The Milwaukee Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) denounce Milwaukee Police Association president Alex Ayala’s comments calling for a National Guard presence in Milwaukee, noting that such an escalation would harm communities across the city.

“If enacted, the deployment of military violence on the streets of Milwaukee will only cause harm to the citizens,” said Pamela Westphal, Milwaukee DSA co-chair. “Now, more than ever, the citizens of Milwaukee need to build solidarity with their neighbors as the increase of police and military violence grows every day.”

Ayala’s comments come after President Donald Trump deployed the National Guard against protestors in Los Angeles and against the people of Washington D.C., and he has suggested doing likewise in other U.S. cities, as near to Milwaukee as Chicago.

“We must remain strong together in every city facing militarization,” Milwaukee DSA co-chair Andy Barbour said. “We oppose this proposed violation of the safety of our community and are committed to the fight against fascism.”

DSA organizers intend to work with other organizations and community members across the city and beyond to keep our communities safe from increased militarization in Milwaukee. 

As part of that work, the organization is calling on city leaders to follow the likes of Alderman Alex Brower and Alderwoman Larresa Taylor, who released a statement Thursday breaking down both legally and logically why a Milwaukee National Guard deployment would spell disaster for people here.

“We need our local government to advocate on behalf of the communities fearing for their lives here in Milwaukee,” Barbour said. “Working people will notice which of their representatives leave them in danger by remaining silent.”

Milwaukee DSA is Milwaukee’s largest socialist organization fighting for a democratic economy, a just society, and a sustainable environment. Join today at dsausa.org/join.

The 2025 DSA Convention featured a panel on “Building DSA’s Cultural Organizations,” featuring panelists who started DSA sports leagues, choirs, and more. They made the case that these cultural organizations can become institutions of collective action. 

The post Culture is Collective Action appeared first on Democratic Left.

by Reese A

This piece was written 08/15/25

Last week, I had the honor of representing the Liberal Arts and Science Academy chapter of the Young Democratic Socialists of America (YDSA), at YDSA’s 2025 annual national convention. It was a true honor to be their co-chair, and to serve them once more as their delegate.

Ultimately, however, I came away from the convention concerned for our political future as a movement: We were decisively against organizing students. We failed to pass crucial resolutions that would strengthen the student movement, including R23: Building Campus Consciousness, Democracy, and Militancy through Student Unions and R10: Building an International Student Movement. R23 would have provided crucial support to mass student organizing in the form of student unions, a formation that can mobilize large numbers of students in solidarity in a way that YDSA cannot. The success of the student union formation is outlined below with Students United by LASA YDSA, and I think that failing to bet on mass student organizing via student unions will remain one of the biggest lost opportunities of the convention. Additionally, R10 centered our internationalism around building relationships with student organizations as YDSA, something that must be centered in order to build an international coalition to win student demands and ultimately socialism.

Instead, we focused on gatekeeping durable socialist organizing to only people with “real” ties to the class struggle (current laborers) and building value-pure socialist groups to recruit students into. We passed resolutions like R12: For a Campaigning Internationalism and R18: Recommitting to Running Strategic Campaigns as Unapologetic Socialists, which aren’t obviously bad, but show a clear focus away from larger mass movement organizing of students towards socialist groups. This tendency fundamentally doesn’t believe that students have a claim to power, but rather we must take a backseat to the “real” working class and focus on political education, supporting their cause, and running smaller campaigns as socialists to pressure the campus. It doesn’t believe in the mass student movement or their own claim to power and representation.

This is a mistake. If we want to win material change, at our schools and in the world, we have to be comfortable organizing the people around us, having conversations, and building power. As students, we represent some of the most diverse, progressive and willing bodies of people in America, and our organizations should strive to organize and mobilize as many students as possible to win. Some might argue that students don’t have the correct “class character,” and I must disagree. We are forgetting what the root of working class is – people who are not owners, people who do not control capital. Just as unemployed people are part of the working class, so are students. Additionally, others argue that students inherently aren’t worth organizing because they’re a transient group. The student movement has built some of the strongest organizations and movements in American history, from Vietnam and Students for a Democratic Society, to divestment from South Africa and winning the collapse of apartheid, to fighting for a free Palestine today. Turnover is not a valid reason to avoid organizing – if that were true, we wouldn’t be organizing Starbucks and Amazon. Yet regardless of the excuses people give for abandoning students, none of them give a valid reason to leave them unorganized and retreat to our comfort zone of like-minded socialists. They’re progressive, willing to fight, and have organized throughout history. It would be a shame for YDSA to give up on student mass organizing, let alone for the wider socialist movement to do so, yet increasingly that seems to be the trend.

