Next week, five members of the Green Mountain Democratic Socialists of America will set out for Chicago, where they'll represent our chapter at the DSA National Convention, the biennial event that determines our organization's nationwide priorities and leadership.

We elected them as our delegates, and now we need to make sure that they can get there and back and still be able to pay rent next month. Here's one last call for our fundraiser – if you're a member of our chapter and haven't already contributed, please consider it. If you're not a member, we recommend joining DSA.

Here at home, we've started planning for Labor Day, joining a coalition that has begun organizing a rally and march for workers in Burlington. You may want to mark your calendar now for 1 p.m. on Monday, Sept. 1 – we'll follow up before then to confirm the details.

Lastly, before we get to our usual list of meetings – have you heard that the nation's most successful third party needs a new executive director? You can learn more about the position on the Vermont Progressive Party's website. To apply, "send a cover letter, resume and 3 references to: Anthony Pollina, Chair, Vermont Progressive Party at apollinavt@gmail.com."

We hope you've enjoyed the summer so far. See you out there!

GMDSA MEETINGS AND EVENTS
🚲 GMDSA's Urbanism Committee will meet on Monday, August 4, at 6 p.m. on Zoom.

🔨 Our Labor Committee will hold its next meeting on Monday, August 11, at 6 p.m. on Zoom.

🧑‍🏭 Talk about your job and learn about shop-floor organizing from peers at Workers' Circle (co-hosted by the Green Mountain IWW) on the second and fourth Wednesdays of each month, including August 13, at 6 p.m. at Migrant Justice (179 S. Winooski Ave., Burlington).

⬅️ GMDSA's West Branch will meet on Saturday, August 16, at 11 a.m. at Burlington's Fletcher Free Library (235 College St.), with an optional orientation for newcomers at 10 a.m.

➡️ GMDSA's East Branch will meet on Saturday, August 16, at 11 a.m. at Montpelier's Christ Episcopal Church (64 State St.), with an optional orientation for newcomers at 10 a.m.

🗳️ The next meeting of our Electoral Committee will take place on Wednesday, August 20, at 6 p.m. on Zoom.

🎥 Socialist Film Club will organize a screening in Burlington on Friday, August 22. Keep an eye on our calendar for a time and location.

👋 Find out how you can help our Membership Committee improve recruitment and involvement in our chapter on Tuesday, August 26, at 6 p.m. on Zoom.

🤝 GMDSA's East Branch and West Branch will come together for a general meeting on Saturday, Sept. 20, at 11 a.m. at Montpelier's Christ Episcopal Church (64 State St.), with an optional orientation for newcomers at 10 a.m.

STATE AND LOCAL NEWS
📰 Unsheltered homelessness is on the rise in Vermont.

📰 Vermont's largest community mental health center announced that it would eliminate 57 jobs and cut services.

COMMUNITY FLYERS

Monthly Newsletter of the Rochester Chapter of Democratic Socialists of America

Welcome to the August issue of Red Star. You’ll find Upcoming Events, coverage of chapter activities, and articles on AI, Trump’s decorum, food sovereignty, and more. Want to contribute? Submit to bit.ly/SubmitRedStar, or reach out to get involved with our Communications Committee by emailing steering@rocdsa.org.

The post Rochester Red Star | August 2025 | (Issue 16) first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

Viewpoint: Michigan for the Many — Organizing for the Future

By: Aaron B.

The following article represents the opinion of the author and does not necessarily represent the views of The Detroit Socialist or Metro Detroit DSA as a whole.

Sewer socialism is perhaps one of the strangest sounding forms of socialism. Is it socialism that comes from the sewers? Sewer socialism originates from Wisconsin, where the Socialist Party of America frequently would brag about the excellent sewer systems they were responsible for building. These socialists advocated for other material changes that improved the lives of the working class — old age pensions, unemployment insurance, social housing, improved working conditions and pay for teachers, penny lunches, and medical exams for children. Sewer Socialists understood the necessity to bring material changes to the working class here and now. As a result of their actions, in 1910 the Socialist Party was able to win the majority of the seats on the Milwaukee City Council, elect the first Socialist Mayor in United States history and the first socialist congressman, and even make a bid for vice president.

