United States labor history is mostly a history of defeats. If that were not true our country would more closely resemble Sweden, with its high union density, social democratic culture and cradle to grave free health care. I used to soften the blow of this information to my community college labor studies students with the proviso that nonetheless the U.S. working class has won some important, lasting victories along the way; and if that were not true the United States would more closely resemble Germany and Italy in the 1930s, with their crushed working class organizations and repressive surveillance state. 

Unfortunately. since my retirement from teaching a couple years ago the impact of our continued and accelerating defeats has eroded what remained of those victories to the point we are now rapidly losing their democratic legacy and headed downhill on fast skis toward a fascist America. And since similar forces are at work elsewhere in the global capitalist economy, Sweden no longer provides quite the exemplary utopian example it once did (it now has small co-pays for office visits and drugs), and Germany seems to be forgetting its own historical lessons.

Be heartened

But as we are have learned in recent weeks, with the largest single day demonstration in US history (No Kings), and the people-powered victory of democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani over billionaire cash and fear-mongering in the New York mayoral race (and its echo in Seattle), a growing number of people understand the dangers we are facing and are committing themselves to fighting back with effective forms of action. I am heartened by this; we all should be. We will need this scale of continued participation and many more wins in the contests with fascist billionaires on all fronts before we can restore the democratic institutions that are being destroyed before our eyes and build a better society in place of the one we’re saddled with.

On election night I went to an Oakland brewery where East Bay DSA members were gathering for a Mamdani victory watch party. In line for a locally produced beer, I stood next to a comrade with whom I was slightly acquainted. I expressed the hope that Proposition 50 would be winning along with Mamdani to make for a very good evening. She said, “It will be great if Mamdani wins, but I don’t care about Prop 50. It won’t do anything, and I didn’t vote.”

I wasn’t surprised; I knew that her political north star was Palestine, and that she, like millions of others, had refused to vote for Kamala Harris over the issue. At that time, before the 2024 election, she had told me, “I want to see the United States brought to its knees.” I had responded that the majority of the United States population was working class, and that I wanted the U.S. ruling class to be brought to its knees, not the country itself. I agreed with her critique of Harris on the international side of things, but, I had said, a presidential election is also about what happens nationally. The rapid destruction of the labor movement and immigrant rights were on the agenda if Trump wins. And a fascist America would not create more space for the fight for Palestinian liberation; more likely the opposite. She remained unconvinced, succumbing to a cynical belief shared by millions of working class Americans that elections simply can’t help them. 

Life and death

Although I empathized with the feeling, my practical experience as a union staffer for three decades taught me otherwise. I had little direct knowledge of the internal functioning of government before becoming active in the labor movement as a rank and filer, elected leader and staffer. Until then I would not have been able to tell you what the Department of Labor did, or the National Labor Relations Board, or the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, or how much the appointments to those bodies by Democratic and Republican regimes mattered for the daily lives of workers and their families. 

And that’s just labor-related agencies of government. Federal departments like Health and Human Services, Education, Veteran Affairs, and Housing and Urban Development, all under attack by the Trump regime, also have deep impacts on the quality of life—and indeed often mean the difference between life and death—for millions.

Union members who pay attention to the information provided them by their unions understand these things. But labor represents just ten percent of the workforce and has less reach beyond its shrinking margins compared to what it once could do. My DSA comrade at the brewery had never been in a union, and spent a lot more time thinking about US imperialism than about the role of the working class in struggling for socialism in the heart of the beast. That’s not a bad thing, but it doesn’t provide a complete picture of how we can effectively fight capital.

As we stood in line together, moving it seemed as slowly toward our beers as toward a socialist America, I persisted, perhaps to the point of obnoxiousness, saying that we can’t give up any of the tools at our disposal in our fight against fascism. She believed the only solution was to get into the streets. I agreed with the centrality of demonstrations and direct action, but argued that the courts, elections and pressure on politicians we’ve helped to elect are all weapons in the class struggle, and if we refuse to participate in any of these activities they become tools wielded against us without a fight. We lose. 

Elect Mamdanis, not Pelosis

Prop 50 did win, of course. So now California has likely offset the move in Texas to rig five congressional district seats. What good will this do? It partly depends on who occupies those seats. If it’s five neoliberal Democrats the difference won’t be as big on some key issues, like continuing to arm or not the American empire and its proxies. Even with neoliberal Democrats, it can matter, however, on rebuilding the helping institutions of government that the fascists are trying to destroy, and whether the labor movement has the space and a fighting chance to organize going forward. 

But there’s another possibility with these seats: we could elect Mamdanis instead of Pelosis. That possibility doesn’t exist within the fascist Republican Party; it does within the Democratic Party. We have less than a year to find progressive Democrats and run winning campaigns with them. Continue to get out into the streets? Absolutely. But the ability to get into the streets without being beaten, cuffed and taken away to some undisclosed location by unidentified armed men in masks may just depend on who’s in the seats of Congress, along with local government. 

Although labor history is a sobering reminder of the usual balance of forces in capitalist society, we shouldn’t help the other side stack the deck. We need to be in every game to win.

