Seattle DSA calls on Mayor Katie Wilson to reconsider her refusal to commit to shutting down the vast network of surveillance recently unleashed across our city. 

Across both Washington State and the United States, we have seen Flock license plate reading cameras used to arrest and deport immigrants and strip others of the right to protest, and there is no doubt that the Trump administration will continue to expand its use of this surveillance in order to strengthen its authoritarian regime. Seattle must not allow for this data to be collected, as there is no doubt the Trump administration will access and use it. We must fight against each and every way Seattle’s government is complicit with fascism. 

The Seattle Democratic Socialists of America stand in strong opposition to any and all policies that make it easier to surveil, harass, and deport our neighbors.  We fundamentally reject the premise that living in a permanently surveilled police state makes anyone safe.

It is unconscionable that Seattle’s city government would continue to maintain these systems while other cities have removed them, and Seattle’s own Surveillance Advisory Working Group have advised Mayor Wilson to do the same. While Mayor Wilson has claimed to be a socialist, we feel obligated to point out every major socialist program we are aware of gives clear guidance on what socialist policy regarding mass surveillance should look like.

We encourage all members of the community to engage the incoming Wilson administration to take a stand on this issue, to reaffirm her commitment to protecting our city from the expanding American police state, and to commit to taking measures to claw back the freedoms that have already been taken through mass surveillance in our city.

by Gregory Lebens-Higgins

On May 25, 2020 George Floyd was murdered by a police officer who kneeled on his neck for nine minutes and twenty-nine seconds. In the wake of the incident, captured on video, an outpouring of rage coalesced in protracted protest across the country. Tens of millions turned out to demand change. A militarized response of tear gas and rubber bullets only underscored the extent of police brutality. 

Floyd’s murder was far from the first incident of modern police violence to reach public consciousness. Rodney King’s brutal assault in 1991 set off riots after the involved officers were acquitted. The killings of Eric Garner, Michael Brown, Tamir Rice, Walter Scott, Elijah McClain, Breonna Taylor, and far too many others before and since have established a rhythm that is metabolized as part of our cultural fabric. In Rochester, officials “knowingly suppressed” evidence of Daniel Prude’s fatal encounter with police, without charges. 

While Derek Chauvin was sentenced to prison for Floyd’s murder, little has been done to address the affliction of police killings. Beyond the occasional punishment of individuals, no systematic reckoning has taken place. The limited reforms implemented in the wake of Floyd’s death only serve to direct more resources toward policing, which remains an institution of protection for private property and class control. Rochester police receive more than $100 million annually (over 15% of the budget), while the Police Accountability Board – approved overwhelmingly by Rochester residents in 2019 – has been stripped of its authority to discipline officers and deprived access to materials necessary to perform its duties.

Over the past two years genocide has been broadcast daily on our social media feeds. Atrocity after atrocity – including the bombing of hospitals and universities, killing of journalists, collective punishment, starvation, and torture – abetted by liberal complicity in funding and rhetoric. Again, millions demonstrated their disapproval and demanded an embargo and other policies to end the violence. The response to these acts of conscience was more brutal police repression, including in places of learning. The lesson for students protesting on college campuses was the taste of tear gas. 

The second Trump Administration has witnessed the descent of federal agents upon our cities with the purpose of abducting our neighbors. Again, those who have tried to stop the violence have become its victims. In the past month we witnessed the murders of Renee Good and Alex Pretti. These are only the latest in numerous killings by immigration agents across the country. 

The violence now exacted by ICE is a continuity of systems of policing and dehumanization that have been permitted for far too long. The Trump Administration may have removed the final restraints, but the structures had already been built in the preceding decades by both parties. The response now must not end at reforms that create nicer or gentler forms of deportation and control. The unrestrained accumulation of profit will always unravel any limitations on ruling class capacity for total domination. Our demand begins with “Abolish ICE,” but continues by dismantling all systems of repression used to keep the working class in place.

The post On the Continuity of ICE Violence first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

By: Travis Wayne

DORCHESTER, MA – The brisk wind warned of an oncoming Arctic storm that afternoon of Friday, January 23, 2026. Rank after rank of one thousand banner-waving union and community members simmered at the mass rally at the South Bay Mall, a sprawling complex that includes outposts of ICE collaborators Target and Home Depot. 

Massachusetts unionists were there to honor their siblings across the country, in Minneapolis, where the people paralyzed the streets and the economy at the same moment – leading the nation’s first general strike in eighty years. One hundred thousand workers marched in frostbiting temperatures as they flirted with another uprising in a city home to uprisings. 

Back in Boston, SEIU purple flew next to UNITE HERE white-and-red beside the bright blue of the Boston Teachers Union (BTU), each marching in proud step with one another, behind and in front of the red flags and “Abolish ICE” signs of the socialist organizations. The building trades crowded around and amidst the ICE watch verifiers and immigrant community leaders.

A change had occurred. Labor had united. The Greater Boston Labor Council (GBLC), representing one hundred thousand workers alone, had led the charge. In honoring their siblings together, Boston labor issued a warning to the secret police: if we can organize this in a few days with solidarity alone, imagine what happens when you come to Massachusetts?

The General Strike in Minneapolis

The political capital for an uprising did not appear overnight in Minneapolis.

ICE invaded the Twin Cities in a rampage, going door to door abducting relative after relative, in flagrant violation of the helpless courts. The ferocity of ICE’s occupation of Minneapolis boiled to a head with ICE’s execution of verifier Renee Good on January 7, 2026, which spurred on mass mobilization by the people alongside the unions whose members were being disappeared one after another.

Minneapolis is a city with a memory of mass uprising, with many organizers holding lived experiences of the George Floyd uprising of Black Lives Matter less than six years ago. Those bonds were reactivated with their ties of solidarity, at organic and grassroots levels, since the Floyd uprising also included wildcat walkouts by Minneapolis workers and political closures by businesses – both of which also happened on January 23, as part of the general strike.

These non-traditional supports to the general strike were many. Another one was the consumer boycott. By designing the general strike not only around the shut down of work, but also of consumption through shopping and social reproduction through education, the unions aimed to shut down all of society at once. For one day, the city would stop.

The infrastructure for organizing was sustained differently this time compared to the more mass character and mosaic organizational matrix of the Floyd uprising, when autonomist actors set the AFL-CIO headquarters aflame: this time, labor took leadership, including the AFL-CIO.

