Unions are among our best tools for protecting our rights and each other and can lead the fight for an alternative: anticipatory defiance.

The post Unions Can Stop Trump’s Rollback of Civil Rights appeared first on EWOC.

On winter nights, Bowdoin College campus is usually quiet, and with a snowstorm on the horizon the silence that sets in is borderline eerie. Students shelter in their dorms; dining workers, many of whom live across town lines, are booked into local hotels so they aren’t prevented from working by the potentially dangerous weather coming overnight. Around the quad, many buildings closed for the night remain lit up and entirely empty.

But between Thursday, February 6 and into the night of Monday, February 10, the atmosphere took on a different edge, as Bowdoin Students for Justice in Palestine turned a rally in the student union into the first encampment of the new year—and the new administration. The Shaban al-Dolou Encampment was formed in Morrell Lounge, the main meeting area of the student union, out of donated tents and populated by a varying number of student activists. They named their space after a peer: Shaban al-Dolou, a Palestinian student who was burned to death by an occupation airstrike.

A speech from the second floor window of Morrell Lounge explained why they chose to name the encampment after Shaban al-Dolou,

He spent his last months recording the everyday horrors in Palestine… The constant bombing, the hunger, the intense, unending fear of children, families, mothers, fathers, brothers, sisters… no individual has been spared. He was displaced and [he was] attempting to get his family out of Palestine. He was a student studying to be a software engineer. He was nineteen… he was nineteen years old and he was burned alive in a hospital. [Shouts of “Shame!” come from the crowd.] These are the tragedies that are happening every single day. More deaths than we can ever imagine. We brought this campaign to this campus in Shaban’s name and for all the individuals in Palestine. That is who we are fighting for. That is why we are here. Let’s not forget that. Let’s dig our roots into this knowledge. Thank you for being here. Thank you for supporting us. Thank you for supporting the people of Palestine.

The atmosphere was charged—tense sometimes—as students rushed past security or clambered through open windows to join the encampment. Yet it was jubilant at others, as students within Morrell led cheers from the second story and supporters outside blasted music and danced together. During the night, community members from a number of different groups—including Bowdoin Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine, Maine DSA, PSL, JVP, PeaceWorks of Greater Brunswick, and Maine Coalition for Palestine—patrolled the sprawling complex at all hours, watching for a potential incursion by police or security. It was during these cold, small hours of the morning that a sense of uncertainty dominated.

For decades, students, staff, and faculty at Bowdoin have understood the “Bowdoin Bubble”—a sense that this small, exclusive liberal arts college tucked away in a quiet corner of Maine is uniquely isolated from the complicated workings of the rest of the world. Of course, the real world has always been reflected in the internal Bowdoin experience. Over two centuries old, the college has long been a bastion of wealthy whiteness, which comes with its own intense political identity. Though recent decades have seen a marked increase in non-white and low-income students, it’s debatable how well Bowdoin has adjusted, as the campus culture remains mired in assumptions around student privilege and accessibility, often leaving marginalized students frustrated or without the resources inherent to the experiences of their more privileged peers.

There have been political movements at Bowdoin in the past. It took over a decade of student organizing to convince the school to divest from the Apartheid regime in South Africa; more recently, in the late 2010s and early 2020s, students came together multiple times to advocate for better pay for service staff.

The encampment itself did not come from nowhere. It represented another step in more than a year-long campaign by Bowdoin SJP, including a campus referendum in which a supermajority of students voted to ask the College to “take an institutional stand against scholasticide in Gaza… and refrain from future investment… in certain arms manufacturers.”

But Bowdoin had never seen anything like the Shaban al-Dolou encampment. It showed.  Security on the first day was visibly confused and unprepared, regularly making phone calls to establish admittance procedures, and administration fumbled early on by electing to shut down the entire student union building.

For context, the renamed Shaban al-Dolou Union (formerly Smith Union) is the main student hub on campus. It is normally open 24/7 to campus community members, and houses three dining hubs—the grill, the cafe, and a convenience store—as well as the student book store, mailroom, a gymnasium, an art gallery, and several rec rooms.

The student encampment obstructed none of these operations. Morrell Lounge is a large open space dominated by chairs, couches, and coffee tables, where students would be working, hanging out, or sleeping anyway. On Thursday night, the first night of the encampment and prior to the building’s closure, the C-Store raked in money from the encamped students.