The sewer socialists had a distinct understanding of what moved people. It wasn’t necessarily fiery rhetoric, though in the recent primary election of Zohran Mamdani, that certainly didn’t hurt. Like the Sewer Socialists of years past, the Mamdani campaign had that same understanding that brought some of the biggest electoral victories to the socialist movement — fighting for groundbreaking and achievable objectives that deliver real change to the working class. Mamdani campaigned successfully on some of the most urgent needs of New Yorkers, while identifying the real enemy of the working class — the ultra-wealthy who obtained their riches from exploiting said workers.

Zohran understood that it takes bold swings to inspire people, but also had to walk the line of speaking about central issues in people’s lives like high rents and the need for affordable transit. In doing so, Zohran electrified not just New York City but the entire country. Zohran has earned the admiration of people across the United States, as well as the ire and fear of the ruling class. In a stunning victory over Andrew Cuomo, Mamdani doubled the turnout of voters under 35 who had largely been disengaged from politics. Mamdani blazed a path forward for the rest of us just like his Milwaukee predecessors, exceeding them on that front, and showed the rest of us how to contest power within the state.

The task falls to us to take these lessons to heart and bring that same model here to Michigan. Like New York City, Michigan has a large young populace that is largely disengaged with politics. We have a real opportunity to awaken people in Michigan just like Mamdani did for New York. Right now there is a coalition building in Detroit called Michigan For the Many which supports two key ballot measures

1. Invest in MI Kids — Taxing the wealthy in order to fund Michigan schools — something that the state has largely deprioritized and left under-resourced
2. Michiganders for Money Out of Politics — A campaign to ban regulated utilities and government contractors from spending money to influence our politics.

Our school system has traditionally struggled compared to other states, has low teacher salaries, and is underfunded overall compared to the national average. While it’s tempting to look at this as a mere reform being pushed by a ballot initiative, this is a much bigger opportunity when we think about working with the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) and Michigan Education Association (MEA). Agitating teachers statewide in a big swing against the billionaire class is a situation we would be incredibly remiss to pass up on. It gives us the opportunity to engage teachers with our politics and gain a further foothold within these unions, most importantly, among the rank and file.

It is the second ballot initiative that catches my eye more. This second initiative targets groups such as DTE, Consumers Energy, and Blue Cross Blue Shield. The socialist understanding is that money should never influence politics — that applies doubly to those who are monopolies propped up by the state. DTE and Blue Cross Blue Shield are corporations that have burned whatever small amount of goodwill they have built, and it would be in DSA’s interest to further agitate people against them.

DTE and Blue Cross Blue Shield are the poster children of neoliberalism — public functions that ought to be handled by the public instead of privatized for shareholder gain. The dream of public power will be that much harder if we are forced to outraise and outspend DTE in politics. The dream of a single payer healthcare system is frustrated by actors like Blue Cross Blue Shield when they are allowed to use their vast resources to drown us out over the airwaves. Our victories today are only as good as the battlefields they open tomorrow — every campaign that DSA engages in should set us up for future victories. I believe that Michigan for the Many does so.

Mamdani’s campaign wasn’t built overnight — it was through the bench building and struggles of NYC DSA that all culminated in his campaign. At our Detroit convention, the electoral resolution passed with a call for establishing regional organizing just like we have in South Oakland (Ferndale, Royal Oak). Metro Detroit has some distinct differences from New York City that present unique challenges that NYC does not face, namely the large area and divided nature of Detroit. As such, as we are trying to replicate NYC DSA’s success in the electoral program, we also need to ask what actions we need that are different. Michigan for the Many gives people across the entire Metro Detroit area the ability to organize within their own communities, strengthening our goal of regional organizing.