The coordinated synchronization was a demonstration of effective rapid response. SEIU Local 26 – whose membership is largely made up of immigrant janitors currently targeted and disappearing under ICE terror – proposed a mass day of action to a table of progressive unions. This crystallized into a Day of Truth and Freedom: the Minneapolis general strike. Every single major union signed on. The masses went on a political strike under the auspices of a non-strike as they shut down the city’s economy. The nation’s first general strike in eighty years commenced.

To paraphrase Luxemburg, Mandela, and Mamdani: it was impossible till it was done – and the people were in the streets.

The Abducted and Mass Labor’s Consensus

Since ICE’s attacks on Boston began, anti-ICE resistance has tasted like the iron of labor.

A high-profile early ICE attack was SEIU 509 member Rümeysa Öztürk’s abduction from the streets of Somerville in March 2025. Thousands swarmed the Powder House Park in anger, before hundreds of workers led by the SEIU International demonstrated in April.

The largest private sector union emerged as an early leader in the labor movement against ICE in Boston. SEIU took the front line of labor resistance in public but also the private efforts to free their member, and by the time of the June solidarity rallies with abducted California SEIU leader David Huerta, all the SEIU locals in Massachusetts were unified and organized.

The Massachusetts AFL-CIO was also present, as were other unions, but ICE attacks became more ambient, targeted, constant. Meanwhile, strikes hit across the city as union after union organized for their own workers and interests. Each mobilization built a block for a wider movement.

In the home and in less organized economic sectors, Massachusetts workers often faced ICE without the benefit of the unions’ infrastructure. In Worcester, 25 people interfered to directly stop ICE’s bait and seizure of a grandmother and mother, an incident that preceded the higher levels of legal and now lethal punishment exerted by ICE on similar incidents of grassroots resistance. 

Other forms of resistance have been more response than direct. Ruth was freed through a mass coalition of community organizations and the efforts following the abduction of Allston Car Wash workers, including solidarity actions to train community members in ICE watch that followed, was organized by Boston University students and Allston-based organizers with Boston DSA. 

ICE watch trainings have grown in demand. As LA organizers patrol Home Depots, the networks of the LUCE Immigrant Justice Network continue to extend deeper and deeper into Boston neighborhoods. Different sections of the city each contains hundreds of volunteer ICE watch verifiers in their communities, embedded in workplaces and homes, connected by group chats that mobilize in moments with public announcements of ICE activities. LUCE holds trainings with organizations where every single seat is taken and the back room packed.

The abductions are close to everyone’s minds.

Standing Alongside ICE Watchers, Labor Faces ICE

The unions began rallying at the South Bay Mall around 3 PM on Friday, January 23 — with the Greater Boston Labor Council at the front. The Greater Boston Labor Council (GBLC), citywide leadership of the largest federation of workers in the United States, held a symbolic and practical position: all of labor was united.

Unions that sponsored the rally included the MTA, BTU, UNITE HERE 26, 32BJ SEIU, 1199SEIU, IBEW 103, AFT Massachusetts, Greater Boston Building Trades Union, UFCW 1445, IATSE 11, New England Joint Board, AFSCME 93, IUPAT DC 93, Sheet Metal Workers 17, the Massachusetts Nurses Association, among others.

Many of these unions have faced abductions. No longer is the story of the disappeared member or client rare.

Kathryn Anderson, one Chelsea schoolteacher, pointed out the endemic nature of abductions in public schools. She mentioned the abduction of multiple students before noting that “dozens of our students have had family members and loved ones detained… ICE was in our elementary school parking lot for hours this fall.” 

The SEIU simply amplified the anonymous voice of the wife of one of their members, Pablo, abducted by ICE, before translating from the original Spanish to English:

Being there locked up – he feels like he’s sick, depressed, while he’s been there. As the head of household, he covered all the expenses here and all the costs a family has. And it’s hard for me right now because I have to pay rent… we put our faith in God and hope he comes back to us soon. We know there are many people going through the same thing.

After the speeches concluded, and the final orator hopped off the pickup truck the unions had pulled up in front of Target, the mass of people began to picket the superstore. A far greater number of people holding banners and signs crossed back and forth, defying the mall’s property, than the customers that meekly trickled across the picket line into the store.

Evan, an electrician with Local 103 of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (IBEW), told Working Mass as the crowd marched:

ICE agents are lawless and ICE is a lawless, reckless agency with no oversight… there’s no reforming ICE. ICE is only 19 years old. Why keep it? Smoke that thing out.

Meanwhile, GBLC’s organizing director marched with Worcester and Holyoke LUCE coordinators, alongside others, into Target to speak with the bosses. They were there to deliver the letter from labor against ICE collaboration.

Community supporters stood within the audience and picket line alongside their unionized siblings. Ken Casey, the son of a union worker and local teamster and lead singer of Boston’s own world-famous Celtic punk band Dropkick Murphys, was on the scene. 

Casey stressed the importance of the general strike. He told Working Mass:

I like to see the thought of a general strike because I think in the long run it might be our only way out of this mess… if you’re talking about the workers in the unions, that’s the infrastructure to be the tip of the spear to make the change to put forth the effort to mobilize.

The anchoring community organizations of the anti-ICE movement moved in lockstep with labor. The vast ICE watch LUCE Immigrant Justice Network sent speakers and demand letter delegates alongside GBLC leaders, and Bonnie Jin, co-chair of the Boston DSA chapter that organized key anti-ICE demonstrations preceding the January 23 mass labor rally in Dorchester, emphasized the resolve held by Boston labor and its allies:

We are in solidarity with our union siblings. We also know we’re taking steps towards a general strike, not only with what we’re seeing in Minneapolis with so many different unions… but here in Boston. Right now, the federal administration has threatened Boston with funding cuts, and we know our union siblings are under attack.

Jin was right: even as one hundred thousand workers hit the streets of Minneapolis on general strike, Donald Trump announced the decision to cut funding to any municipality that does not cooperate with ICE – amidst his ongoing war on higher education institutions, whose dramatic cuts have impacted Boston’s labor movement, in particular.

Abolish ICE as ICE Kills Again

Meanwhile, Linkedin and Spotify both aired ads advertising $50,000 sign-on bonuses for ICE agents. Gradually, the fascist gangs that plagued previous eras began to disappear – maybe, as some rumor, the first in line to join ICE. There is minimal vetting based on the report of one major ICE critic’s ability to receive a job offer. The story was embarrassing enough to the Trump Administration for the regime to target the reporter. 