The administration’s decision to shut-down the whole building antagonized a normally politically apathetic campus. Admin attempted to frame the peaceful protest as “hostile,” necessitating the closure for staff safety. It’s difficult to say immediately after the fact how effective this piece of propaganda was, but as a former dining staffer at Bowdoin, it’s transparently ridiculous. After all, dining staff—deemed essential by the college—are expected to work through severe snowstorms, pandemics, and county-wide active shooter emergencies. As Fatah Azzam from the Maine Coalition for Palestine explained, “It’s not like they’re violating anyone’s safety or security or anything like that at all. They’re just sitting and saying, ‘We are here; we want you to listen to us.”

The longer the encampment held out, the greater the sense of uncertainty. Since this was the first time Bowdoin had seen a direct action of this scale, it was impossible to say whether the higher-ups would cave or lash out in response. Over the next few days, admin continued to send out self-contradictory warnings, including veiled but confused threats of disciplinary action and moving-target deadlines. According to students inside and allied faculty, conditions in the encampment became increasingly hostile as administrative pressure mounted.

At SJP’s request, community members mobilized. Supply runs, letter write-ins, cop watches, and alumni pressure campaigns were organized to maintain the encampment, and students and locals alike rallied around the clock to support the activists.

The Bowdoin activists were up against a formidable foe. Bowdoin has many billions of reasons to remain committed to the status quo. It’s a private “little Ivy” that depends almost entirely on alumni and parent donations. The college’s leaders may feel they can’t afford to rock the proverbial boat and fund the latest football field makeover.

More insidiously, advocating for serious change at a small privileged school puts marginalized students at risk. With a student population of less than two thousand, and a campus culture dominated by workaholic perfectionism and political passivity, there is little safety net. The students in the Shaban al-Dalou encampment wouldn’t have had much in the way of padding from privileged classmates looking out for them. Many student activists face an outsized risk from a disciplinary suspension or trespass charge, which could carry life-altering consequences without the backing of family wealth or security. One of the crueler ironies of the past year and a half at Bowdoin is that the administration frequently insisted divestment would threaten financial aid—and then leveraged the loss of that aid against student protestors as part of their potential disciplinary procedures.

For many community members and more experienced organizers, this was one of the most important parts of their own participation: they wanted the students who were risking so much to know that, in advocating for Palestinian liberation, they had support from outside Bowdoin campus. They hoped that this support would encourage the students and give the administration pause, convincing them to back away from some of their more dire threats.

On Monday night, during a rally which attracted hundreds of supporters on the fifth day of the occupation, several Bowdoin deans were seen exiting the union through an adjacent building. Not long after, the Shaban al-Dalou encampment student activists agreed to disperse pending further negotiations.

The Bowdoin Orient quoted Olivia Kenney, Bowdoin class of ‘25 and one of the lead organizers: “The College has finally come and agreed to work with us in good faith toward a conclusion to this action.”

Within days following the dissolution of Shaban al-Dalou, Bowdoin SJP released a statement thanking supporters and recommiting themselves to the fight for justice in occupied Palestine. They also revealed that around sixty students were facing disciplinary measures, and eight were under temporary suspension, denied access to food and housing by a college that has frequently used both as a means of control.

It is as yet too early to know the totality of policies and punishments that will be discussed between Bowdoin SJP, FSJP, and a rattled administration, but a few things seem clear. Bowdoin has not divested any of its considerable wealth from the genocidal state of Israel and remains a campus dominated by a sense of liberal complacency. Following clean-up, the student union will once again be humming along on its operations, and depoliticized Bowdoin community members can get coffee and sandwiches without having to think, however briefly, of the suffering of the people of occupied Palestine.

At the same time, community members clinging to that sense of complacency may now be doing so a little more desperately. The student activists proved that the Bowdoin Bubble can be burst, and a window opened on to the global atrocities propped up by entrenched academic systems.

Local supporters will not soon forget the encampment, or allow it to be forgotten. And if and when Bowdoin does decide to follow the path of divestment, the names of its administrators will be invariably linked with this refusal of even basic economic justice.

Furthermore, Bowdoin students—those who camped inside and those who supported them from outside—have seen the enormity of the resistance against which they must push to affect change. Many are energized by their experience—angry but looking forward from Shaban al-Dalou with renewed commitment to global justice.