I encourage the chapter not to view this campaign from the lens of the NGOs we may have to work with; that’s largely immaterial in my eyes. We should view this campaign with how it builds us, our chapter, and our movement. I dream of running candidates throughout the entire metro Detroit area, not just small pockets. Building out multiple bases of organizing is a step in that direction. In all cases, DSA decides its own path — we are not limited to the messaging that these NGOs are pushing through. DSA can provide its own lit, its own messaging — we can run our contribution to this campaign however we want.

This campaign has the potential to engage the entire chapter in a way we haven’t seen before. It is more than just a series of ballot measures; it’s an opportunity to invest in ourselves and prepare for the battles to come. If we commit to this work, if we organize with patience and purpose, then we can build a Michigan that reflects our values.

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Viewpoint: Michigan for the Many — Organizing for the Future was originally published in The Detroit Socialist on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

Forty days on strike led to major wins for Urban Ore workers, but the struggle for a first union contract lies ahead.

The post Lessons from Urban Ore’s 40-Day Strike appeared first on EWOC.

A sponsor of the "Locals First" national resolution explains how national DSA can itself become stronger as our locals grow into community anchors

This year Portland DSA joined Portland’s Pride parade for the first time. We decided as a chapter that we wanted to show up at the annual event in solidarity with struggles for working-class queer and trans justice, and to give our members an opportunity to gather together, to march and to show the city what it is that we are fighting for, and not just what we are fighting against. As an organization we believe that the right of people to live their own lives, and to both love who they want and be who they desire, is paramount. In our daily organizing in the city of Portland, we affirm our debt to the struggles or queer and trans people throughout history, and we celebrate the legacy of queer organizers and activists who have fought for all forms of justice. Those organizers showed solidarity with people facing every kind of oppression and exploitation, from gender to sexuality, through race and ethnicity and national origin, to where all exploitation comes together in the fight for economic and class justice against the toxic priorities of the rich and their servants. The members of Portland DSA take inspiration from those struggles in our efforts to imagine and build a better world. This year we wanted to make that inspiration more public than we have in the past- and to show Portland that there are people out there willing to fight.

In the contemporary climate of political disaster, and with a triumphalist right-wing energy in full control of federal power, what is sorely lacking is any kind of coherent opposition. Everyone not part of the grim authoritarian structures of power feels that lack, as they watch the structures of civil society erode and see the marginal guarantees that this society has offered its citizens crumbling in front of them. People feel powerless in the face of cataclysm, and in large part that is because there seems to be nobody with any power who is willing to take the fight to where it is needed.The Democratic Party at both national and state levels has abdicated its role as opposition to the Trump administration, and has shown itself fully captured by the priorities of the rich. Unable to resist a galling complicity in the genocide of the Palestinian people, the Democratic establishment is drifting rudderless in the turmoil of a political system tearing itself apart. Nationally we see this in the failure of Democratic leaders to offer any resistance to the trashing of federal systems by Elon Musk’s DOGE, nor to the decimation of social services or the unleashing of a militarized deportation infrastructure intent on ethnically cleansing the nation. Locally it appears in the form of a Governor who seeks to overturn democratically won victories like Preschool For All, simply because the tax it levies on her rich friends forces them to acknowledge the debt they owe to this society. The fact that Governor Kotek identifies as queer shows that there is nothing inherently radical about the identities that Pride celebrates, and that without a commitment to justice across the spectrum, including economic justice, there is nothing truly progressive about queer people in power. The rich think they owe us nothing, and that they can wave concessions to queer and trans justice in front of us to get us to shut up, go away and go home. But we will never shut up. And we will never forget what they owe us. It was us, after all, who made them rich. 

 In the months leading up the event, the chapter’s Art Department organized several events to create a suite of visual tools to represent the organization in the Parade, with the goal of making the DSA presence at the parade one of the largest contingents. We used slogans that have been employed at the national level within DSA and in the struggles of our allies in the union movement (shoutout to Starbucks Workers United!) to create banners that read “Be Gay and Organize” and a stack of fifty screen-printed signs reading “No Trans Bans, No Abortion Bans, No Genocide”. Members printed the images on fabric, assembled the signs, and painted the banners- we also created 6 oversized cardboard and papermaché fists, painted in the rainbow colors of queer struggle. 