The tide of common sense had changed. A few hours’ drive further north into New England across the state line, one Southern New Hampshire DSA orator stood in the night – hand on mic. “Let’s be real, the moderate position is now to abolish ICE.”

Ken Casey, hands thrust in his winter coat pockets rather than on a microphone, laughed incredulously back in Boston. “Hell yeah, abolish ICE… how do you show up and snatch someone when they’re showing up for their hearing?”

The people dispersed as the sun set and the mass picket ended in Dorchester.

ICE slaughtered another in Minneapolis the very next morning.

Alex Pretti – an ICU nurse, an ICE watch verifier, a member of Local 3669 of the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE) – was beaten by six secret police agents in broad daylight. They smashed his head in before loading him with fifteen bullets of lead on the sidewalk.

The nurse was executed by ICE within a ten minute drive of the spots where George Floyd and Renee Good were murdered.

As the eastern seaboard descended into an Arctic spell that made Boston colder than Alaska, Rat City wasn’t the only one readying for an ICE invasion. There were rumors of Philadelphia preparing, too. The unions and community rallied again in hours in the cold night the evening of Pretti’s murder, the tone shifted from soaring resolve to fury among the assembled crowd. 

“No fascist USA,” chanted the people. “No fascist USA.”

Travis Wayne is the managing editor of Working Mass.

EDIT: The name of Kathryn Anderson was originally spelled incorrectly and one union left off. This has been modified and corrected.

The post Boston Labor Unites to Face ICE As Minneapolis Leads First General Strike in 80 Years appeared first on Working Mass.

“We have to turn thinkers into fighters and fighters into thinkers” — General Gordon Baker Jr.

By: A

In a digital discussion, a comrade brought up this article, entitled “The Teamsters have a MAGA problem. Here’s why,” on the current state of The International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) militancy and nativism, written by Luis Feliz Leon, with the suggestion that we ought to spend some time reflecting on it. This prompted a number of replies whose topics ranged as follows: making sense of the endorsement of current IBT president Sean O’Brian (SOB) by the reform caucus Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU), the general response to Trump by the U.S. labor movement, the role of labor staff in response to Trumpism/MAGA, the levels and positions of power within different unions, the role of workplace versus staff organizing, and strategic job placement.

Throughout all of these topics, there seemed to be agreement on a main point: We as DSA members need to engage in political reflection on the current status of the labor movement in light of the prominence of reactionary forces. This article is an attempt to set-up and illuminate this conversational space.

Where to start?

My initial response to this article was to ask about which part we needed to focus on. This was for two reasons. (1) The article covers a lot of territory, linking up current struggles to a multiplicity of past labor struggles with similar issues to descriptions of ICE activity to examples of current bottom up organizing under the Teamsters banner. There are lots of pieces to touch on, so what are the important ones? (2) Comrade Leon’s central thesis is clear but extremely broad, and composed of two points:

• Teamster Militancy paired with Political Nativism is a “strategy that destroys the very foundation of working-class power.”
• If we are to reject this strategy in order to build a class-wide labor movement, then we ought to build a culture of class solidarity within unions.

What socialist would disagree with the imposition to build political class solidarity against political nativism? Surely, then, we ought to take up the set of practical questions under this general imposition.

To take up Comrade Leon’s framework and generate more productive practical questions, I will here seek to explore the relationship of the Teamsters organizing efforts to our own here at Metro-Detroit DSA. I presuppose that, roughly and not absolutely, the Teamsters are Organizationally Militant without being Politically Militant and that our chapter of DSA is Politically Militant without being Organizationally Militant. Thus, there is a question of what each entity might learn from the other. What follows is an enumeration of sets of questions for (1) current and future Teamsters labor organizers in Detroit and (2) Metro-Detroit DSA members.

§ What should current and future labor organizers in Detroit do?

The section in Comrade Leon’s article entitled “Fit to Rule” picks out the aspects of TDU that are working, or not, and two strategic paths which are deemed unsatisfactory: romantic denunciation and narrow pragmatism. The former takes on ideological struggle without material struggle, and the latter material struggle without ideological struggle. The strategic path forward, he proposes, is rather to develop a “robust political education program geared towards developing the political consciousness of militant workers.” To which “TDU can play an important role in showing how it can be done.” The key strategy to a revival of the labor movement is to establish a base of labor militancy with a superstructural ideological militancy. The class war must be fought in the realm of ideas as well as material gains. We cannot have one without the other.

For current labor organizers, both rank-and-file and staff, there must be a widening of strategic scope to include this ideological struggle. We must do ideological mapping not only of favorability towards union efforts or contract issues but also towards broader political issues to gauge political orientation. Just as unions are not won through policing for purity, neither will a socialist orientation of rank-and-file workers be won through those same means. So, educative tactics and programs must be developed according to what moves the needle.

Following this line, what are the right questions to ask?

Ideological Mapping

We might stay with the same categories of sympathy to the cause, just with socialism as the object of sympathy rather than a union effort. But how will we distinguish levels? Additionally, it seems that we need to expand the types of antagonism since far more people will be antagonistic to socialist ideas and that we need to be effective with more types of people in the long-term. What types of antagonism to socialism are there?

Organizing Tactics

In order to have tactical organizing conversations, we ought to develop ladders of logical steps to connect the meaning of socialism with concrete, everyday struggles. This requires, also, that we have a more embodied, developed understanding of our own commitment to socialism. When a coworker expresses their exhaustion from but necessity of their job, how does your sympathy for their situation connect to a project for a better world? Most importantly, how can we express such a sentiment without ending up in a ‘heady’ conversation where socialism becomes an intangible concept? This will be another test of our own education. Do we know how to repeat the phrases we have been taught or do we understand the world at a deeper level such that we are able to pull others up with us?

Organizing Programs

What sorts of reading groups/lectures can be implemented into the organizing program? What free time does the rank-and-file have for this? Are there groups of people who already enjoy reading or are there better medium(s) that people are already attuned to? Are there experienced lecturers/teachers among the staff or rank-and-file?

Educative Interventions

Are educative interventions–like 1-on-1 dialogical investigations and popular education–part of the correct strategy for our current moment? How might the expansion of unions in the labor workforce itself operate as an educative mechanism? Are education programs currently feasible within specific unions?

§ What should Metro-Detroit DSA members do?