Zohran Mamdani was just elected Mayor of New York City. He’s not the first Democratic Socialist to win a prominent office, and arguably other office-holders wield more power—Bernie Sanders as a U.S. Senator, Alexandria Ocasio Cortez as a Representative—but what makes Zohran different is how he got there. As he himself put it at DSA’s national convention in 2023, he has been able to stand against the immense power of capital because he has DSA at his back. Our members raised him into office originally, we catalyzed his mayoral run, and we could not be prouder of how he exemplifies our theory of change.

In the U.S., nobody needs to get a political party’s permission to declare themselves a candidate of that party. In theory, members of the party would quickly filter out candidates that had never been active or politically aligned, favoring more known quantities. But in the 1970s and 80s, political parties put increasing emphasis on the mass communications tactics that frankly plague us today—starting with mailhouses, now taking the form of text message epistles buzzing your phone hourly from your “friends” in high places. As Robert D. Putnam chronicled in his landmark thesis Bowling Alone in 2000, political engagement subsided alongside social engagement, generally. Political differences person to person are now rarely about policy, they’re more about identity as a prefabricated product (‘Take this quizlet to see what political character you are!’).

With communications mattering at least as much as official endorsement, politics organized by the vested political parties have splintered, both right and left. The mainstream media has tried its level best to spook liberal audiences by comparing DSA to the Tea Party, but here’s the thing —Americans are desperate for change. With rural hospitals shutting down and biblical-styled catastrophes clobbering every region, they’re dying for it. They know this system is not working for anybody but the elite, and where they differ most is who they imagine those remote and inaccessible elites to be.

Since supporting Bernie Sanders in 2016, DSA has been the leading force in electing hundreds of city council members, school board trustees, county supervisors, state assembly members and a handful of congressional representatives. Each time, we have done so not because we received permission from a local party authority, but because we organized our members and allied working class interests to speak directly to the working class. Yes, we produce mass communications (Zohran’s campaign comms were genius) but our anchor is our commitment to knocking on doors, bringing our neighbors in, and staying in connection every day of the year, regardless of where we’re at in the election cycle.

Because politics is so much more than the ballot line. It’s exploring what you believe with others in your community, and then drawing the contrasts that take shape in votes, by us and by our elected representatives. It’s voicing those politics in protest, and it’s demonstrating those politics in solidarity on the picket line. This is what a party can be. You just need to come through.

Kent Wong died on October 8, 2025. He was sixty-nine years old. The director of the influential UCLA Labor Center for thirty years, he oversaw its expansion from four to forty staff and a corresponding growth in influence in Los Angeles and statewide politics. He was the fierce and effective advocate for expansion of the UC labor centers from two campuses to all of them. His memorial service at L.A. Trade Tech College on November 15 was attended by more than a thousand mourners.—Editor

DSA-LA is deeply saddened by the loss of Kent Wong, a longtime activist and powerful leader in the labor and immigrant rights movements. Kent was a tremendous force for justice, and he leaves behind a strong foundation for us to continue the struggle and apply all that he taught us. Kent was an uncompromising and tireless fighter for workers, immigrants, students, and others of the most vulnerable in our community.

My powerful journey with Kent Wong encompassed most of my adult activist life. I first met Kent in the mid-1990s, when I was Workers’ Rights Project Director for the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights (CHIRLA). We had started the movement to organize day laborers and I reached out to Kent to ask him for support to connect us with the L.A. labor movement. Since that first encounter, Kent and I embarked on a 30-year journey where he became my close friend, confidant, director and mentor.

Kent believed strongly that there is no greater power than when workers come together and organize. He was one of the early pioneers of integrating immigrant workers to transform the labor movement. You would always find Kent at every picket line, union strike action and major mobilization. For him, holding up a picket sign was a powerful weapon for justice. Kent also embraced and supported the efforts of worker centers and saw them as a part of the labor movement.

As an educator, Kent’s vision was to create the next generation of leaders in the labor, immigrant rights and social justice movements. Through his leadership, we created a Labor Studies Minor that grew into a vibrant B.A. program. Last month, we officially became a Labor Studies Department, the first one in the UC system. Kent had a vision to launch labor centers beyond he existing ones at Berkeley and UCLA. Today, there is a labor center in every UC campus.

On a global level, Kent was much beloved by the labor movements of other countries. He developed solidarity work between the U.S unions with the labor movements in China, Vietnam and Japan. I am grateful to have worked with Kent on a two-year project with the trade unions in Vietnam. I witnessed how much love and solidarity the workers of the world had for Kent.

As an immigrant rights activist, Kent was always an uncompromising champion for the young leaders of the Dream activist movement. He worked with undocumented student leaders at UCLA to create IDEAS, the first ever campus student organization to represent them. Kent established the UCLA Dream Resource Center (DRC) as part of the Labor Center. The DRC has provided emerging leaders a safe and empowering space to create impactful social, policy, and narrative change. In 2011, Kent worked with young immigrant leaders to launch Dream Summer, the only national fellowship program for undocumented students. Over the past 14 years, Dream Summer has built an alumni network of over 1,000 immigrant rights leaders.