As SJP said in their most recent statement: “We did this for Shaban […] He was our peer, a student of computer science, a loving brother and a selfless son. He was our age when he was martyred by an Israeli airstrike. We named our Union after him to honor his memory, and today we rededicate ourselves to him. The movement is strong, and though the struggle will be long, victory is inevitable. Long live Shaban al-Dalou Union.”

The post Bowdoin College encampment stands up for Gaza appeared first on Pine & Roses.

Triangle DSA stands firmly in support of Palestinian Liberation. Our chapter is staunchly anti-zionist and anti-imperialist. We also find it essential to engage in a practice that is rooted in the rich history of resistance to colonial projects. In light of the recent implementation of a temporary ceasefire in Gaza, we find it all the more important to emphasize the importance of anti-colonial struggle and an end to the occupation with full rights and liberties to Palestinians as the true goal of this movement. 

This article will cover the theory that guides our practice through an exposition on the South African Anti-Apartheid movement and its connection to the Palestinian Boycott, Divest, and Sanctions movement. We will then cover the direct ways in which TDSA has put this theory into practice through campaigns, commitments, and material changes in our communities. We call on all comrades committed to Palestinian Liberation to join us in this member-led work, and sign our pledge to boycott Israeli products in our communities.

Section I - The importance of being anti-zionist

Zionism is a nationalist movement that seeks to establish a Jewish ethnostate. Though other locations were initially considered during Zionism’s ideological formation in the 19th century, Palestine was ultimately chosen as the site for this colonial project. Zionism historically emerged in response to the severe deprivation, discrimination, and antisemitism that Jewish communities experienced across Eastern and Western Europe, and it relied on the imperial powers such as the UK, France, and later the US for financial, ideological and military support for this colonization (1, 2, 3). From the outset, Zionism was conceived as a settler colonial movement, which expels Palestinians from their land through ethnic cleansing, extermination, and expropriation. It is intent on rendering Palestinian lives unlivable through occupation, siege, policing, infrastructural and legal apartheid, and maiming (4,5,6). As a political, economic, and sociocultural ideology that operates transnationally, Zionism seeks continuous expansion through warmaking, proliferation of settlements on Palestinian territories, and eradication of Palestinian identity, history, memory, and culture (7). 

Because Zionism claims to represent all Jews, it erases non-European Jewish experiences and other ways of being Jewish that were historically formed in entanglement with Muslims and Arabs (8). The ideological machine of Zionism is supported by donors and committed politicians, pro-Zionist think tanks and media, religious institutions such as evangelical churches in the US, and cultural practices such as birthright trips to Israel (9). Apart from liberal political circles across the globe, the Israeli government has forged relationships with the far-right leaders and movements in apartheid South Africa and some Latin American countries, and it has found ideological support among Hindu nationalists, Christian militias in Lebanon, and forces that are deeply antisemitic (10).

In the DSA, we do not support Zionism. To take an anti-Zionist stance is to speak and act against the racist violence of the ethno-nationalist state, unleashed with brutality and impunity on the Palestinian people, land, culture, and future and propped up by colonial logics and imperialist calculations of the global powers such as the US. To be an anti-Zionist also means to call for the end of continuous Nakbah, or the catastrophe for Palestinians; to demand the end of war on Palestinian children; and to advocate for the end of illegal occupation of Palestine and Israel’s expansionist ambitions in the region. To challenge Zionism is to pursue the creation of a space where Palestinians and Jews will collectively flourish in peace, safety, and justice (11).

To be an anti-Zionist does not mean to be anti-Semitic. The dangerous and purposeful conflation between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism stifles any critique of the Israeli state’s policies, while diverting attention from the objective rise in anti-Semitism in many societies across the globe (12). Leftist politicians, academics, and religious and secular Jews who have spoken for peace, justice, and liberation in Palestine have been viciously attacked (13). This is a deeply concerning trend because it undermines critique, threatens academic and other democratic freedoms, and continues to render Palestinian—and Jewish—lives unsafe (14).

