May Day.

Tools are there to be found

Doing such things will not suddenly become easier. The Minnesota circumstances are unique, with an unprecedented level of assault running into a recent baseline increase in labor-community alliance and activism. The ICE invasion reignited the embers of powerful alliance-building and union contract victories that peaked in 2024. But every city has its own local history, culture and traditions of collective action, and despite the diminished capacities of the labor movement, the tools are there to be found—providing they are sought out seriously.

One hurdle is the legitimate fear of labor leadership over legal consequences for calling a general strike, forbidden by the anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act of 1947, a federal legislative backlash by the Republican-controlled Congress against the 1946 strike wave. Unions can be fined and labor leaders jailed for overtly calling for sympathy strikes. Thus while mostly supportive behind the scenes, unions were muted in their participation in the May 1 2006 “Day Without Immigrants” demonstrations and the November 2011 “Day of Action” in Oakland that shut down the docks and shuttered many businesses in support of Occupy Oakland’s call for a general strike. 

Making distinctions

In Minneapolis unions and labor federations advanced the ball down that field without quite uttering the words “general strike”, although everyone was pretty clear what “No Work, No School, No Shopping” meant. Which brings us to the distinction between what Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch termed ‘abstract’ and ‘concrete’ utopias. Both contain the hope for something better than what we’ve got, and both can propose action to get us from here to there. But an abstract utopia fails to marshal full consideration of the many-sided realities that need to be navigated in order to arrive at a successful endpoint. A concrete utopia pays attention to what Marx was getting at in his Introduction to the Grundrisse when he noted that “The truth is concrete; hence, unity of the diverse.”

What didn’t do that? The cry immediately after January 23 by various individuals and organizations to replicate “No work, no school, no shopping” nation-wide a week later on January 30, which predictably fizzled, absent the hard work of analysis and organizing that produced January 23.

What did do that? In the background, helping to set the stage for Minneapolis, was United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain’s call—issued in 2023—for unions across the country to line up their contracts for common expiration on May 1 2028. Here was a call not to have a general strike, but to organize one. A concrete utopia is one that bridges the gap between the current unsatisfactory situation and the desired outcome with appropriate tactics, strategies, and inspiration—and above all, with a cleareyed picture of and willingness to do the work needed in the timeframe needed to do it.

We may be learning that there is nothing like a dose of fascism to clarify the minds of labor and other progressive movement leaders. Besides all-but-calling a general strike, and getting onto the May Day train, unions around the country have been stepping up ‘tax the rich’ efforts at the state and local levels and signing onto coalitions supporting socialists running for office. Not everywhere, but you’ve got to start somewhere, and it seems to be starting. There are some 250 democratic socialists in office today in the United States, the most since the heyday of the Socialist Party in the early twentieth century, nearly all elected with union support. The imagination of the labor movement, perhaps not coincidentally mostly slumbering since the 1946 strike wave, is waking up.

The direct confrontation with fascism experienced in places like the streets of Los Angeles, Chicago, Minneapolis and elsewhere is not everywhere. Where it’s happening it’s real and deadly serious, on the wrong end of weapons wielded by our government against its own citizens. Fascists are occupying the federal government apparatus, and as they are wont to do, they are stripping it of its helping functions and shifting resources to the repressive functions. But the occupation is being contested. Civil society is the playing field, and democracy is still in play.

Mayhaps

May Day has always been about collective imagination—to be precise, workers imagining a new world, one in which they will be in charge. This act of collective imagining involves another pairing, not the same as but rhyming with the concrete/abstract utopias distinction: individual imagination and fantasy. In psychoanalytic terms, fantasy is a regressive and often self-destructive escape from reality, a defensive flight toward would-be omnipotent control, but only in one’s head. The ultraleft posturing that goes into a call for a general strike without regard to material circumstances is a good example. Imagination, by contrast, actively and creatively engages the work necessary to move from internal conception to making something actually happen—like lining up our contracts to expire on the same day, May Day 2028, with a timeline matched to the magnitude of the task. 

Fain’s concrete utopia also rhymes with how May Day began. Following the execution of the Haymarket martyrs in Chicago, the Socialist International declared a day of commemoration, with demonstrations in every country for the eight-hour work-day, the cause for which the Chicago labor leaders were put to death. Wisely, the call did not impose a one-size-fits-all set of instructions, but instead suggested that each country assess its situation and determine what sort of demonstrations made sense in their own context. The results ranged from weekend marches to general strikes. In some places, over the years, the marches became general strikes, May First became a workers’ holiday, and the labor movement achieved the shorter workday.

For eight decades in this country we’ve done the weekend marches, not the general strikes, the door to which has been shut tight. The people of Minneapolis showed us something remarkable on January 23—that with the work that accompanies imagination, it just might be possible to crack the door open and let the light through. Minneapolis isn’t everywhere, nor should we expect it to be—like Mamdani’s victory could happen because it happened in New York, and New York also isn’t everywhere. But both events show us that something different is possible when collective imagination is fired by the vision of a better world, and the vision is matched with the work it takes to get there. 

On May 1 2026 we’ll be testing how far along we are on the path to the mass actions necessary to push back the fascist tide. We should expect the results to be uneven, but we can learn from them and thus be stronger as we head toward the next rounds of struggle.