It’s important that we organize the entirety of the working class by building durable organizations to fight for change, not because that we think only the working class can win socialism, but because we truly believe in each and every one of our neighbors as people. In this time of rising fascism, believing in people is more important now than ever if we want to defeat it. Yet the socialist movement seems to be retreating into hiding, requiring that people come to our doorstep instead of organizing our neighbors en masse for change, because we no longer find hope in them. We vote down student organizing, we vote down protest organizing, we stop committing to the rank-and-file strategy and make connections with the union leaders instead. This is what fascism wants of us: to feel hopeless and that your neighbor is untrustworthy, to build division in order to cement the ruling class. Instead, we must meet neighbors where they are, with organizations that can represent them both to their schools and to the wider world, and build committed comrades out of this bond.

At LASA YDSA, we organized a student union, Students United, to serve as a durable student bargaining representative to fight for fairer learning conditions and mental health support. We currently have over 8% of the student body supporting our bid to unionize by signing Union Authorization Cards. This union attracted a wide range of people because it was rooted in a collective movement, representation, and demands for change – a movement from which we were able to build committed socialist organizers out of. While YDSA could never legitimately claim to be a representative of students and demand bargaining rights, a union could, because a union’s legitimacy comes exclusively from its status as a representative of the students instead of ideology or self-interest. YDSA can lead the movement, YDSA can build organizers from the movement, but YDSA must commit to empowering the working class to seize power for themselves. This is an important distinction because it’s both an optical, political and communal one – it’s the difference between one-party rule and a worker’s state for the people. Democratic socialists should commit to people power and democracy first and foremost, not try to make a utopian socialist society concocted out of thin air and imposed on the people.

We will not win by building a cadre vanguard that people do not feel a connection to. We will not win by treating our neighbors as peasants to be strung along. We will win through class struggle and a mass movement of each and every one of us, that, through solidarity, can be built in any community and especially within students. We must not give up on student and wider working class solidarity. We must not give up on our own communities. We must commit more, organize for power, and organize to win socialism.

The post In Defense of the Student Movement first appeared on Red Fault.

Practical Ways to Engage in Community Safety

The recent surge in immigration enforcement activities throughout Ventura County has cast a stark light on the urgent need for collective resistance and community led safety initiatives. Federal ICE raids, particularly the large-scale operations in Camarillo back in July and increased patrols across the 805 area, have not only instilled fear and disrupted countless families, but have also galvanized communities into action. For those seeking to contribute meaningfully to the defense of immigrant rights and the reimagining of public safety, there are many concrete avenues to engage locally.

The Current Context: Legal Challenges and Community Response

On August 2, hundreds gathered for a peaceful ICE Out of 805 protest—a powerful expression of our community’s growing resistance to state-sanctioned terror. Groups like VC Defensa continue to be on the front lines, coordinating rapid-response networks, connecting community members with legal support, sharing Know Your Rights resources, and organizing mutual aid. If you see ICE, call their hotline at (805) 253-3242.

On the legal front, a multi-layered battle is unfolding. A federal judge issued a temporary restraining order blocking ICE’s warrantless roving patrols across Ventura and six other Southern California counties, on the grounds that stops based on race, language, work, or location are unconstitutional. On August 1, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco upheld that block: ICE must not carry out these racially targeted stops. But the administration continues to push back, appealing the decision and threatening to restore these terrorizing patrols. Meanwhile, Congress is fueling the very regime we resist. ICE’s budget has ballooned, an additional $75 billion over four years (on top of its base funding), now totaling nearly $28.7 billion per year. This money is being used to expand detention centers, hire thousands more officers, and scale the deportation machine to brutal extremes. The power of capital and xenophobic policy is being used to gut our solidarity and imprison our communities.

This is not just a political crisis. It’s a moral one. Legal wins, even monumental ones like halting roving patrols, are temporary. The bolstering of ICE’s budget ensures that the threat will return unless our resistance rises accordingly.

A Legacy of Grassroots Organizing for Community Safety

The work of reimagining safety in Ventura County builds on a rich history of grassroots activism across the United States. For decades, communities, particularly Black, Indigenous, and immigrant populations, have organized alternatives to policing that center healing, accountability, and collective care. From neighborhood watch programs and mutual aid networks to restorative justice circles and community mediation, these efforts affirm that safety is most effectively fostered through relationships and support rather than surveillance and punishment.