Although I am a fairly new member to the chapter, I have already noticed an in-effect lack of organizational militancy within MD-DSA. We are proud to have 1200 members on paper, about 100 members at monthly chapter meetings, and dispersed groups of 5–30 participating in any given committee. We need to learn from the Teamster’s Organizational Militancy, especially since we already have plenty of Ideological militancy in educative programming.

I say that this observation is in-effect as an organization because there are plenty of individual organizers within the chapter who are highly motivated, hardworking, and remarkably effective in their own right. The point here is not to begin directing blame but to find which questions help us bridge the gap.

When I was the chair of a Young Democratic Socialists of America chapter, I ran into this same organizational problem. A handful of activists were doing everything, some supporters attending and helping, and most of the base was disengaged. In an autopsy of my time leading the chapter, I found a major problem to be that my leadership was tailing the members. With the expectation that members would constitute the directing force of the chapter, I took the role of the steering committee (SC) to be the busy workers that carry out the commands of the membership. I and my fellow SC members quickly became overwhelmed with the amount of work it takes to simply maintain the operation of the chapter. Thus, our main goal became to preserve the chapter rather than to lead it.

The diagnosis of the problem is with the lack of clear authority within the organization. Who was responsible for what? The membership was looking to the steering committee for what the chapter ought to do and we were looking right back, with no one going anywhere.

This question of authority has broken out within the chapter in response to Trump’s war on Venezuela. On January 3rd, 2026, many members of MD-DSA flocked to the Slack channel for direction and leadership. Many discussions broke out about other organizations’ events and some finger pointing about who ought to be directing a unified Democratic Socialist effort. There was a lack of clarity of responsibility and, consequently, of authority. This brings us to the set of questions I think we need to face.

First, how should authority figure between leaders and members in MD-DSA? Are we avoiding the tailing problem in our leadership? Is there a hierarchy of authority among committees? How do we prioritize the work of the chapter among our commitments (if we do so at all)? What are the relationships between new and experienced members? Is there a generational pass-down of organizing knowledge occurring in the chapter?

Next, there must be a learning process in organizational tactics. What types of learning materials are made available to new members to transition them from a regular person interested in politics to an active organizer? Which habits of organizing are the basics to be taught to all members? What is our progression ladder of on the ground organizing skills?

Lastly, there must be a program to instill organizational militancy within the chapter. How can we instill a sense of responsibility towards the chapter in our members? (1) How are we to learn to be dutiful and responsible towards one another? Are members supposed to see their participation in DSA as a part of their own personhood? These are questions I welcome members to contemplate as we continue to grow MD-DSA as a whole. (2)

_______________________________________________________________

1. If members only participate when they want, their membership is contingent on their desires rather than their moral obligations. But this is not an easy distinction to make.
2. I hope that the reader encounters every question as individual considerations in their own right and not as rhetorical remarks to be skipped over.

This article represents the opinion of the author and does not necessarily represent the views of The Detroit Socialist or Metro Detroit DSA as a whole.

“The Teamsters Have a MAGA Problem.” What should we do now? was originally published in The Detroit Socialist on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

The Seattle Democratic Socialists of America stand in solidarity with Minnesotans as they continue to fight back against the military-style occupation they are being subjected to by Immigration & Customs Enforcement.

This morning, on January 24th, a gang of nearly a dozen ICE & Customs & Border Protection executed a civilian in broad daylight and on camera. Acting with malevolent, unconstrained, and incoherent violence these officers beat the victim before shooting him while he was on the ground and motionless. 

Democratic politicians all over the country are failing to comprehend the problem or calibrate a response to the Republican party’s full embrace of a politics dominated by violence, authoritarianism, and impunity. This week seven House Democrats voted with Republicans to increase funding for the rogue police force that Trump has manifested in his cruel and corrupt image. There must be no equivocation on this issue; ICE must be removed from our cities, and the agency must be abolished.

These officers must be held accountable for their crimes, and there must be arrests, investigations, and prosecutions of the officers and leadership responsible for the deaths and damage brought about by this attack on Minneapolis. 

Seattle DSA stands with our comrades in Twin Cities DSA and encourages our Seattle friends to donate to their work resisting ICE’s reign of terror in their cities:

If you want to get involved here in Seattle join our next Immigration Justice Working Group training on how to respond to ICE in our communities as well as joining our canvassing efforts to expand the community response networks.

Our ancestors in the labor movement fought for bread, but they fought for roses, too. This saying means that while we desire subsistence, we also want beauty.

As a union organizer and Silicon Valley DSA co-chair, I worked non-stop in 2025. Daily local fights just to earn my bread. Like many socialists, it was a joy to get to cheer on Zohran Mamdani’s New York City Mayoral campaign. Then I had a realization: Why do so from afar? Why not give myself a rose? So I decided I would pack my bags and canvas for Mamdani. After trouncing Andrew Cuomo in the primary election, he was almost sure to win. It would be beautiful and I needed a chance to celebrate.

I felt so compelled because frankly, we don’t often win on the left: Bernie’s losses, Roe v Wade killed, and the destruction of Gaza had many feeling depleted. But every now and again? We get a long shot knockout.

So here was the tale of the tape. On one side, a young, relatively green New York Assemblyman. A Muslim. An immigrant. A friggin’ Democratic Socialist. Just reeking of unelectability. On the other side, the most establishment Democrat who ever established: former New York Governor Andrew Cuomo. Zohran shouldn’t have stood a chance. But, despite smears of antisemitism, and the fact that Andrew Cuomo, a disgraced sex pest was willing to ally with any Republican or billionaire with a check book, Zohran was able to organize a historic campaign. This campaign was built on real hope for working people and mobilizing tens of thousands of volunteers.

Back home in Santa Clara County, there was Measure A, a ballot measure to raise $330 Million for our public hospitals. I pushed for Silicon Valley DSA to endorse it. Campaigning for measure A would be a strategic opportunity to build our chapter’s local notoriety and of course winning would be hugely meaningful in our community. Since I am a co-chair and I introduced the resolution for our endorsement, I was feeling a bit selfish leaving town so close to election day. Luckily, trusted comrades encouraged me to take the trip anyway. Those talks were roses for me.

In 2010, I actually lived in Brooklyn and returning on Saturday, November 1st, 2025 was surreal. I roomed with a fascinating but cranky Russian woman named Merina, a 70-year-old immigrant who told me stories of isolation and despair, landlords who fixed nothing, and her past as an economist and poet. When I tried to talk to her about Zohran, she insisted that nothing could change and that Zohran and I were both naive. It reminded me of why his campaign, and focusing on the unvarnished details of working class life, was so empowering because so many had lost hope. But in Zohran’s New York we all matter. Meeting Merina was a rose, even if she hated giving it to me.