On a personal level, Kent embraced me for who I was – a soft spoken and quiet servant leader who prefers to work from behind the scenes. He always challenged me, however, to step up and make my voice heard whenever the moment called for it. He supported my work with DSA-LA and he believed in its vision of organizing to build a world where everyone can live a life of dignity, free from injustice and capitalist exploitation. Kent represented for me the true meaning of deep camaraderie and radical solidarity.

Our hearts go out to Kent’s family, close friends, and all who were touched by him. Today we
honor Kent, and we continue forward in the path that he created for us to fight for a better world.
Rest in Power, Kent Wong.

In the months leading up to the New York City mayoral election, there had been some unease in leftist online spaces about the possible results. Polling consistently showed for months that Cuomo was running behind Mamdani, and it may not have even mattered if the race narrowed to the two men. No, the anxiety over the election results was not whether Zohran Mamdani was going to win, but how Mamdani would govern. Every statement was scrutinized for possible concessions; every compromise seemed to portend even more.

Before the primary election, the dream of a leftist mayor could bathe in the promise of his most ambitious proposals without having to dwell on the realities of politics. Now that the general election is over, these very real concerns will need to be confronted, and those who decry electoral work (or of running DSA candidates on the Democratic party line) seem ready to call out any betrayal of the DSA by Mamdani. But  it’s important to first understand what a ‘betrayal of DSA’ would look like, or even mean. 

I’ve heard a similar spiel answer this question countless times at general chapter meetings and branch meetings, and in conversations with the press and interested non-members – what is DSA? The response generally includes some of the following phrases: We are a multi-tendency, multi-caucus organization; we are a mass-politics organization that is dedicated to anti-capitalism, anti-racism, and anti-imperialism; we include people from a broad range of ideological backgrounds on the left. Sometimes people talk about our ‘agenda’ in a local context, and sometimes they talk about national policy goals, like a Green New Deal or universal health insurance. Sometimes people talk about concrete next steps, and sometimes they talk about long-term ideals, like democratizing the workplace or decommodifying housing. All of this is to say that many people have overlapping, yet still different, ideas about who and what we are as an organization, and why we exist. These definitions are all true, but not completely true. How, then, can we be ‘betrayed?’ 

To start off with an obvious example, Mamdani could cancel his membership and denounce the DSA. Maybe he will do this after some huge break with NYC-DSA leadership in the future; but I doubt it. 

Oftentimes, activists will talk about an elected official ‘betraying’ their constituents. This may take the form of accusing them of abandoning their campaign promises, or opposing what they had promised to support. Other times, activists just use the language of the ‘betrayal’ to mean that policies which they oppose are harming constituents. Plenty of MAGA activists will accuse left-wing politicians of ‘betraying’ America by allowing ‘open borders.’ 

In this case, Mamdani will almost assuredly be accused of betraying New York by the right and center when he simply pursues the policies he has campaigned on. But in the former, there could also be campaign policy reversals that may be considered a betrayal of DSA. 

The New York Times asked Gustavo Gordillo, co-chair of NYC-DSA, about Mamdani’s then recent policy choices and whether they would alienate him from cadre membership.

While none of the issues mentioned were part of the core affordability agenda (except, arguably, taxing the rich, although one could argue the spending is what matters more than the revenue raising), Gordillo makes clear that it’s more about the stance of the mayoralty and with whom it positions itself that will determine whether there is a betrayal. But what about the specific policies?

I think this is a gray area because of the nature of politics. In any negotiation, political or otherwise, you always demand more than you think you’re going to get. The other side will assuredly do the same. When the other side scoffs at your proposal, don’t offer concessions before they’ve made a counter-offer. So, with this in mind, it’s possible to see that not all of Mamdani’s agenda will get enacted, or that he even thought these policies could be enacted. If you want to lower universal pre-K from four years to three, you don’t ask for 3K. The other side will always fight expansions of welfare programs, so Mamdani might as well stake out a maximalist demand, knowing that he may have to negotiate down to a phased-in timeline or something later than 6 weeks. Would settling for less be considered a betrayal of the campaign promise, and therefore DSA? It probably depends on how much is compromised.

By now, the reader may feel the framework I have outlined here is nothing more than a slippery slope into rejecting accountability for our electeds. Rather than arguing that social democracy is good enough, I am asking us to think more fundamentally about what we are as an organization, and what expectations members can make of others. Consider first, for example, the differences between NYC-DSA and the national DSA’s agenda. 

Time and again, both New York and national political media sought to tie Mamdani to planks of the DSA’s platform. The New York Post accused him of dodging questions about enforcing misdemeanors. NPR at least had the decency to quote our national website when they sought to define DSA’s priorities. When pressed on his position on nationals, Mamdani always clarified that his platform is on his campaign website, not on DSA’s. NYC-DSA leadership has also pointed to discrepancies between the chapter and national. The differences between the two reflect the varied backgrounds and experiences of members from across the country, and how delegates sought to shape national priorities at successive conventions. Part of the backgrounds and experiences that some delegates brought reflect a dearth of political power or opportunity from their chapters’ region; moreover, the political ideologies and tendencies which guide strategies in rural or suburban America no doubt differ from that of blue state, urban organizers. Again, these are all parts of DSA, but not completely DSA. 