These movements have long challenged the notion that law enforcement is synonymous with safety, instead advocating for the divestment from prison systems and the reinvestment in social services, education, and economic opportunity. The Revolutionizing Community Safety Working Group within DSA Ventura County carries forward this tradition by actively imagining and building new paradigms of justice and protection that do not rely on police or ICE.

Revolutionizing Community Safety: A Working Group at the Forefront

In response to escalating enforcement and the limitations of current systems, the Revolutionizing Community Safety Working Group within DSA Ventura County provides a critical platform for envisioning and building alternatives to punitive policing and detention. This collective interrogates the structural roots of harm and centers abolitionist principles to cultivate transformative strategies. By advocating for policies that diminish reliance on law enforcement and promoting restorative justice, mutual aid, and community led conflict resolution, the working group aims to create a paradigm shift toward genuine safety and care.

Participation in this group offers members an opportunity to influence campaigns, shape educational programming, and engage in direct action that advances abolition and communal wellbeing. It is a space of intellectual rigor and strategic collaboration, essential for reconfiguring public safety in Ventura County.

Additional Pathways to Engagement

• Volunteering with VC Defensa to bolster rapid response and community outreach efforts: Next training is Saturday September 13th in Ojai. Follow VC Defensa’s Instagram @vcdefensa for more information.
  
• Attending monthly DSA Ventura County general meetings to stay apprised of developments and contribute to coordinated actions.
  
• Supporting immigrant justice organizations through financial contributions and advocacy.
  
• Participating in educational initiatives to raise awareness about immigrant rights and legal protections.
  
• Facilitating or joining mutual aid networks to provide tangible support to families confronting deportation threats.
  

Walking Toward a Vision of Hope and Collective Power

The challenges confronting immigrant communities are profound, yet the collective resilience and solidarity demonstrated across Ventura County affirms the power of communal action. Our strength is rooted in interdependence, sharing resources, knowledge, and care to dismantle systems of oppression and build nurturing alternatives.

Each act of resistance, from mobilizing to mutual aid, affirms a radical redefinition of safety, one premised on dignity, equity, and belonging rather than surveillance and exclusion. By engaging with these efforts, we participate in constructing a future where all community members can thrive, free from fear and repression.

On August 22nd, 2025 United Auto Worker (UAW) local 647, representing over 600 GE aerospace workers in Evendale Ohio and Erlanger Kentucky, voted by 84% to go on strike if they had not received a counter offer from GE by the time their contract expired at midnight on August 27th. That time came and true to their word the workers went on strike.

It’s important to remember that between 2022 to 2024, GE Aerospace has reaped record revenue surpassing $100 billion for over $16 billion in shareholder distributions. CEO Larry Culp earned $89 million in 2024 alone - over 1,200 times more than the median worker’s annual income. With this kind of profit GE could absolutely be reasonable with these moderate increases that the workers are asking for but are choosing not to.

Metro Cincinnati and Northern Kentucky Democratic Socialists of America stand in solidarity with these workers not just with words but with direct action. DSA Cincy members have been out on the picket line since day one with these workers and are currently out there as of this writing! We proudly support GE workers and will continue to do so until their demands are met.

DSA is proud to endorse the following candidates running with Twin Cities DSA support:

Robin Wonsley is running for her third term on Minneapolis City Council, representing Ward 2. She’s running as an independent socialist, and has been a tireless advocate for rent control, public housing, and police accountability.

Robin has a thorough list of campaign priorities which also references the work she has already done on council, encompassing an impressive legislative record. These priorities cover a wide range of issues impacting workers and students including a traffic calming program, housing programs, and working to secure tuition-free college at the state level.

Learn more about Robin in her interview with the Minneapolis Interview Project!

Soren Stevenson is running for Minneapolis City Council, Ward 8. He’s championing working class issues, including housing for all, public safety reform, and environmental justice.

Soren is a proud union member, survivor of Minneapolis police violence, and has extensive experience in housing justice. He recently worked within his union to prevent the permanent closure of a much needed homeless shelter, which required council support.

When Soren ran for council in 2023, he received the most first-choice votes by lost by a mere 38 votes! With just a little bit more help this time around we can secure his seat on Minneapolis City Council!

Robin and Soren are no strangers to national DSA endorsement and we’re looking forward to welcoming both of them to the new Socialist Cash Takes Out Capitalist Trash slate this year!