On the day of the event we gathered at our assigned spot, and waited for our signal to start. We counted more than 120 members in our block, and as the parade got rolling three of the 4 DSA City Councilors showed up to jump in the bed of the small Kei truck leading the contingent- Tiffany Koyama Lane, Angelita Morillo, and Sameer Kanal were joined by Tammy Carpenter of the Beaverton School District, all members in good standing of the largest Socialist organization in the country (the fourth DSA councilor, Mitch Green, had to sit this one out with an injury).

We were loud, and we were large. We were one of the most numerous contingents in the parade, far outnumbering the Multnomah County Democrats; and as we marched, we chanted, and we yelled our commitment to justice for queer and trans lives, and for all the ways in which the fight for the future connects. We saw the crowd chanting with us as we passed along the street, waving our oversized fists and with DSA and Palestine flags fluttering overhead. “Gay Straight Trans Bi- all our hearts are Red Inside” “One Struggle, One Fight- Workers of the World Unite” and a surprise favorite celebrating the things that bottoms and tops can agree on. It was a joyful spectacle, and having our members who have been elected to city government leading the chants showed the crowds lining the avenue that there is in fact someone willing to stand up and fight for them, for us, for everyone. It is time for queer and trans justice, and it is time to get organized. The fight is on, and DSA is here to win it.

The post Be Gay and Organize! Portland DSA in the Pride Parade 2025 appeared first on Portland DSA.

This Report is submitted to the National Political Committee (NPC) of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) by the Green New Deal Campaign Commission (GNDCC) for consideration at the 2025 National Convention. The purpose of this report is: (1) to provide DSA members an overview of Green New Deal campaign objectives, strategy, and organizing activities; (2) to provide the Convention with a report of how the campaign carried out tasks outlined in the 2023 Resolution; and (3) to inform the convention of the successes and challenges of the campaign to assist in more effective future planning.

Overview

GNDCC’s Building for Power Campaign (B4P) organizes chapters to win local demands for green projects and expansion of public services that directly benefit the working class and empower the labor movement. GNDCC trains and mentors chapters to build their base and form winning coalitions with public sector unions, building trades, DSA electeds, environmental justice groups, and public service users like riders’ unions and tenant unions. GNDCC unifies and coordinates local campaigns by training organizers to:

• Research local issues that chapters can strategically intervene in
• Develop strategic campaigns based on objective metrics and criteria for winning and for building a stronger base and chapter
• Mobilize membership to turn out and continually assess campaign strengths and weaknesses
• Build coalitions with labor, elected officials, and other politically-aligned groups

This year, GNDCC’s 2025 Consensus Resolution proposes to continue B4P work because it has been successful in agitating for green policy and in strengthening chapter organizing and structure. The underlying strategy remains viable for the current political moment and is critical to building Left power against authoritarian threats. Due to the quickly changing political landscape, GNDCC plans to democratically develop GND strategy in this term by holding one or more strategy summits for DSA members, potentially in multiple regional meetings. The GND Summit we held in 2020 will serve as a model for future work of this sort.

A Brief History of GNDCC

GNDCC is the culmination of the original Ecosocialist Working Group (EWG), the first-ever climate action by DSA, launched by the National Convention in 2017. At that time, the growing severity of the climate crisis – and the emerging awareness of it – made climate action central to US politics by showing the inadequacies of liberal governance and environmental policy. From the start, DSA climate organizers have earned democratic legitimacy from membership by bringing proposals to our highest decision-making bodies, the Convention and the NPC.

Out of members’ growing conviction that direct campaigning at the national scale is essential to progress on climate, 2019 National Convention adopted, as a national priority, the Green New Deal Campaign, as defined in the Ecosocialist GND Principles. The Principles, endorsed by the NPC and over 60 DSA chapters in 2019, formally positioned the GND as a terrain of class-struggle.