Section II - Anti-zionism in practice: The Origins of the BDS Movement

Resistance to Zionism as a racist, imperialist, and colonial ideology takes many forms. One of the most widespread globally is the Boycott, Divest, and Sanction movement, or BDS. It calls for an end to the occupation, the recognition of equal rights of Palestinians in their homeland, as well as ensuring the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland. BDS emerged as a tactic in 2005 and calls for a full consumer boycott of Israel across food, culture, and academia; institutional divestment from Israeli corporations complicit in apartheid; and governmental sanctions that would end military or free-trade agreements with Israel (15).

This strategy of exerting grassroots financial pressure on entities violating human rights is not new. The BDS movement drew much inspiration directly from the South African Anti-Apartheid Movement, or AAM. Boycott campaigns against the South African apartheid regimes began in 1959 when the African National Congress issued calls to boycott the regime until compliance with a set of demands. This was done in conjunction with other tactics of advocating for international pressure and several armed resistance campaigns. Combined, this strategy had effects both inside and outside of apartheid South Africa. On the inside, millions of workers participated in general strikes, civil disobedience, and sabotage (16). Abroad, diaspora South Africans launched campaigns to boycott and take direct action against companies like Shell Oil who were operating with the apartheid regime. All of this worked to demonstrate the collective power of the South African people and forced the regime to grant them a seat at the negotiating table. From there, the non-white population was granted the right to vote and elected the ANC to power (17).

While this was not an absolute victory, and racial inequality in South Africa still exists, especially in civil and military sectors, we have learned valuable lessons from the AAM. However, the unique context surrounding the Palestinian cause should also be considered. In South Africa, the Black labor force represented the vast majority of the economy, whereas Israel’s globalized economic sectors, exploitation of the labor of Ethiopian Jews (18), and heavy restrictions on the issuing of labor permits for Palestinians (19) mean that the efficacy and potentiality of a mass general strike is weakened. The ANC reached a similar conclusion leading to its adoption of a line of armed struggle, as heavy suppression of strikes meant they “could no longer be effectively employed as an instrument of mass struggle” (20). Similarly, Islamophobia and Zionism’s toxic ideology being widespread means moral appeals against the apartheid regime are an uphill battle. The United States’ direct imperialist resource incentive in the region for its oil and natural gas resources means that it would never support sanctions, as evidenced by their repeated vetoing of UN resolutions (21). This of course does not mean that we should give up the fight. We should apply scientific socialism and learn from history.

Section III - Anti-zionism in practice: How Triangle DSA has fought Zionism with BDS Actions

Support for Palestine grew across DSA in the mid to late 2010s. In 2017, DSA joined the global call for BDS at the national convention when a vote in favor of a Palestine-focused resolution passed. This vote was a historical turning point for the organization, marking the first time it came out publicly in support of Palestinian liberation and against Zionism.  The vote also led to the creation of the DSA BDS and Palestine Solidarity Working Group, which, following a strong recruitment period from 2019 to 2021, included several members of Triangle DSA. However, due to internal friction within the DSA, the BDS and Palestine Solidarity Working Group separated itself from the larger DSA organization, but DSA still holds space for Palestine organizing under the International Committee.

Before any of the steps taken to acknowledge the struggle for Palestinian freedom happened within the larger DSA organization, Triangle DSA was making moves to support and actively engage in Palestinian liberation, cementing our work on local Palestine organizing and support for Palestinian liberation at the local level. In coalition with ten other organizations, Triangle DSA organized with the Demilitarize Durham2Palestine campaign to end police exchanges between Israel and the city of Durham. The work culminated into a historic win at our city level when Durham voted in favor of banning police exchanges with Israel, and became the first city ever to ban police exchanges with Israel.

But it didn’t end there. Momentum grew after the win, and people and organizations reached out to join the coalition as the movement for Palestinian solidarity grew at the local level. The coalition continued Palestine organizing at this local level while Palestine organizing was growing at the national scale through the BDS and Palestine Solidarity Working Group. One of the campaigns that the Working Group produced, among many other valuable resources, is the No Appetite for Apartheid (NA4A) Campaign. In 2024, this campaign gained traction at our local Triangle DSA chapter level and a group from our International Solidarity Working Group formed to work on the campaign across our cities. With much success in the first year, 16 stores across the Triangle (Raleigh, Durham, Chapel Hill-Carrboro, and other towns in between) promised to boycott Israeli goods and products by not purchasing and selling items from Israel. The Triangle soon saw NA4A posters hung on windows across the region indicating the stores’ proud boycott of Israeli goods. 