Adam Schneider is running on a third party ballot line for the Minneapolis Park Board. He has led environmental justice fights, including the Roof Depot campaign. His campaign is championing parks equity, youth programming, and labor protections.

​​I am running because I believe the Minneapolis Park & Recreation Board can be a vehicle to advance climate and environmental justice. By working with the community, our park system can be an integral part of an equitable, resilient, and vibrant Minneapolis.

– Adam Schneider

Adam’s focus areas for the Parks Board include community-driven governance to prioritize resident needs and health over developer interests, expanding community gardens and the urban tree canopy, and environmental stewardship.

Michael Wilson is also running for Minneapolis Park Board! Michael is a stalwart labor advocate, backed by unions running to unseat anti-union incumbents. He’s a former Park Board worker, labor organizer, and environmental justice leader in the successful Roof Depot campaign.

Michael is running on a platform of fair wages for park workers, expanding public transit to reach all parks, utilizing Park and Recreation programs to support working families, and directly addressing environmental concerns impacting the working class such as the Emerald Ash Borer infestation.

Michael’s going up against major anti-labor opponents who’ll pour in as much corporate cash as they need to keep him out of office – pitch in with a donation to our slate today!

The Twin Cities DSA Slate is part of the Socialist Cash Takes Out Capitalist Trash fundraising campaign!

The National Guard is coming to Chicago. Never mind the fact that Governor J.B. Pritzker doesn’t want them here and hasn’t ordered them. Never mind the fact that a federal judge recently struck down Trump’s siccing of the Guard on Los Angeles, where they were tasked primarily with intimidating protesters and milling about aimlessly.  Never mind the fact that the presence of troops and federal agents in Washington, D.C was so enraging that a salmon-shirt-and-khaki-shorts-wearing Generic White Guy threw a sandwich at a federal agent – and dodged felony charges after a grand jury refused to indict him. 

Trump has chosen to illegally deploy  National Guard troops and more ICE agents to our city because Chicago is purportedly a violence ridden “killing field” requiring immediate federal intervention. The actual, obvious reason is that Trump is still mad that a group of protesters chased him out of the city in 2016, and that workers here have successfully organized against ICE terrorism. He also resents that Chicago is a thriving, multiracial, multi-ethnic city with local and state leadership uninterested in complying with his whims or bowing to threats of force.

At the same time, the allegations of violence and crime haven’t stopped well meaning people sharing photos of the best of Chicago – its street festivals, beaches, and museums – while mocking how “scary” this world-class city is. I understand the urge to troll and to tell people who have never visited our city to kick rocks. But we cannot neglect the real people behind every statistic, every talking point, and every headline about the number of shootings and assaults in Chicago. Those people deserve more than Trump’s false promises of “law and order,” a “gotcha” headline about crime, or erasure of what happened to them. 

Over the Labor Day weekend in Chicago, 58 people were shot. Eight of those people died. Eight people’s parents, grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, brothers, and sisters are grieving the loss of loved ones while having to navigate the grim logistics of death: visits to the morgue and the funeral home, obtaining a tall stack of death certificates, contacting Social Security, phone and email providers, banks and credit card companies, health insurance companies, utility providers, and landlords in order to close accounts and attempt to eliminate any debts.

The 50 people who were “only” injured, not killed, are recovering in the hospital. They are fighting with insurance companies who want them discharged before they have gotten used to using a colostomy bag, or before their excruciating pain has dulled to become a manageable (but likely permanent) part of life. Their parents, partners or children are trying to figure out how they are supposed to accommodate a wheelchair or walker in their rickety walkup or two flat, or how they’re supposed to pick up their prescriptions when the only pharmacy in the neighborhood closed three months ago, or who they can talk to about their loved ones’ psychological trauma as the city grapples with a critical shortage of trained mental health professionals.

Meanwhile, nurses have to deliver bad news to parents, aid injured patients, fight with insurance companies, while somehow finding time for a bathroom break. Social workers and case managers have to call through a database of agencies that hasn’t been updated in five years to figure out which patchwork of nonprofit service providers are still open and can offer assistance. Many will try to find time to collectively grieve the clients they lost. Community Violence Intervention (CVI) workers will go to funerals and answer phone calls and text messages at all hours from angry friends and family, trying to persuade them that revenge isn’t worth it, all while making minimum wage and facing layoffs if the CVI grant isn’t renewed. To that last point: Chicago’s CVI landscape is even more fragmented and precariously funded in the aftermath of the collapse of Heartland Alliance, which ran the READI Chicago program.