If our organization includes people who describe themselves as communists, Marxist-Leninists, and democratic socialists, it means that our organization will have long-standing disagreements over goals, practices, strategies, and more. When a chapter endorses a candidate for office, though, they are not endorsing a multitude – they are endorsing a single person who is from one of those tendencies, or doesn’t clearly identify with any one of them. When a democratic socialist candidate who believes in a dirty break strategy, for example, gets elected and governs as a democratic socialist who believes in the dirty break strategy, it shouldn’t come as a surprise. It should also come as no surprise that the Maoists or Trotskyists who believe in a clean break would find reason to disagree with this new elected official. But when an organization contains so many multitudes and allows for diversity of thought, it also means that the accusation of ‘betrayal’ is harder to justify. A democratic socialist elected official who governs according to their own beliefs is not betraying the other factions within DSA by not suddenly adopting someone else’s beliefs. You can disagree with someone in shades or degrees, and still appreciate the capacity of your organization to put forward candidates who will advance a movement that allows for greater consideration of left-wing ideas. 

As the Mamdani mayoralty will soon take hold, we should hold true to our vision of a better future and demand the most that we can from him. We do this as we demand the city council, state legislature, and Governor Hochul to work with him, too. That there will be compromises made to his campaign platform, we can only assume. I would never counsel anyone to give over absolute trust to a politician. Just remember, though, that if people accuse Mamdani or others of ‘betraying’ DSA, we should ask if there’s good reason to believe it, or if these accusations are just manifestations of  the ideological and strategic disagreements between people that existed long before the election.

The post What Does It Mean to Betray DSA? appeared first on Midwest Socialist.

This is the first of a three-part series assessing MAGA, developing anti-fascist strategies, and organizing for democracy and affordability in Maine and nationally.

Trump’s had a bad month so far. Although Senate Democrats caved on the shut down, Trump’s numbers have slipped as many voters blame the Republicans for SNAP cuts, federal layoffs and furloughs, and airport chaos. Yucking it up with Saudi Prince MBS failed to distract from his disorganized retreat on the Eptsein files, MTG’s mid-term resignation, and early Wall Street wobbles. Meanwhile, there is a noticeable shift in mood on the left. Katie Wilson won big in Seattle… as did centrists in New Jersey and Virginia. Mainers crushed a Republican referendum to suppress voting rights. Millions turned out for No Kings! rallies in October and significant and sustained opposition to ICE invasions has thrown sand into the gears of Trump’s pet militia. Trump’s chummy approach to his meetup with Zohran Mamdani might indicate he’s feeling vulnerable on the affordability front. All this is to the good, but don’t count MAGA out. 

Trump has accumulated a great deal of power. He has succeeded in remaking the Republican Party into a far-right machine and has done lasting damage to the liberal welfare state. He has remade NATO, crippled the Iranian challenge, and is openly pushing for a coup in Venezuela. The Supreme Court rubber-stamps 90% of what he does. And there is more to come. It is easier to destroy than to build. Moreover, Trump and the MAGA right are building a purified imperialist administrative state that will not “go back to normal” even if Schumer and Jeffries claw back a narrow majority in the House. There is little prospect in the short term for completely reversing Trump’s cuts and evisceration of democratic rights, and even dimmer prospects for reforms and spending on the (limited) scale of Biden’s (failed) Build Back Better.

No one has a crystal ball, but it’s worth thinking through potential scenarios. 

[Read next: Mainers don’t want Janet Mills for Senate]

The first scenario—and the most likely to my mind—is a Reagan-to-Bush-to-Clinton trajectory, that is, frontal Republican attacks on unions, civil rights, and democracy followed by centrist Democratic modifications of the worst excesses. Those modifications will come as a relief, but the danger lies in accepting a “new normal.” Clinton did little to undue Reaganism. Newsom, Shapiro, and Whitmer offer no systemic solutions to the problems ordinary families confront today. Mamdani and Wilson—along with Brandon Johnson in Chicago—may serve as major or minor outliers in fighting for pro-worker reforms, but these will not be championed at the federal level by the Democratic Establishment. Furthermore, the Supreme Court stands ready to strike down any transformative efforts that happen to sneak through. 

The second most likely scenario is a third Trump term, whether headed by Trump himself or his heir. We should not underestimate the MAGA elite’s determination to hang on to power by any means, legal or otherwise. A recession may undo them temporarily, but Reagan used the 1982 recession to smash unions, strip social spending, demoralize his opponents, and consolidate his popular and ruling-class support. Authoritarian figures are often able to ride out chaotic circumstances as long as there is no coherent alternative. If you had to bet on Schumer or Trump in a political brawl, who do you think would come out on top?

A third scenario could open up with a massive electoral rejection of MAGA in 2026 and some initial rise in social struggle, leading to an AOC-type victory in the presidential primary and a related qualitative shift in the level of class struggle, perhaps anchored by a national strike on May Day 2028. This scenario poses the greatest threat to the billionaires as a class and MAGAism as a movement. It’s the perspective we should fight for, but it’s also the least likely outcome in my view. Why? 