This local campaign is ongoing and growing momentum. It is our intention to continue to build public support for the boycott and use that to pressure even larger stores into changing their stocking practices. We believe that it is through this collective action that we can exert direct economic pressure on the apartheid regime, striking at nearly $300 million U.S spends on import of Israeli food products (22).

Section IV - Anti-zionism in practice: How Triangle DSA rejects Zionism internally 

Alongside this direct action campaign, DSA members across the country were organizing to pass a resolution to explicitly commit to anti-zionism in principle and practice. This was driven in response to certain DSA-endorsed elected officials taking action that contradicted our values. For example, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez voted “present” instead of “nay” on a resolution to fund Israel’s Iron Dome military defense system (23). More recently, she voted to adopt the IHRA’s definition of anti-semitism, which considers any criticism of Israel as anti-semitic (24). The DSA resolution put forth that Zionism, being imperialist, racist, and colonialist, has no place in DSA. In turn, it proposed that candidates seeking DSA endorsement must pledge: to support BDS, to not platform or receive money from Zionist lobbying groups, to support legislation that promotes Palestinian liberation (such as sanctions on Israel and calls for ceasefire), and to oppose legislation that harms Palestinians (such as sending military resources or adopting the IHRA definition of antisemitism). The resolution also proposed members of DSA who engage in Zionist behavior, (such as consistent public opposition to Palestine and BDS, material support or affiliation the Israeli government, Zionist lobbying groups, or settler NGOs) would be considered in substantial disagreement with DSA’s principles and thus eligible for expulsion.

This resolution was brought forth to the 2024 National Political Convention, but it was heavily amended before getting passed. The amendments included the removal of the expulsion clause and mechanisms for enforcing the standards against endorsed officials. This sparked a wave among local DSA chapters to pass a local, unamended version of the resolution. Triangle DSA in particular had already passed a BDS resolution in 2022 that affirmed our chapter’s support of BDS and required that our endorsed candidates do so materially as well or risk censure by our steering committee. We saw supporting an Anti-Zionist resolution as a means to bolster and add new restrictions of candidates on members in light of trends at the national level. This resolution was brought forth to our general body meeting in September and passed unanimously with one abstention.

The moment we are in calls for us to be explicit with our stances. When Palestinian voices are being silenced and racist ideologies are being touted as sanctified through conflation with religion, the harm caused by toeing the line is greater and greater. It is clear that Zionism is a racist, imperialist, and colonialist ideology that has no place among those who reject genocide and apartheid. We stand alongside a rich history of resisting such colonial projects and call on you to join us. Pledge to boycott Israeli products. Join our DSA chapter to get involved in local organizing for Palestinian Liberation. Together we can turn the Triangle into an apartheid-free zone.

Citations 

 1. Khalidi, R., 2020. The hundred years' war on Palestine: A history of settler colonialism and resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books.

2.  Erakat, N., 2020. Justice for some: Law and the question of Palestine. Stanford University Press.

3.  Awad, S. ed., 2020. Palestine: A Socialist Introduction. Haymarket Books.

4. Puar, J. 2017. The Right to Maim: Debility, Capacity, Disability. Duke University Press.

5.  Bhungalia, L. 2023. Elastic Empire: Refashioning War through Aid in Palestine. Stanford University Press.

6. Weizman, E., 2024. Hollow land: Israel’s architecture of occupation. Verso books.

7.  Middle East Eye. 2024. Israel: Settler group advertises new properties in southern Lebanon. https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israeli-settler-group-advertises-new-properties-southern-lebanon 

8. Azoulay, A. A. 2024. The Jewelers of the Ummah: a Potential History of the Jewish Muslim World. Verso.

9.  Documentary. 2023. Israelism: The Awakening of Young American Jews.

10. Loewenstein, A. 2024. Israel and Apartheid South Africa Were the Closest of Friends. Jacobin.

11. Pappe, I. 2024. Ten Myths about Israel. Verso.

12. Pappe, I., 2022. A history of modern Palestine. Cambridge University Press.

13. Hill, M.L. and Plitnick, M., 2021. Except for Palestine: The limits of progressive politics. The New Press.

14. Bailey, C. 2023. Reports of antisemitism, anti-Arab and anti-Muslim bias continue to surge across the US, new data shows. CNN. https://www.cnn.com/2023/12/11/us/adl-cair-hate-crimes-bias-incidents-reaj/index.htm 