The first canvas was Sunday in Park Slope. I got paired up with a first-time volunteer, a nurse practitioner. In the Union, I represent similar workers and we bonded. Zohran had connected with her because she sees how affordability impacts her patients. She was non-Union and we talked about how she could change that. Our time together was a little rose.

That evening I got dinner with a DSA buddy from Portland who also made the pilgrimage. We hung with his friend, a popular drag king. While bar hopping we chatted everyone up about the election. When we hit a bar called Boobie Trap, we talked to a young couple who were making out all night. When they took a short break I interrupted to ask if they supported Zohran.The woman replied, “Do I look like I would vote for Cuomo?”

The last stop before bed was to hit the bodega. I chatted up three native Brooklynites about the election. One of them asked me, “So what exactly does it mean to freeze the rent?” Luckily, Zohran had been so detailed in explaining his platform, I felt I had the tools to explain. The guys said they would look into it. I don’t know if they did. But when I checked out, the shopkeeper confirmed he was voting for Zohran. Nice, bodega rose.

On Monday I had hopped over to New Jersey to canvas for Jake Ephros in his Jersey City City council race (he won.) I hit the doors with a 22-year-old comrade named Mei. She wore a bluetooth boombox slung around her shoulder. For someone so young, she was quite insightful and dedicated. I did have to tell her not to play her boombox at the door though. 

A generous person, Mei drove me back into the city where we met up with my Portland comrade again and an old NYC friend. The four of us had a classic NYC Italian dining experience at Monte’s Trattoria and camaraderie was at an all time high. Roses and “Fuggedaboutits abounded.”

Tuesday, I had the surreal experience of canvassing in my old neighborhood, Bushwick. Last time I lived there Occupy Wall Street was happening. I did not participate at all. Times change. 

While waiting in line to get my precinct list, one of the volunteers wearing a red “DSA for Zohran” shirt pointed at me and insisted he knew me from somewhere. But how? As we shuffled through the line getting materials it dawned on both of us – we had attended some parties thrown by a mutual friend in San Francisco in 2023. Small world, big roses.

Once again, I was paired with a first-time volunteer. After we canvassed our last door, we ate lunch at a Palestinian restaurant called Ayat Bushwick. While sitting down, we ran into a handful of volunteers (including the one I had met in SF) and decided to all eat together. It didn’t take long before internal DSA politics took over the conversation. Finally, after a couple minutes of what was probably unintelligible shop talk, one of the volunteers bravely stated “So, what’s DSA?” Socialist record scratch.

This brave volunteer was a  28-year-old Dominican native New Yorker who had just been laid off. This ought to be our target demographic. But she’s out here literally canvassing for Zohran and has no idea what DSA is? We’ve got so much work to do. A harsh reminder to not get lost in the red sauce. After lunch, those DSA members let me take a work call at their apartment. Rose and rose.

Finally, polls closed. There were big DSA election night parties scattered across the city. I couldn’t miss out. I went to 9 Bob Note, a wicked warehouse bar and club. Zohran felt larger than life at this point. When I finally got inside the energy was incredible. Will Menaker from Chapo Trap House was there and I got to say hello. Also there were Young Chomsky and Brace Belden from the TrueAnon podcast. Hello, DSA Hollywood after party! Plus I kept running into people I had met on the trip. The Drag king! My Portland comrade I didn’t even expect to be there! Ara, one of the NYC-DSA staff! It was like the end of Wizard of Oz and I just kept thinking, “And you were there, and you were there.”

The moment we were all waiting for was fast approaching. By now, many of us crowded tightly into the dance floor area of the event space. There were a few hosts there to get us hyped up. And then it happened: Zohran is announced the winner. The Mayor-elect sign flashes on the big screen. The building erupts. Incredible. 

This felt like a peak in my socialist career. Crammed in with hundreds of other comrades, most of whom I am sure worked a lot more on this campaign than I did, cheering, crying, hugging strangers. No kidding, I did a 360° and the makeout couple from Boobie Trap was standing behind me! We high fived. Roses could have fallen from the ceiling.

Eventually a group of us mozied over to another Zohran party at Starr Bar where more comrades abounded. It really felt like you couldn’t go anywhere to escape the spectre of “Mammunism”. We laughed, we drank, we danced, and a 25-year-old told me I was “Old as fuck.” That rose was a little wilted but I still liked it.

During my final day I made an emotional visit to my old apartment from fifteen years prior. The street itself wasn’t that different, but my understanding of the world was. I sat down in a pizza shop and reflected on my experience and how far I have come.

I am fortunate I have the means for a trip like this. Most do not. Traveling introduced me to so many wonderful people all struggling for their bread and their roses. So many were generous and kind.Their faces lit up when I told them I had come all the way from California to help. And I have so many lessons to bring back to apply in Silicon Valley. 

And now I think about how far we have all come. DSA, the Left, and the working-people living in this era of capitalism. More and more are waking up. More and more are hungry for change, hungry for the bread we deserve. The socialist future is ahead of us. Maybe you can’t see it yet. But close your eyes. Breathe it in. Do you smell that? The rose.

The post Stop and Smell the Roses appeared first on Silicon Valley DSA.

By: James P. Cannon

This was originally published in May 1934, when the Teamsters organized the last general strike in Minneapolis.

Today the whole country looks to Minneapolis. Great things are happening there which reflect the influence of a strange new force in the labor movement, an influence widening and extending like a spiral wave. Out of the strike of the transport workers of Minneapolis a new voice speaks and a new method proclaims its challenge.

It was seen first in the strike of the coal-yard drivers, which electrified the labor movement of the city a few months ago and firmly established the union after a brief, stormy battle of unprecedented militancy and efficiency. Now we see the same union moving out of this narrow groove and embracing truck drivers in other lines.

Behind this, as was the case with the coal drivers, there are months of hard, patient, and systematic routine work of organization. Everything is prepared. Then an ultimatum to the bosses. A swift, sudden blow. A mass picket line that sweeps everything before it. The building trades come out in sympathy. The combined forces, riding with a mighty wave of moral support from the whole laboring population of the city, take the offensive and drive all the bosses’ thugs and hirelings to cover in a memorable battle at the City Market.