Despite Trump’s wobbles, the underlying balance of forces between the oligarchy and the working class still tilts strongly in favor of the rich. The billionaires tolerated the liberal welfare state—expansive public education, civil rights legislation, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security—for a long period. From Reagan to Obama, both parties hacked away (sometimes drastically) at it over the long neoliberal era, but they did not eradicate it. The billionaires adapted and learned to get what they needed from the state under the given circumstances as they paid ever diminishing taxes in exchange for social control at home and global control abroad. 

Trump has opened a new path for them. And they are demonstrating an inclination to rule in a different way. They are not only surrendering to Trump out of moral cowardice, they are also plowing trillions into AI, oil, banking, military production, etc. Lip service to climate change is out, an ugly feeding frenzy is in. The bankers are sensing hundreds of billions in windfall profits by privatizing Social Security and public education. Besting China and breaking unions are their organizing principles and nearly a trillion dollars a year in military funds will buy off any “constitutional” brass in the Pentagon. The billionaires might have been slow to Trump’s party, but they’re drinking from the punch bowl now.

Against this juggernaut, elites in the liberal political class are unable to imagine a world beyond free-market neoliberalism. Like the billionaires, Schumer and Jeffries are not only political cowards, they see incentives for their own social layer in containing the resistance to those strategies that land them back in charge. This makes them a weak force in the face of Trump’s lust for power. However, they are not without resources: they have practically unlimited money, a small stable of national Democratic politicians who have figured out they must at least posture as radically anti-Trump, and, most importantly, no more than the beginnings of an organized opposition to their left. 

[Read next: The case for Troy Jackson]

Despite some recent counterexamples (Mamdani, UAW stand up strikes, ICE protests, etc.), the U.S. working class remains fractured. A historical process of sustained class struggle is the only means to construct new consciousness and mass organizations. This process could develop relatively quickly (several years), but we are starting from a very low level of organization, so it will most likely be more drawn out than in previous periods of heightened class struggle in the U.S. (1905–1919 or 1933–1938, for instance). There are other enormous challenges, including social media spectacle, generational activist discontinuity, the dispersion of working-class life, robber barons’ ability to withstand company-specific strikes, international production and distribution, etc. None of that is insurmountable, but it speaks to the continuing vulnerability of class-based challenges to both liberalism and MAGAism.

Socialists argue that fascism is a counterrevolutionary, extraparliamentary movement posing falsely as a challenge to capitalism. However, once they come to power, fascists rule in the interest of, and with the support of, the capitalist class. These two aspects must be considered simultaneously. In Germany, the fascist movement came before the fascist state. However, Italian fascism came to power earlier as a political force several years before it succeeded in completely remaking the state in its own image. For instance, resistance leader Antonio Gramsci retained his parliamentary immunity until 1926, four years after Mussolini’s assumption of power. In the Spanish, Chilean, and Argentine cases, varying combinations of fascist movements and military maneuvers via the armed forces led to fascist (or fascist-type) states. The German and Italian cases might be classified as “fascism from below,” while the Spanish, Chilean, and Argentine cases may be classified as “fascism from above.” The Jim Crow State in the U.S. and Modi’s India represent varieties of the species.

In my mind, what matters most here is directionality. It is less important to classify MAGA as a “fully” fascist movement and more useful to determine its potential to move in that direction. In my view, Mamdani was right, “yes,” Trump is a fascist. But does it matter how we define MAGA?

Sun Tzu wrote in The Art of War, “Know thy enemy and know yourself and you will not be defeated in one hundred battles.” No one bats 1.000, but his point stands. If Trump and MAGAism are lurching towards fascism, we need to study their strengths and weaknesses, redress our own shortcomings, and develop specific initiatives to drive a wedge into their base. 

I will return to this question next week in Part 2 with some lessons from past generations and strategies we can pursue today to shift the balance of forces in favor of the working class.

[Read next: No Kings! speech by Portland city councilor Wes Pelletier]

The post MAGA one year before the 2026 elections appeared first on Pine & Roses.

By Blair Goodman — Political Education Working Group, Madison DSA

Madison, right now

Across Dane County, our campaigns against jail expansion, corporate developers, and layoffs at TruStage all run into the same brick wall: a system that divides and disciplines labor along racial lines. Anti-Black racism isn’t an add-on to class struggle—it’s a core method by which exploitation keeps reproducing itself. This piece offers a framework for connecting those dots in our local work.

1) Capitalism’s birth in racial slavery

Modern capitalism was built through dispossession and enslavement—the twin thefts of land and labor. Plantations were early financial instruments linking human bondage to credit, insurance, and global trade.

W. E. B. Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction showed that enslaved labor was integral to world capitalism, and that the Civil War’s “general strike of the slaves” was the first mass withdrawal of labor in U.S. history. He also named the wages of whiteness: the social privileges that kept white workers tied to their own exploitation.

2) The logic of racial capitalism

Each transition—from slavery to sharecropping, from industry to mass incarceration—reshaped rather than removed racial rule.

3) Ruling-class strategies of division

From Bacon’s Rebellion to Reaganomics, elites have used racial politics to stabilize profit.
After Reconstruction, terror and “Black Codes” rebuilt cheap, coerced labor.
In the industrial North, corporate leaders hired across color lines to break strikes and then incited mob violence to keep unions weak.