If a survivor decides to take their chances with the criminal legal system, they’ll deal with an indifferent, unresponsive, or downright hostile police detective. If, rarer still, that detective actually clears a case (meaning a suspect is identified and arrested), the survivor then gets to deal with indifferent, unresponsive, or downright hostile assistant states attorneys, along with the stress of having to relive their trauma while testifying in court, being rigorously cross-examined, and having to see the alleged perpetrator and their family in court. 

If a survivor rationally decides that they want to focus on recovery and don’t want to subject themselves and their loved ones to violent retaliation, the police will openly blame them for the next shooting.

The cycle repeats, leaving more families and workers hurt, desperate for some kind of closure, and struggling with no support. The people screaming about crime in Chicago will continue to ignore the suffering of working-class Chicagoans and remain completely disinterested in offering any real solution to the complex problem of urban crime. The National Guard will either pack up or shift duties to mulching trees.

This is the current state of violence in Chicago. Our city is  this way because the ruling class wants it to be this way. The basic reason why violence is such an intractable issue, no matter how many millions we shovel into the police budget, is because the officers and leadership of the Chicago Police Department (CPD) believe that working-class Chicagoans deserve violence as punishment for having non-MAGA politics and for daring to exist in Chicago while not being white.

I am a police and prison abolitionist because I see “criminal justice reform” as being structurally impossible – not because there aren’t effective reforms, but because police have made it abundantly clear that they will not carry out any reforms that would make the police department better at its stated purpose of preventing crime, swiftly intervening when crime happens, supporting victims and witnesses, and detaining suspects without murdering them or violating their constitutional rights.

In recent years, police have successfully lobbied to make reforms ineffective. The “landmark” Empowering Communities for Public Safety Ordinance (ECPS) is a sprawling meetings-industrial complex that has not delivered on its promises of a police force accountable to civilian oversight. The Anjanette Young Ordinance removed the ban on no-knock raids so it could pass with the votes of alderpeople who think what happened to Anjanette Young and Breonna Taylor was good and should happen more often. They and the Chicago Police Department believe police officers should not be punished for terrorizing and murdering innocent people. 

This extends beyond shootings. This year, women in Logan Square were targeted by a serial rapist. Police detectives refused to act until the women got the attention of local news and publicly organized demands for justice to force the department’s hand. A group of detectives paid six figure salaries had to be bullied into doing their jobs and catching the perpetrator. At least one victim attempted to report what happened and received no response.

The ineptitude and indifference of CPD directly caused an increase in sexual assaults. The reason is pretty obvious if you spend any time trawling anonymous CPD Twitter accounts: the average cop considers women in Logan Square (or Avondale, or Edgewater, or Bridgeport, or Pilsen, or Lakeview, or Hyde Park, and so on) to be insufferably woke and feminist, and thus deserving of rape and sexual assault.

It is our role as socialists to name this specific state failure while uplifting the victims and the many workers left to pick up the pieces of these failures. We should not talk about “killing fields” or point to the richest parts of Chicago to claim that everything is fine. We should also avoid waving off violence as only an issue on the South and West Sides, because violence is both heavily concentrated and scattered across the city. I live on a charming block on the Far North Side that feels like it could have come straight from Richard Scarry’s Busy, Busy Town. There is a block not too far from me where shootings are commonplace.

Right now, Chicago DSA and many other community groups are bracing for an invasion from National Guard troops and federal agents. It is unclear how long this will last. But once the troops leave, or they are relegated to trash pickup, we need to make a serious effort to uplift the human toll of police letting thousands of people die for no reason, and be a regular presence at community vigils and peace marches. The 58 people shot this past weekend deserved more than a false choice between violence and fascism. We all do.

The post Neither Paradise Nor Killing Field: A Socialist Perspective on “Crime in Chicago” appeared first on Midwest Socialist.

By Jesse D. and Laura W.

Back in May of this year, DSA member and elected Beaverton School Board Director Dr. Tammy Carpenter was accused by the Board of antisemitism for her social media posts condemning Israel’s genocide of Palestinians in Gaza. The community rose up in defense of free speech and a free Palestine, and in August the board voted unanimously that she had not violated any board policy – demonstrating that these kinds of disingenuous smears are no match for the power of a revitalized anti-war movement.

The crisis started on May 29 when the Beaverton School Board held a special session for the sole purpose of disciplining Dr. Carpenter, who was not informed before the session began. The general public had no window into this proceeding as the live stream was blank for well over an hour, until the board appeared. Board meetings are typically held in person.