15. Palestinian Civil Society. https://bdsmovement.net/call 

16.  African National Congress, 1969. Strategy and Tactics of the ANC. https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/anc/1969/strategy-tactics.htm 

17.  Kemp, Stephanie, 2012. The British Anti-Apartheid Movement  https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/british-anti-apartheid-movement

18.  Semyonov, M., Raijman, R., Maskileyson, D. 2015. Ethnicity and Labor Market Incorporation of Post-1990 Immigrants in Israel. Springer Nature

19. Masarwa, L., MacDonald, A. 2023. Gaza workers in Israel stranded after permits revoked. https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israel-palestine-war-gaza-workers-permits-revoked

20.   African National Congress, 1969. Strategy and Tactics of the ANC. https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/anc/1969/strategy-tactics.htm 

21. Al Jazeera Staff. 2024. US vetoes UN Security Council resolution demanding Gaza ceasefire https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/11/20/us-vetoes-un-security-council-resolution-demanding-gaza-ceasefire

22. World Integrated Trade Solution. 2022. Food Products Exports by Israel. https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/Country/ISR/Year/2022/TradeFlow/Import/Partner/All/Product/16-24_FoodProd

23. Uddin, R. 2021. AOC faces backlash for crying, but not voting, over bill to fund Israel's Iron Dome https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israel-iron-dome-alexandria-ocasio-cortez-aoc-present-condemned Middle East Eye

24. Nassar, T., Abunimah, A. 2024 AOC votes to back Israel lobby’s bogus “anti-Semitism” definition. https://electronicintifada.net/content/aoc-votes-back-israel-lobbys-bogus-anti-semitism-definition/50066 Electronic Intifada

DSA SF member Dean Preston has written 10 Ways to Fight Fascism in San Francisco

“San Francisco belongs to us—not the billionaires, not the tech overlords, not the MAGA fascists. The only way they win is if we stay isolated—so let’s connect, organize, and fight back. Remember: there are more of us than there are of them. If you’re feeling overwhelmed, demoralized, or unsure of where to start, here are 10 ways to take action and fight fascism in San Francisco.

Every act of resistance, whether disobeying, disrupting, protecting, or protesting, matters. Authoritarians don’t seize power, it is handed to them by people who are too afraid to fight. But every day, people are standing up. You can too.”

Mark your calendars!

Our next chapter meeting is Thursday, February 27th at 6pm PT. It will be a Zoom meeting. RSVP here!

This meeting will be covering our upcoming efforts in 2025, including membership initiatives and Chapter Rules. We strongly encourage members to join this meeting to voice their interests, recommendations, and suggestions for the benefit of the Chapter. 

Additionally, we’ll also discuss our open Chapter leaderships roles.

Written by

Local News:

A new study reveals that singles are struggling more than married couples to make house payments. Nearly 70% of singles have difficulty paying rent or mortgages, compared to 52% of married couples. Additionally, 21% of singles and 27% of divorced or separated individuals skip meals to afford housing, a higher rate than the 14% of married couples. Those not married are also more likely to borrow money or take side jobs. With fewer married couples in U.S. households, experts urge city planners to consider affordability for singles. Despite challenges, most people are still paying on time, with only 1 in 20 homeowners late.

A St. Lucie County Sheriff’s Office corrections deputy, Devin Mills, was arrested by the Port St. Lucie Police on a charge of burglary with assault or battery. The incident occurred while he was off duty. Following the arrest, Mills was placed on unpaid administrative leave, and the SLCSO has launched an administrative investigation while awaiting the results of the criminal charges.

State News:

Two Florida women, Rileigh Decker (20) and Summer Layman (24), were attacked by a shark while swimming in Bimini Bay, The Bahamas, on Friday evening. The women had been on a boat ride and decided to jump in the water together. Decker felt a tug on her leg and realized she had been bitten by a shark. Layman suffered a bite on her foot, while Decker’s injuries were more severe. Both were initially treated locally and then airlifted to a hospital for further care. Both women are expected to recover fully. Shark attacks in the Bahamas are rare, with only 34 recorded since 1580. This is at least the third reported attack involving American tourists in the country since 2023.