The whole country listens to the echoes of the struggle. The exploiters hear them with fear and trepidation. Weaving the net around the automobile workers, with the aid of treacherous labor leaders, they ask themselves in alarm: “If this spirit spreads what will our schemes avail us?”

And the workers in basic industry, vaguely sensing the power of their numbers and strategic position, can hardly help asking themselves: “If we should go the Minneapolis way could anything or anybody stop us?” The striking transport workers are a mighty power in Minneapolis today. But that is only a small fraction of the power of their example for the cheated and betrayed workers in the big industries of the country.
 

The Message of Minneapolis

The message of Minneapolis is of first-rate importance to the American working class. A careful examination of the method from all sides ought to be put as point one on the agenda of the labor movement, especially of its most advanced section. A study of this epic struggle, in its various aspects, can be an aid to their application in other fields, and, by that, a rapid change of the position of the American workers.

There is nothing new, of course, in a fight between strikers and police and gunmen. Every strike of any consequence tells the old, familiar story of the hounding, beating, and killing of strikers by the hired thugs of the exploiters, in and out of uniform. What is out of the ordinary in Minneapolis, what is more important in this respect, is that while the Minneapolis strike began with violent assaults on the strikers, it didn’t end there.

In pitched battles last Saturday and again on Monday, the strikers fought back and held their own. And on Tuesday they took the offensive, with devastating results. Businessmen, volunteering to put the workers in their place, and college boys out for a lark as special deputies – to say nothing of the uniformed cops – handed over their badges and fled in terror before the mass fury of the aroused workers. And many of them carried away unwelcome souvenirs of the engagement. Here was a demonstration that the American workers are willing and able to fight in their own interests. Nothing is more important than this, for, in the last analysis, everything depends on it.

Here was a stern warning to the bosses and their hirelings, and not only those of Minneapolis. Transfer the example and the spirit of the Minneapolis strikers to the steel and automobile workers, for example; with their mass numbers and power. Let the rulers of America tremble at the prospect. They will see it! That is what the message of Minneapolis means first of all.
 

Mass Action

A second feature of the fight at the City Market which deserves special attention is the fact that it was not the ordinary encounter between individual strikers and individual scabs or thugs. On the contrary – take note – the whole union went into action on the picket line in mass formation; thousands of other union men went with them; they took along the necessary means to protect themselves against the murderous thugs, as they had every right to do. This was an example of mass action which points the way for the future victorious struggles of the American workers.

It is not a strike of the men alone, but of the women also. The Minneapolis drivers’ union proceeds on the theory that the women have a vital interest in the struggle, no less than the men, and draws them into action through a special organization. The policy, employed so effectively by the Progressive Miners, is bringing rich results also in Minneapolis. To involve the women in the labor struggle is to double the strength of the workers and to infuse it with a spirit and solidarity it could not otherwise have. This applies not only to a single union and a single strike; it holds good for every phase of the struggle up to its revolutionary conclusion. The grand spectacle of labor solidarity in Minneapolis is what it is because it includes also the solidarity of the working-class women.
 

The Sympathetic Strike

The strike of the transport workers took an enormous leap forward and underwent a transformation when the building-trades unions declared a sympathy strike last Monday. In this action one of the most progressive and significant features of the entire movement is to be seen. When unions begin to call strikes not for immediate gains of their own but for the sake of solidarity with their struggling brothers in other trades, and when this spirit and attitude becomes general and taken for granted as the proper thing, then the paralyzing divisions in the trade union movement will be near an end and trade unionism will begin to mean unity.

The union of the truck drivers and the building-trades workers is an inspiring sight. It represents a dynamic idea of incalculable power. Let the example spread, let the idea take hold in other cities and other trades, let the idea of sympathy strike action be combined with militancy and the mass method of the Minneapolis fighters – and American labor will be a head taller and immeasurably stronger.

Those who characterize the AFL unions as “company unions” and want to build new unions at any price will derive very little consolation from the Minneapolis strike. We have always maintained that the form of a labor organization, while important, is not decisive. Minneapolis provides another confirmation, and a most convincing one, of this conception. Here is the most militant and, in many respects, the most progressively directed labor struggle that has been seen for a long time. Nevertheless it is all conducted within the framework of the AFL.

The drivers’ union is a local of one of the most conservative AFL Internationals, the Teamsters; the building trades, out in sympathy with the drivers, are all AFL unions; and the Central Labor Union, backing the drivers’ strike and the possible organizing medium of a general strike, is a subordinate unit of the AFL. The local unions of the AFL provide a wide field for the work of revolutionary militants if they know how to work intelligently. This is especially true when, as in the Minneapolis example, the militants actually initiate the organization and take a leading part in developing it at every stage.
 

The Bolshevik Militants

Further development of the union, and perhaps even of the present strike, on the path of militancy may bring the local leadership into conflict with the reactionary bureaucracy of the International and also with conservative forces in the Central Labor Union. This will be all the less apt to take the local leaders of the militant union by surprise, since most of them have already gone through the school of that experience. In spite of that, they did not turn their backs on the trade unions and seek to set up new ones artificially.

Even when it came to organizing a large group of workers hitherto outside the labor movement, they selected an AFL union as the medium. The results of the Minneapolis experience provide some highly important lessons on this tactical question. The miserable role of the Stalinists in the present situation, and their complete isolation from the great mass struggle, is the logical outcome of their policies in general and their trade union policy in particular.

The General Drivers Union, as must be the case with every genuine mass organization, has a broad and representative leadership, freely selected by democratic methods. Among the leaders of the union are a number of Bolshevik militants who never concealed or denied their opinions and never changed them at anybody’s order, whether the order came from Green or from Stalin.

The presence of this nucleus in the mass movement is a feature of the exceptional situation in Minneapolis which, in a sense, affects and colors all the other aspects of it. The most important of all prerequisites for the development of a militant labor movement is the leaven of principled communists. When they enter the labor movement and apply their ideas intelligently they are invincible. The labor movement grows as a result of this fusion and their influence grows with it. In this question, also, Minneapolis is showing the way.

James P. Cannon was the national secretary and chairman of the Socialist Workers Party in the mid-twentieth century. His organization’s local leaders were the driving force behind the Minneapolis general strike and the subsequent growth of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. He began his career as an organizer with the Industrial Workers of the World under the mentorship of Big Bill Haywood.

The post Learn from Minneapolis! appeared first on Working Mass.