The accusation happened quickly and with no explanation: School Board Chair Dr. Karen Pérez-Da Silva entertained a motion to refer charges against Dr. Carpenter to a third party investigator. Director Susan Greenberg made the motion and it was seconded by Director Justice Rajee. The motion carried with five in favor and two opposed, and the meeting was immediately adjourned. Because the Board had met for the previous hour in a closed-door session, little information was available as to why Dr. Carpenter was under investigation. What were these charges? Why was Dr. Carpenter being targeted by a majority of the board? 

When Portland DSA members learned about the investigation, we instantly understood it as not just an attack on Dr. Carpenter personally, but also as part of a broader strategy by local Zionist agitators to suppress pro-Palestinian sentiment by punishing public officials who dare to challenge the pro-Israel hegemony. We sprang into action to mobilize Dr. Carpenter’s many supporters, uniting our Washington County Branch, Labor Working Group, Electoral Working Group, Palestine Solidarity Working Group, and our network of educators.

We submitted public records requests to BSD in order to see for ourselves what complaints had been made against Dr. Carpenter. What we discovered was an astroturfed campaign led by the Jewish Federation of Portland to retaliate against Dr. Carpenter for using her personal platform to highlight the injustice and horror of the genocide in Gaza. One Instagram story – which recognized the 77th anniversary of the Nakba – was cited repeatedly in the 13 complaints submitted to the Board.

As a physician, Dr. Carpenter has been deeply affected by Israel’s targeted bombing of hospitals in Gaza. Her first social media post about the genocide was on October 17, 2023, when Israel bombed the first of many hospitals. This was the first of dozens of posts she has made on the subject since October 7, 2023, many of which also talked about the destruction of the schools and universities; a subject relevant to a school board member.

The next regular School Board meeting was scheduled for June 2, just four days after the investigation was voted on. Portland DSA members quickly planned a solidarity protest for that day. Over the course of the next 90 hours, we held planning meetings, arranged for speakers, promoted the protest on social media, talked to our coworkers and allies in the Beaverton School District, and contacted local elected officials. On the day of the Board meeting, 150 people turned out to rally and occupy the School Board headquarters, demonstrating the overwhelming local support for Dr. Carpenter and the struggle for Palestinian liberation. Attendees heard from Portland Jewish Voice for Peace organizer Julia Ford; State Representative Farrah Chaichi; and Hailey DeMarre, a DSA member, Beaverton Education Association activist and Beaverton High School teacher who had a pro-Palestinian mural in her classroom painted over. Beaverton City Councilor Nadia Hasan, the first Muslim person to serve on the Council, also spoke in solidarity during the School Board meeting public comment period. They all made it clear that the retaliation against Dr. Carpenter was just one example out of many in which the interests of Palestinian, Arab and Muslim students were utterly disrespected.

Following the rally, most supporters filed into the meeting room which quickly reached capacity – many supporters were turned away for fire safety reasons. The pro-Zionists were outnumbered 15:1. Those 20 or so counter-protesters carried signs saying “Tammy Sucks” and signs that equated solidarity with Palestine as a call for Jewish extermination. The vast majority of the room was taken up by anti-Zionist advocates and Dr. Carpenter’s supporters, holding signs saying “Stop Arming Israel” and “Free Speech on Palestine.”

The meeting was tense even before public comment began, as the audience seating was overflowing with people holding signs. At one point, a group of high schoolers were awarded honors by the district, and we overheard one student insist on staying to watch the anticipated drama of the meeting, saying, “No, Mom, I want to see how this goes!”

Following the awards, a heated public comment period began wherein both sides shared alternative perspectives on the situation the Board had caused by capitulating to the complaints engineered by the Jewish Federation of Portland. (To hear the speeches, you can watch this YouTube livestream.) Some speakers complained that their federal tax dollars are being used to fund the genocide, and their local tax dollars shouldn’t go to investigating board members with a pro-Palestine position. Although the Board chairperson interrupted several times to tell attendees to quiet their reactions, the event was entirely peaceful. The crowd dispersed with the feeling of a job well done. Following the meeting, public statements poured into the School Board expressing support for Dr. Carpenter and condemnation of the School Board’s actions.

On August 9, the results of the investigation were finalized and published: the third-party investigator determined the charges against Dr. Carpenter were unfounded. We were confident from the start that this would be the result, but Portland DSA was committed to making it clear – to the Beaverton School Board and any other power-players considering following the lead of the Zionist lobby – that the public is in opposition to both the genocide and the erosion of free speech rights.