The New Deal’s exclusions of agricultural and domestic workers preserved segregation inside the welfare state. Later, Nixon’s “Southern Strategy” and Reagan’s “welfare-queen” myth converted white resentment into a new austerity consensus.

4) Anti-Black racism in the contemporary economy

• Labor: Black and brown workers dominate low-wage logistics and care work; white workers are overrepresented in management and tech.
• Policing and prisons: Incarceration functions as labor discipline under the 13th Amendment exception.
• Finance: Redlined credit and predatory loans siphon wealth from Black communities; the 2008 crash transferred billions to banks.
• Environment & health: Toxic exposure, food deserts, and hospital closures show how profit literally costs lives.

Corporate “diversity” rhetoric and right-wing culture wars both mask this structure.

Resistance—from teachers’ strikes to warehouse walkouts—shows multiracial solidarity can still rupture it.

“Anti-racism isn’t a distraction from class politics—it’s how we build working-class power that can actually govern.”

5) What this means for organizers

• Integrate racial analysis into every campaign. Whether the issue is housing, healthcare, or wages, trace how racial inequality shapes the field of struggle.
• Center Black working-class leadership. Leadership development and cadre training should deliberately cultivate Black and marginalized organizers—not tokenism, but strategy.
• Reject false binaries. Universal demands (like Medicare for All) only transform society if implemented through racial justice.
• Challenge whiteness as a relation. Build reflection and accountability—not guilt—into your organizing culture.
• Connect local fights to systemic critique. Show how each campaign teaches lessons about racial capitalism and how collective action can dismantle it.

The goal is not moral reconciliation but power: a unified multiracial working class capable of governing society in its own interest.

6) Political education & collective memory

• Pair readings of Black Reconstruction, Black Marxism, and Hammer and Hoe with local labor history.
• Map your shop or neighborhood: who gets which jobs, services, protections—and why?
• Debrief campaigns not only on tactics but on leadership and racial dynamics. Document lessons so they become chapter memory.

Political education isn’t a classroom—it’s the loop between struggle and understanding.

Use this next week

• Bring this piece to your WG or union meeting; connect one paragraph to a current Madison fight.
• Host a 60-minute discussion using the five organizer implications above.
• Send local examples (housing, policing, labor) to #redmadison for follow-up coverage.

Sources & further reading

• W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America (1935)
• Oliver Cromwell Cox, Caste, Class and Race (1948)
• Cedric J. Robinson, Black Marxism (1983)
• Angela Y. Davis, Are Prisons Obsolete? (2003)
• Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation (2016)

About the author: Blair Goodman helps political education at Madison DSA. This piece is part of our ongoing effort to tie local campaigns to a rigorous understanding of racial capitalism.

One-Page Printable Discussion Guide

For WG meetings, study circles, or union caucuses (60 min)
Goal: connect theoretical insight on racial capitalism to immediate campaigns in Madison.

Agenda (60 minutes)

• Opening check-in (10 min): one moment you’ve seen race and class intersect at work or in organizing.
• Read-aloud (10 min): paragraph 5, “What this means for organizers.”
• Small-group discussion (25 min):
  • How does anti-Black racism operate in our current campaign or workplace?
  • Which of the five organizer implications feels most urgent here?
  • What concrete change in practice could reflect that insight?
• Report-backs (10 min): one takeaway per group.
• Closing commitment (5 min): each participant writes one action step to test before the next meeting.

Materials

• Printed or digital copy of the essay
• Whiteboard/poster paper for mapping examples
• Optional: QR link to MADSA events page

by Mickey White

In late 2021, Dr. Fauci stated that we would need to get below 10,000 COVID infections per day in order to reach some “degree of normality.” At the peak of the most recent wave in September 2025, more than two years after the Public Health Emergency was ended because the pandemic was “over,” there were an estimated 1.24 million new cases per day in the US based on wastewater surveillance. Using the CDC’s own estimate of Long COVID risk at one in five, that’s 248,000 Americans disabled by COVID per day.

This is not the “normal” we were promised. We’re experiencing a mass disabling event.

The CDC, a government agency which claims to “control disease,” has a long history of harm that includes withholding treatment from Black men with syphilis in the infamous Tuskegee experiment and mishandling and downplaying the AIDS crisis. Their current policies are causing even more preventable disability and death, because the CDC’s actual function is not to protect public health but to uphold capitalism. Right now, that means sending people to work and school while sick and infectious with COVID. The rich and powerful have access to high-end ventilation and filtration systems, nasal photodisinfection, sterilizing Far UV-C lights, AI-powered wearables that predict illness, COVID-sniffing dogs, routine PCR tests, and personal servants to limit their contact with the public. The rest of us don’t have any of that. Vaccines are one layer of defense, but post-Omicron COVID vaccines only provide about 50% protection against infection for four to six months, and the updated 2024 vaccine was only received by about 20% of the US population (data for 2025 is not yet available). For the working class, masks are simply the best tools we have.