INTRODUCTION

Climate change is the issue that looms over all others. A livable planet is prerequisite to every policy goal. Without one, nothing else matters. Yet humanity has generally failed to meet the moment. Our addiction to growth, creature comforts, and heavy industry — most pronounced in the West — is driving us to the abyss. We live for the day, and forfeit tomorrow. As a result, our planet is hurtling toward irreversible tipping points — and may have already passed them. 

Our recklessness has eliminated entire species of animals and insects critical to our ecology, created countless climate refugees in parts of the world having already endured generations of colonized existence, and cost us billions (if not trillions) of dollars. Yet the political class has done little to mitigate this crisis. Many summits have passed. Task forces have convened. And what we have to show for it is the Paris Agreement— an unambitious, largely unbinding pledge that’s proven ineffective.

Climate change is a global problem. As such, it calls for international collaboration — especially between the world’s two biggest emitters, the United States and China. So far, that has been lacking. America has been all too happy to jettison cooperation for a policy of saber rattling and encirclement. Not only is the United States continually announcing the construction of new bases in the Asia-Pacific region, it pushes forward in a Cold War logic of seeking to humiliate China rather than honoring its basic needs and interests. Infamously, America sacrificed climate talks through Nancy Pelosi inflaming tensions over Taiwan and blatantly violating established precedent in US-China relations. Unfortunately, this has become the norm. The Americans would seemingly rather destroy the globe if it means winning a few political skirmishes with China and the Chinese people.

Such antagonism is incredibly distressing. As the world’s two largest emitters, the two powers should be working together to prevent and even reverse ecological breakdown. Quite literally everything depends on it. Instead, the U.S. has continued its ravaging of the environment for short-term economic gain when in fact, it should not only be working with China, but learning from the ways it has mitigated carbon emissions over the last few decades. It is clear Washington will not lead us into a more sustainable future. Beijing might.

UNCLEAN HANDS

In the 10 years since negotiators drafted the Paris Accords, the United States has been an unmitigated climate disaster. Less than a year after drafting, Americans elected a president who called climate change a Chinese hoax. Trump, once assuming power, began his regime by withdrawing from the Paris Agreement. The United States stood alone as the only “major emitter… to repudiate the agreement.” Of course, Trump was not done. He then moved to the domestic front. Trump allowed oil and gas drilling in wildlife refuges, coastal waters, and other formerly protected areas. A particularly sweeping executive order directed all federal departments to eliminate any rules restricting energy production. Further orders sought to accelerate “approval and construction of fossil fuel projects by limiting state environmental reviews.” And this just scratches the surface. A Pulitzer-winning environmental reporter described the first Trump administration as a “relentless drive toward fossil energy development.”

During those dark years, the White House suppressed “climate and related science” to conceal the harm of its boneheaded policies. The administration infamously “edited a major Defense Department report to downplay its climate findings.” It altered the contents of government websites to reduce public access to scientific data. While hiding the truth, Trump also muddied the waters via his own “climate denial and denigration of renewable energy.”

After him came Joe Biden, who supporters heralded as the first climate president. It was not to be. He let the world know early on that environmentalism was categorically not “his thing.” In March 2021:

Biden approved the Willow Project — an Alaska oil drilling venture of appalling scope. The development includes 200 oil wells connected by multiple pipelines.

Under Biden, the Department of Interior “auctioned an Italy-sized chunk of the Gulf of Mexico for drilling.” Biden also reopened “massive tracts of the Gulf for extraction.” Amazingly, the rate at which his administration approved oil permits actually outpaced Trump. Not to be outdone, Trump’s second term has arguably been the greatest calamity of all.

In Trump’s first 100 days this year, he instigated more rollbacks of environmental rules than during his entire first term. After Biden reentered the Paris Agreement, Trump again withdrew. He has earmarked massive expanses, including in the Arctic, for new drilling. After erroneously declaring a national “energy emergency,” Trump exempted dozens of coal-fired power plants from clean air rules. He also blocked “the approval of new solar projects and wind turbines, which he has called ‘ugly’ and ‘disgusting.’” In September, Trump revoked the $7,500 federal tax credits for electric cars. Analysts fear this could spell “big trouble” for the industry and, by extension, the environment.

The pace of destruction has been frenetic. On March 12th alone, “Trump’s Environmental Protection Agency… announced 31 actions” revising pollution standards projected “to save 200,000 lives.” The agency’s head, whose job is to protect the environment, celebrated “driving a dagger into the heart of… climate change.” And the worst is likely yet to come. “[T]he pressure on our regulatory system and our democracy will… ramp up,” said Michael Burger, a climate law scholar.

STARK CONTRAST

In addition to their climate malfeasance, radicalized Republicans are rabidly sinophobic. Relative to the current administration, previous American diplomats were sometimes more neutral on China. Just two years ago, special envoy on climate John Kerry advocated “genuine cooperation” between America and China on environmental issues. “China and the United States are the two largest economies in the world,” he stressed. “It’s clear that we have a special responsibility to find common ground.”

Naturally, the backlash from what became the new guard was fierce. Republican representative Michael McCaul of Texas criticized Kerry’s willingness to negotiate, labeling China “not an honest broker.” McCaul’s colleague Scott Perry of Pennsylvania, representing the far-right Freedom Caucus, attacked Kerry for caring about climate change at all. Perry dubbed global warming “a problem that doesn’t exist.” He then accused the scientific community of “grifting” — lying for pecuniary gain. Of course, this is not just false but highly hypocritical. If anyone is grifting, it’s Perry himself. His denialism probably has something to do with the massive bribes he gleefully accepts from the fossil fuel industry. Unfortunately, inmates like him are now running the asylum.

But the rot has infected members of both parties. Yes, Kerry has had lucid moments. But, overall, he too has a deeply flawed climate record. Under Barack Obama, Kerry abetted an administration which took “disastrous steps that worsened the climate crisis.” This included lifting “the ban on exporting crude oil… thanks to… multiyear lobbying efforts… by… industry groups.” Kerry was hardly a bulwark against special interests trying to destroy the environment.

Kerry also actively supports fracking, which belches methane — one of the most dangerous greenhouse gases — into the atmosphere. Moreover, as recently as 2020, Kerry led the advisory council of a bank that dumped massive sums into fossil financing. That’s not all. Kerry is notoriously weak on climate mitigation funds, insisting the United States can’t afford to assist the developing world. While special envoy on climate under Joe Biden, he said “under no circumstances” would America pay any climate reparations. This contradicts the advice of experts, including economic anthropologist Jason Hickel, who see reparations as necessary for ecological justice.