We see these charges in the same light we have seen charges of anti-semitism made against other socialist figures who have championed Palestinian liberation, like Zohran Mamdani in NYC or Rep. Rashida Tlaib in Congress. The Zionist lobby has long relied on slander to defend military funding for Israel, but it’s clear this trick doesn’t work anymore. Opposition to the imperialist war machine and solidarity with Palestine is not a liability – it is our strength.

We encourage all sympathizers to join Portland DSA and be a part of the movement to end war and genocide and instead create a world where all people can live in peace. From Beaverton to Palestine, all children should have safe, well-resourced schools that facilitate free inquiry. This will not be the last time our public figures are attacked for championing that vision, but no matter what comes next, we’re ready to keep fighting.

The post That Trick Doesn’t Work Anymore: How DSA and Allies Defeated a Smear Campaign and Protected Free Speech on Palestine appeared first on Portland DSA .

By: Rob Switzer

This article was originally published in the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC)’s blog.

If you’re considering joining a union or starting one in your workplace, you may ask yourself, “Are union dues expensive?” This question may have occurred to you spontaneously, or it may have been planted in your head by anti-union rhetoric, perhaps by your bosses in response to a unionization movement in your workplace. In either case, it’s a question worth exploring.

How are union dues calculated?

The union may determine dues based on a straight percentage of your paychecks. For example, if you’re a member of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), you may pay 1.5% of your overall salary in dues, capped at $90 a month. Let’s say you earn $1,000 every week for a yearly salary of $52,000: You would pay $15 from each weekly paycheck, totaling $60 a month or $720 a year.

Other unions calculate dues as a flat rate. For example, I am a United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) member, and at my workplace, I pay $10.65 each week, or $42.60 every month. And yes, your boss is right: If my union membership ended tomorrow, that’s an extra $42.60 that would be going into my pocket. And a hypothetical SEIU worker would have an extra $60 every month going into their pocket.

Is it worth paying union dues?

The important question is what would you lose? What does that $60 get you? Do the benefits of your union membership offset that expense? The data shows overwhelmingly that the answer is yes. To begin with, according to a study by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics in 2024, unionized workers in the United States, thanks to the wages they bargained for in their contracts, make on average 17.5% more than their non-unionized counterparts.

That number alone shows that union membership is worth the cost. If you make $1,000 in a week, 17.5% of that is $175. So on average, if a non-union worker is making $1,000 in a week, their union shop counterpart makes $1,175. Over the course of a year, while you’re paying $720 every year in union dues, you can expect to pocket on average $2,100 in extra cash in exchange. That’s a $1,380 return on investment. But there is much more to the equation than a simple dollar-for-dollar comparison.

Are union dues a benefit?

Forming a union and obtaining a collective bargaining agreement almost always locks in a series of benefits, some that have monetary value and some that are invaluable, in my opinion.

For one example, you could look at the contract where I work: Cattleman’s Meat and Produce, a neighborhood meat market and grocery store. Our union, UFCW, is often criticized as being one of the weaker large unions (and sometimes for good reason), yet our contract provides for a number of guaranteed benefits that workers in many other grocery retail environments simply don’t enjoy.

My favorite among these is paid vacation. At Cattleman’s, we receive a week of paid vacation after one year, and eventually three weeks if you stick around long enough. Having worked many jobs in my life without paid vacation, I don’t know how I ever lived without it. This is one of the benefits that I would classify as “invaluable.” Having a week off here and there to travel or just recharge your batteries and still get your bills paid can be a life-changer.

Can union dues protect my job?

Another benefit is simply job security: unions protect your ability to stay employed. Almost every state in this country is an “at-will” state, meaning you can be fired at any time for any reason (as long as it’s not an illegal reason, like racial discrimination). But virtually any union contract includes a “just cause” provision, meaning you can only be fired for a good reason.

If you are fired and you decide to fight it, this could mean a lengthy and expensive battle for the employer, and sometimes they will simply take someone back rather than having to deal with a fight.

Do union dues mean lower wages?

Paying union dues means you and your co-workers earn higher wages and wage increases over time. At Cattleman’s, most employees are promised a 50-cent raise every six months. This is something we need to stay on top of to make sure it’s enforced (the boss will conveniently “forget”), but it’s a contractually agreed-upon promise that we all benefit from.

Most union contracts will contain wage increases like this, and this obviously contributes to why union workers typically make more money.

What are the benefits of paying union dues?