MASKING IS WORKER SOLIDARITY

During the first year of the pandemic, labor, retail, and service workers died from COVID at a rate five times higher than those in higher socioeconomic positions. We’ve known since 2020 that those deaths are disproportionately Black, Hispanic, Indigenous, and disabled people. Even when the acute phase of the illness isn’t deadly, consider the consequences of a COVID infection for the average worker: one hospital stay can result in thousands of dollars of medical debt. Even if not hospitalized, missing a few days of work to recover can result in a loss of income, or the loss of a job. That can be catastrophic for people living paycheck to paycheck. Even a mild or asymptomatic case can trigger a chronic illness which takes away their ability to work entirely, potentially permanently. The same is true when a child is infected and a parent has to miss work to care for them. This isn’t hypothetical, it’s still evident at the population level in 2025. Every broken chain of transmission prevents a loss of income that would push working class people closer to eviction, homelessness, and death.

MASKING IS GLOBAL SOLIDARITY

Because of capitalist greed resulting in vaccine apartheid, the majority of Africans are still not vaccinated against COVID. Vaccination rates are also abysmally low for Palestinians living under occupation due to Israel restricting access; as of August 2022, “more Israelis had received a third dose of the vaccine than Palestinians who had received a first dose.” Since October 7th, 2023, millions of displaced Palestinians have been forced to shelter in crowded conditions, causing rapid spread of infectious diseases. COVID has become one of many instruments of colonization and genocide. Those of us living in the US have the incredible privilege of access to high quality masks such as KN95, KF94, and N95 respirators, life saving tools which are simple, easy to use, far more effective than cloth or surgical masks (even more so when worn by everyone), and relatively inexpensive. I believe we also have a responsibility to use them. Every broken chain of transmission is one less chance for the virus to evolve into the next variant that spreads around the world.

MASKING IS SOLIDARITY WITH DISABLED PEOPLE

People who are immunocompromised or high risk, or who already have Long COVID, haven’t been able to safely access any public space since widespread masking was largely dropped after vaccines became available. Advice from the CDC has been for those people to take on the entire burden of protecting themselves, with perfect precautions at all times without any help from their communities, leading to profound isolation. When we gather in large numbers, we’re responsible for mitigating the risk that spreads to the broader community when our members leave a meeting and go to work, school, grocery stores and doctors’ offices. With 1 in 35 people in New York State actively infectious as of September 29th, 2025, statistically the risk of someone having COVID in a room of 50 people is 76%. Just staying home when sick isn’t enough: more than half of COVID transmission comes from people who don’t have symptoms.

Additionally, if we want disabled people to be able to participate in our organization, as well as get the benefits of in person socialization over strictly online meetings, our meeting spaces must be accessible to them. Disabled people are not a monolith, and accessibility needs vary and often conflict. In the case of people who can’t mask for medical reasons, that’s all the more reason for everyone else to mask to protect them. In the case of people who would need others to unmask in order to hear better or lip read, there are other accommodations that could be made, such as interpreters, captionists, amplification, or communicating by text or in written form. If the goal is accessibility for all disabled people, the solution is not to unmask and put people at risk when alternatives are available.

EVERYONE IS VULNERABLE TO LONG COVID

At this point, we have five years’ worth of evidence that COVID damages the vascular system as well as almost every organ in the body, including the brain, heart, lungs, liver, kidney, and eyes. COVID can cause microclots, immune system dysregulation, erectile dysfunction, mitochondrial damage, autonomic dysfunction, and disruption of the blood-brain barrier. Messaging from public health institutions, government, and media makes it seem like “the vulnerable” are a small and insignificant minority, but the reality is that people with one or more conditions listed by the CDC as high risk for COVID make up 75% of the population. If you have veins, a heart, and a brain, you are at risk. A COVID infection can be disabling even if you’re vaccinated, even if you have a mild or asymptomatic case, even if you’ve been infected before. The risk of Long COVID is cumulative, meaning reinfections are just as likely to cause persistent symptoms as the initial infection, and anecdotally, most people I know are getting infected about once a year. There are currently no FDA approved treatments, and most people with the condition don’t receive disability benefits. According to the authors of an article on the immunology of Long COVID, “the oncoming burden of Long COVID faced by patients, health-care providers, governments and economies is so large as to be unfathomable.” Every broken chain of transmission prevents chronic illnesses which diminish our capacity for organizing and surviving under capitalism.

If there’s anything we should have learned from the pandemic, it’s that we’re all connected. When it comes to infectious disease, individual health is dependent on the health of the community; our personal decisions affect other people, and our struggles are linked. The act of masking is solidarity, accessibility, self preservation, and community care. When we say “we keep us safe,” we should mean it.

Visit maskbloc.org to find free masks near you.

The post COVID Safety is Solidarity first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

By: Kelly Regan & Travis Wayne

ALLSTON, MA – On Monday, November 17, sixty people crossed Allston to assemble at Marsh Plaza on Commonwealth Avenue in response to a flurry of rapid-response organizing by Boston Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). 

Community members rallied after ICE’s abduction of nine Allston Car Wash employees on November 4. The raid disappeared people from families across the community as the Car Wash itself closed its doors. Exhaling into frigid night air, angry community members held up signs that read “Bring Them Home,” “ICE Out of Boston Now,” and “Keep Families Together.”