Yet, in a country as environmentally disastrous as the United States, Kerry seems like a climate hawk. America is history’s worst carbon emitter by far. Today, it ranks among the top per capita emitters according to the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP). The United States also finds itself toward the very bottom of the Sustainable Development Index (SDI).

Compare that to China. UNEP data shows that China’s per capita emissions are 40% less than America’s. China also ranks 21 spots above the United States in the SDI. And the country is taking considerable steps to further green itself.

In the first four months of 2023, China added a whopping 62 gigawatts of solar and wind capacity. No other country has made comparable strides, with 80 percent of China’s new power capacity coming from renewable sources. China alone accounts for over 35 percent of all global investment in the transition to clean energy in 2021. These facts have led scholars, including the University of Michigan’s Tom Lyon, to remark that “green is everywhere in China.”

Rather than resting on its laurels, the Middle Kingdom is upping the ante. Even otherwise unsympathetic observers, including the capitalist press, cannot help but marvel. The Economist recently acknowledged that “[t]he scale of the renewables revolution in China is almost too vast for the human mind to grasp.” By the end of last year, “the country had installed 887 of solar-power capacity — close to double Europe’s and America’s combined capacity.” In 2024, it deployed over 24 million tons of steel to build new wind turbines and solar panels. This “would have been enough to build a Golden Gate Bridge on every work day of every week that year.”

Yet there is great room for improvement. Despite historic expansions in clean energy, China remains heavily dependent on dirty sources for its energy demands. Coal still comprises a majority of its energy production. Air pollution is consequently a major problem in Chinese cities. Sulfates fill the skies, typically tracing to coal and fuel oils. Their concentration peaked in the early 2010s, which commentators dubbed an “air-pocalypse.” But China got serious. As The Economist reports:

[C]hemical devices were installed to remove sulphur from the flue gases pumped out by power stations. These steps, along with others, greatly improved air quality in Chinese cities. Its citizens’ lungs are much the better for it, and their lives the longer.

But China’s “war against pollution” is far from over. When it comes to the most harmful particulate matter, China still vastly overshoots World Health Organization standards. This causes a slew of health problems including even premature deaths. Much of the blame for that, however, lies with the United States and its rich allies. As Roger Bybee, a Milwaukee-based freelance writer, explains in his article ‘Scapegoating China,’ “U.S.-based corporations, their contractors, and other Western multinationals… are responsible for a majority of China’s fossil-fuel effluents.” Economist Rob Larson makes a similar point in his book Bleakonomics. American multinationals, he writes, play a “crucial role in exporting polluting industries.” Consequently, residents of major Chinese cities often wear face masks to avoid inhaling harmful amounts of toxic smog.

But at least they wear them, rather than turning masks into a political maelstrom — as was, embarrassingly, the case here. The Trump administration demonized masking and vaccines, continuing its push against the latter to this day. China, meanwhile, treated the pandemic with requisite seriousness. It was easily the world’s largest producer of personal protective equipment, generously exporting excess supply to help other countries cope. While COVID ravaged America, and arguably still does, China conquered it — with a tiny fraction of the death rate. On public health, Beijing showcased its immense superiority.

Many have dubbed tensions between these two great powers, the United States and China, a “New Cold War.” This New Cold War mirrors the old one. In years past, for all its flaws, the Soviet Union led on guaranteeing basic social rights. Citizens enjoyed free college and healthcare alongside universal housing which basically abolished homelessness. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union’s Western counterparts — namely, the United States — spread death and destruction abroad as greed ran rampant domestically. The difference could not have been clearer. 

We see this contrast today too. As the United States descends into fascism, embracing old ways of thinking, China is revolutionizing itself for humanity’s betterment. The Middle Kingdom is greening industry, innovating technologically, and continues opening itself to the outside world. For all its flaws, chief among them cowardice (or indifference) amid Zionist criminality, China is leaping into the new age. In the New Cold War, it is plainly the preferable option. The choice is between civilization and barbarism. Socialists the world over should act accordingly.

LESSONS

There is much to learn from China’s successes. For one, they show the power of innovation. A common narrative in the West is that China is merely an appropriator, and not an originator. China, the story goes, ruthlessly poaches Western technology with little regard for intellectual property because it cannot solve problems itself. But “any doubts about China’s ability to produce… innovative solutions have been disproven with its rapid uptake of green technology.”

Look no further than its booming vehicle industry. Over the years, more than 500 electric car companies have sprouted in China. Although, for efficiency’s sake, that number is rapidly falling due to consolidation. China manufactures over 70% of the world’s electric cars and accounts for 40% of global exports. This is thanks partly to generous government subsidies and otherwise supportive policies to buttress that critical sector.

And that brings us to another common Western common narrative. It is the idea that capitalism promotes innovation better than any other economic system, with socialism paling in comparison. Yet China’s immense environmental progress was produced by a careful series of five-year state plans guiding a largely socialist economy. The ruling Communist Party does not allow the country to fall prey to the anarchy of the market. Its planning outlines $16 trillion of investment to reach carbon neutrality by 2060. A particularly noteworthy proposal is China’s Biodiversity Conservation Strategy and Action Plan. It “aims to vigorously develop green finance… and integrate biodiversity data into… environmental disclosures and sustainability reports.”

There is a lesson here for the United States. More state intervention in the economy can work wonders, and breathe new life into this decaying power. The tools to do so already exist. One is the Defense Production Act, a congressional response to Harry Truman’s 1950s call to supply the Korean War effort. Today, the Defense Production Act is a powerful tool in the presidential arsenal to mobilize private industry to fulfill social priorities. 

Namely, “the executive branch could use the Defense Production Act… to accelerate the clean energy build-out.” Importantly, it could do so while bypassing Congress and subfederal authorities and “without regard to the limitations of existing law.” The ability to override contrary “federal, state, and local laws that privilege corporate short-termism” is bursting with promise.

But none of that matters absent the requisite political will. The United States remains committed to the path of climate doom. A bold transition to renewables is not on the horizon. The Green New Deal, though blindingly necessary, is nothing more than a few bits of paper. America is refusing to face the growing environmental crisis that threatens organized human life as we know it.

Therefore, the global masses — especially in developing nations, which are most at risk — look to China for vision and leadership. And the reason is clear. In staking our collective future, Beijing — and its commitment to expanding green energy — is a safer bet and steadier hand. There is no debate. And there never was.