There are many more benefits! We receive a full day’s pay for certain holidays, whether we work or not. We have dependable schedules. We have guaranteed hours every week, ensuring that we can pay our bills even during slow seasons. We get sick days and paid “personal days.” And like every union member in the United States, we have “Weingarten rights,” meaning we can demand the presence of a union representative or steward before any disciplinary actions are taken.

I am a meat cutter at my job but I am also our shop steward, and when I am asked, “What does the union do for us?”, this is how I answer: I tell them about all of the above-described benefits. (I even wrote up a handout that explains them all!) When someone complains about the union to me and floats the idea of leaving it, I will listen and often sympathize with them. But I ultimately always make the point, “Do you like your paid vacation? How about your job security? Do you really want to give those things up to keep an extra $10 in your pocket every week?”

Is it worth it to pay union dues?

Sometimes critics of unions have a point. Many unions (such as the UFCW) are not as democratic as they should be. Sometimes it seems like they don’t pay attention or care about us. We are often largely excluded from the negotiation process, and many workers feel they are pressured into accepting bad contract offers. Sometimes union executives make extremely high salaries that seem extravagant. (The current UFCW International president makes over $300,000, and many local presidents make around a quarter-million every year as well.)

But even if the union isn’t perfect (and ours certainly is not), the answer is not to leave it. The answer is stay, reap the benefits, and become an active member and improve the union from within. And if you are wondering whether it is worth it to start or join one, the answer is yes! So, are union dues expensive? Simply put, it is much more expensive to not pay dues to a union. And at the end of the day, union dues aren’t a cost — they’re an investment. And the return is your dignity, your security, and your voice.

Rob Switzer is a UFCW butcher and shop steward in Detroit, Michigan. He is a member of Metro Detroit’s chapter of Democratic Socialists of America and co-editor of their publication “The Detroit Socialist.”

Are Union Dues Expensive? was originally published in The Detroit Socialist on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

As part of a city-wide crackdown on our homeless neighbors, the City of Madison is unfairly targeting the Social Justice Center, demanding that the SJC removes its food pantry, public health vending machine, benches, and public art, in an attempt to drive away unhoused people who rely on the SJC and the organizations it houses for shelter, safety, healthcare, and support.

Madison Area Democratic Socialists of America recognizes the effort the Social Justice Center puts into addressing the housing crisis that this city ignores, and we stand with the SJC and all who rely on it.

There is no denying it: there is a crisis in Madison. Rents get higher and access to affordable housing gets more limited by the day, forcing more and more people from their homes. Public restrooms are not open early or late enough. Overcoming addiction is nearly impossible when one’s basic needs for survival are not met. Each of these problems is a rung in the ladder of capitalist oppression, which forces the working class into worse and worse conditions until they have nowhere left to go.

The city’s approach to this crisis is unjust and unhelpful. We cannot disappear the unhoused population. We must house them. We must give them safety, security, and support. They are our neighbors, community members, and constituents of the politicians who claim to represent us. Any one of us could be a layoff or medical emergency away from joining them. This crisis is a reminder to the rest of the working class that the ruling class will turn its back on anyone who isn’t making them profits.

The Beacon, Madison’s primary day shelter, is beyond capacity, so people look for shelter in other parts of the city. The city’s proposed new men’s shelter won’t be ready until next year, and will only have 250 beds – not nearly enough to meet the well-documented need.

But instead of fully funding and expanding the sorely needed homeless services and meaningfully addressing the housing crisis that makes them necessary, the city is cracking down on neighbors helping neighbors – by increasing police presence at and making punitive demands of the Social Justice Center, by threatening to close down the Dairy Drive campground with winter just around the corner, and by sweeping the encampment at the Wisconsin Veterans’ Museum.

“Solving” homelessness with incarceration is more expensive per person than harm reduction centers and housing first policies, and only perpetuates the cycle.

As community members, it is our responsibility to provide what the city will not, and the Social Justice Center aims to do exactly that. We also have to fight for a just future in which everyone has what they need. MADSA stands in solidarity with the Social Justice Center, and calls upon the Madison Common Council, Madison Mayor Satya Rhodes-Conway, and the Dane County Board to do right by our neighbors:

1. Stop targeting the SJC for stepping up where the city has failed.

2. Continue to fund the Dairy Drive campsite, a crucial transition program.

3. Support the Dane County Homeless Justice Initiative’s demands to fully fund homeless support services.

4. Cure the root cause of the homelessness crisis by building affordable, desirable, and dignified public housing where our neighbors can thrive, not just survive!