Days after the raid, Boston University (BU) student Zac Segal took credit on social media for calling in ICE. Segal claims to have been calling ICE for months in an attempt to ensure workers were abducted. 

Segal, president of Boston University’s College Republicans, has faced immense backlash from the local Allston community.

“This abduction in my neighborhood, in our neighborhood, is personal,” shouted Destiney McGrann, who graduated from Boston University and organizes with Allston-Brighton DSA. “How dare a member of BU – my school – participate in this act of terror?”

Another Phase in the Sanctuary Campus Movement

Members of the Back Bay Young Democratic Socialists of America (YDSA) mobilized students to the rally. Among them were many students who were themselves vulnerable to abduction abetted by Boston University. 

The institution still refuses to declare itself a sanctuary campus to protect its own immigrant students amidst abductions in its backyard.

“We demand that BU enact policies that they are legally able to enact, to safeguard its community from federal overreach,” said one student organizer. They also noted that, “on the BU campus, over 2000 students have signed the YDSA petition to make BU a sanctuary campus.”

For Boston University students, the organizing campaign to compel the institution harboring Zac Segal a sanctuary campus stretches back to the beginning of the year – when federal attacks began.  

YDSA launched the campaign immediately after Trump took power, echoing back to the 2016-2017 Sanctuary Campus movement, before escalating in April 2025. 

The Sanctuary Campus campaign reached an end-of-winter high point on Marsh Plaza, in the same spot where DSA would rally students and community members in the cold November night several months of federal attacks later. On April 3, hundreds of Boston University students and faculty walked out of classes to assemble at Marsh Plaza to demand a sanctuary campus. Some students conducted a sit-in, which Boston University used to crack down on YDSA, before forty autonomous actors staged a direct action to escalate even further and with greater risk against Boston University in response to the university’s repression on April 16.

After suspending YDSA on April 7, which later regrouped during the summer in the wider Back Bay, Boston University went back to doing nothing: refusing to make any change to make the campus a sanctuary. 

People continued to be abducted – including, devastatingly, nine workers at the Allston Car Wash just ten minutes from campus. 

“ICE is a machine that is shrinking people’s lives,” said Bonnie Jin, co-chair of Boston DSA, “We’re making a parent into a case number, a neighbor into a risk. It’s designed to silence, but we were not built, Boston, for silence.”

Towards Community Defense

Back Bay YDSA already planned and organized a walkout for the end of the week: November 20, moving forward even as three workers detained were released a few days following the rally.

No one stands under any assumption that the moment constitutes anything but a new phase of pressure on Boston University.

“If you’re mad, you should feel the full weight of your anger,” said Hank, a pseudonym to protect one student vulnerable to ICE who stayed home from the rally for their own safety. “Use that anger to lead you to take you to the next step, to organize your neighborhood, your workplace and your campus. Work hard for a better tomorrow.” 

The Allston community is gripped with the rage that Hank calls for – at Boston University, and at the federal government. Rally organizers listed off the organizations to become involved with: DSA, for organizing; Boston Immigration Justice Accompaniment Network (BIJAN), for mutual aid; and LUCE, for ICE Watch. McGrann roused the crowd to shout together:

“When we refuse to bow down, we win. Together, we keep us safe… so today, I beg you to make this commitment to protecting your neighborhood.”

The rally descended into a moment of silence, for the people stolen, before the crowd dispersed into smaller conversations. Jin put the crowd’s sentiment simply:

“Our coworkers are not collateral and our city is not a hunting ground.”

Kelly Regan is a member of the Allston-Brighton branch of Boston DSA. 

Travis Wayne is the managing editor of Working Mass and a member of the Somerville branch of Boston DSA. 

The post Allston Community Seethes and Rallies After ICE Abduction of Allston Car Wash Workers appeared first on Working Mass.

Yesterday Portland became the 12th city in the nation to pass a ban on software used by corporate landlords to coordinate rent spikes. We showed up, and our collective effort helped push the council to a loud and clear approval of this crucial policy!

DSA City Councilors Angelita Morillo, Mitch Green, and Council Vice President Tiffany Koyama-Lane introduced the ordinance to end the use of this price collusion software. On the same day, Oregon Attorney General Dan Rayfield announced a landmark settlement of over $7 million with Greystar Real Estate Partners for using RealPage’s rent-price ripoff software. This significant penalty sends a clear message about what will happen to greedy landlords when they try to use A.I. to raise our rent! 

Portland’s action also reflects a broader movement happening at the state and federal levels. Senator Ron Wyden’s proposed End Rent Fixing Act mirrors the city’s ban and goes further by empowering tenants to challenge landlords in court. Local leaders like DSA-endorsed candidate Dr. Tammy Carpenter, running for House District 27, are leading the charge for stronger statewide rent control and protections for renters that actually give us power to fight back against the landlords that want to rip us off. 

Landlords are on notice: tenants are getting organized, and we’re coming for what’s ours!

The post Victory: A.I. Rent-raising software banned in Portland appeared first on Portland DSA.