From 2020 to 2021, GNDCC coordinated a DSA-wide organizing Summit which led to the national PRO Act campaign, then GND for Public Schools. The PRO Act campaign, adopted by the NPC and coordinated in chapters across the country, was DSA’s biggest campaign since Bernie 2020 and helped reinvigorate the national organization at a key moment. Based on this experience, DSA’s 2021 National Convention adopted the Ecosocialist Green New Deal priority which made the campaign “one of its highest national priorities.”

However, it became clear that the window for federal action was closing after the Inflation Reduction Act was passed midway through the Biden administration. But the 2023 passage of the ground-breaking New York Build Public Renewables Act, spearheaded by DSA organizers, signaled openings at the local scale. Referred to as the most significant piece of Green New Deal legislation to date, BPRA showed how public sector-oriented coalitions can win publicly-owned green infrastructure investment coupled with union jobs and strong labor provisions.

Building off this win, 2023 National Convention delegates adopted the Building for Power campaign. Under our Theory of Power and analysis of pathways for GND organizing, the campaign proposed to coordinate and help chapters win, at the city and state level, GND legislative/policy demands for public goods built with union labor and designed to further strengthen working class organization around climate. If passed, GNDCC’s 2025 Consensus Resolution will continue that work.

B4P Chapter Campaigns

Resolved that the GNDCC will continue to train and organize DSA chapters to run and win legislative campaigns for reforms that shift structural power to the working class by synergistically building public sector capacity and the labor movement—like expanded mass transit, democratized and decarbonized public energy, green social housing, and green public spaces and facilities.

As a body, we both reach out to chapter campaign leadership and take in chapter inquiries to evaluate for “B4P” status based on our criteria. The volume of inquiries and interest from across the country shows the drive to take climate action and get guidance on how to do so. In the last year alone, GNDCC Steering members have logged over 300 one-on-one and small group touches with chapter members to evaluate and workshop campaigns. In total, we have evaluated almost 100 campaigns and inquiries over the course of this campaign phase.

A plurality of campaign ideas do not make it far. Many chapters suffer from a lack of internal organization, capacity, or buy-in for campaign-type work. When we were debating in 2023 doing another national/federal level campaign like PRO Act versus letting chapters evaluate their own local conditions as under B4P, we recognized that these constraints would mean forgoing working with these chapters. That said, nearly all chapters who are pursuing a B4P campaign have reported that their chapters are stronger because of it.

As of July 2025, we have 11 active Building for Power campaigns across public transit, public power, social housing, and public spaces/schools:

Louisville – Get on the Bus Chicago – Fix the CTA Los Angeles – Power Mass Transit Houston – Our Vote, Our METRO Detroit – Bring Back the Tracks St. Louis – GND for Public Schools

NYC – Green New York (BPRA) Milwaukee – Power to the People Metro DC – We Power DC Metro DC – GND for Housing NYC – House the Future

Below are a few examples of DSA chapter work on B4P campaigns and recent wins.

Detroit Brings Back the Tracks

2025 began with strong momentum from Detroit DSA, where GNDCC member Mel H led a successful power-mapping training that launched the “Bring Back the Tracks” transit campaign. About 15 new and experienced members joined the power-mapping and research working groups that led to the launch of the campaign. The campaign has received positive local press on Detroit Public Radio and Click On Detroit, highlighting the growing influence of our ecosocialist vision in the motor city.

Louisville Gets on the Bus

Louisville DSA’s Get on the Bus campaign, fighting for expanded bus funding alongside the ATU, hit a big milestone, landing on the front page of the Courier Journal in January. In February, the campaign secured key union endorsements: the Jefferson County Teachers Association endorsed, the Louisville Central Labor Council voted unanimously to join the coalition and sign the demand letter, and the Kentucky State AFL-CIO also signed on, with its director publicly recognizing DSA as “the real deal” in building working-class power.