Florida lawmakers are meeting for a special session starting Tuesday to address immigration, called by Gov. Ron DeSantis after weeks of internal GOP disagreements. The session, lasting until Friday, focuses on legislation related to President Trump’s immigration orders. DeSantis aims to enhance law enforcement cooperation between state, local, and federal authorities to combat immigration. Proposed bills include penalties for noncitizens voting, stricter bail conditions for unauthorized migrants, and restrictions on benefits for immigrants. DeSantis also highlighted a new agreement with ICE giving the Florida Highway Patrol expanded powers.

Citations:

https://www.wptv.com/news/treasure-coast/region-st-lucie-county/st-lucie-county-deputy-arrested-in-port-st-lucie-faces-charge-of-burglary

https://www.wptv.com/money/consumer/nearly-70-of-singles-are-skipping-this-to-pay-for-housing

https://www.wptv.com/news/state/2-florida-women-injured-in-apparent-shark-attack-in-the-bahamas

https://www.wptv.com/news/state/florida-lawmakers-returned-for-special-session-to-address-illegal-immigration

Upcoming Events

Wednesday, February 12 (6:45 p.m. – 9:00 p.m.): February General Meeting (In person at UNITE HERE Local 2, 209 Golden Gate)

Thursday, February 13 (5:00 p.m. – 6:00 p.m.): Education Board Open Meeting (Zoom)

Thursday, February 13 (5:30 p.m. – 6:30 p.m.): Palestine Solidarity and Anti-Imperialist Working Group (Zoom)

Friday, February 14 (6:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Electoral Board Happy Hour (In person at El Rio, 3158 Mission St.)

Monday, February 17 (6:00 p.m. – 7:00 p.m.): Electoral Board Meeting (Zoom)

Monday, February 17 (6:30 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Homelessness Working Group (Zoom & in person at 1916 McAllister)

Monday, February 17 (7:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Labor Board Meeting (Zoom)

Wednesday, February 19 (6:00 p.m. – 7:00 p.m.): What is DSA? (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Wednesday, February 19 (6:45 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Tenant Organizing Working Group Meeting (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Thursday, February 20 (7:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Immigration Justice Priority Working Group Meeting (Zoom)

Saturday, February 22 (6:00 p.m. – 8:00 p.m.): Homelessness Working Group Food Service (In person in the Castro)

Check out https://dsasf.org/events for more events and updates.

Events & Actions

Friday Office Hours

Join us for Friday office hours at the DSA SF office at 1916 McAllister this Friday, February 14 from 12:00 p.m. to 5:00 p.m.! Come co-work with your comrades and get your DSA work or work-work done, have lunch, or just hang out.

Valentine’s Day Electoral Board Happy Hour at El Rio

Come meet the new Electoral Board on Friday, February 14 at 6:00 p.m. at El Rio (3158 Mission Street) and get plugged into the future of our policy advocacy. New and returning members are all welcome!

Organizing 102

Come out and flex your organizing skills with the Labor Committee in this follow up to Organizing 101. Attendance at Organizing 101 is not a prerequisite. At this next session on Tuesday, February 25, we’ll jump into what it takes to start planning collective actions with a special focus on workplace organizing. We’ll meet 7:00 p.m. at 1916 McAllister. See you there!

DSA SF Education Board: 2025 Planning Survey

What did you come to DSA to learn about? What types of educational events do you think would help our organizing work as a chapter? Help the ed board shape our 2025 educational offerings by taking this three-minute survey.

Behind the Scenes

The Chapter Coordination Committee (CCC) regularly rotates duties among chapter members. This allows us to train new members in key duties that help keep the chapter running like organizing chapter meetings, keeping records updated, office cleanup, updating the DSA SF website and newsletter, etc. Members can view current CCC rotations.

To help with the day-to-day tasks that keep the chapter running, fill out the CCC help form.

Workers' rights vary from state to state. Here’s what you need to know about right-to-work and at-will employment in Massachusetts.

The post What are my rights as a worker in Massachusetts? appeared first on EWOC.

Organizing in remote workplaces is based on the same principles of in-person organizing, but it can be daunting to reach out to people you’ve never met.

The post How Do You Organize in a Remote Workplace? appeared first on EWOC.