Milwaukee Brings Power to the People

Milwaukee’s Power to the People campaign scored a major win this year by helping to elect Alex Brower to Milwaukee’s Common Council. Alex was a core organizer who helped launch the public power campaign, and as a cadre candidate he ran on a platform that included replacing We Energies with a public utility. Milwaukee now has a socialist in office to help make this campaign a reality! Joining electoral work with legislative demands is a key feature of Building for Power campaigns.

NYC Builds Social Housing

House the Future in NYC began canvassing in March of this year, to advance social housing as a key site of climate resilience. They collected nearly 1000 signatures over a few weekends in support of a statewide social housing developer via a bill authored by socialist in office Emily Gallagher. Ithaca DSA, Long Island DSA, and Mid-Hudson Valley DSA have formally endorsed the campaign and joined NYC in organizing statewide.

NY DSA Chapters Build Public Renewables

BPRA provides a model for a successful chapter campaign within the B4P framework. It was the work of NYC DSA and other NY DSA chapters, including Mid-Hudson Valley DSA, which elected Sarahana Shrestha, a former steering member of the Ecosocialist Working Group, as a key moment in the campaign. It is currently in the implementation phase and GNDCC’s Matt H. recently interviewed Micheal P., one of the strategy chairs, about where the campaign stands now. Michael’s comments are brimming with insights relevant to many chapters and members so please give the interview a read.

In short, New York State has relatively aggressive climate laws — mandating rapid transition to renewables, with benefits of the transition to disadvantaged communities — but DSA organizers understood the State “was not going to take the aggressive action that was needed to meet those goals.” To build a “mechanism to force the State to deliver on this promise,” they used a sort of secret weapon for the energy transition, the New York Power Authority (NYPA), the largest state-level public utility in the country. Seeing it as an opportunity to get the State — not private developers – to build renewables, NYC DSA and a coalition it led pressured the State itself to step up and build the renewable energy.

The strategy included plans to create a huge amount of green jobs, shut down fossil fuel plants, especially in lower-income places with mostly Black and Brown residents, and lowering utility bills. Through internal pressure in Albany in coordination with DSA electeds like Zohran Mamdani and Sarahana Shrestha, external pressure to force a response from target legislators, running insurgent candidates against target legislators, and relentless organizing, the coalition won a law that basically gives NYPA both the power and the mandate to build a ton of publicly owned renewable energy and create all these benefits in the process. The fight to see it fully implemented continues.  

Metro DC fights rate hikes

When DC’s electric utility proposed raising rates over 12%, We Power DC fought back by organizing residents to send almost 2,000 letters to the DC Council in the fall of 2024 urging them to stand up to rate hikes. Now, as bills (and summer temperatures) rise, DC’s public power organizers are hitting the streets to canvass for public power and wheatpaste around the District. Meanwhile, the campaign has developed a technical whitepaper to make the case for legislation to build a public alternative to Pepco. 

Building for Power 2023-2025

Coaching & training 

Resolved that the GNDCC will continue to support the development of chapter capacity by providing campaign-oriented training, coaching, resources, and educational materials and facilitating cross-chapter coordination as part of a larger unified strategy.

Campaign Huddles

Since the GND for Public Schools campaign, GNDCC has understood that regular campaign meetings for chapter leads can be the heart of the campaign and provide the most enjoyable and fruitful organizing meetings many members have been involved in. To this end, we host cross-chapter meetings (once monthly, now quarterly) called “Campaign Huddles.” Typically, 5-10 chapters, often with multiple members from those chapters, participate for the hour-long call and we do outreach to widen and grow interest. In the last two years, we have held about 15 hour-long chapter huddles, with more than 200 unique participants across 70 chapters.

Huddles provide members with opportunities to learn from each other and they give GNDCC ways to collect information from chapter campaigns that can help us understand gaps in knowledge and needs of chapters. Presentations by chapters about their campaigns, skills sharing with experienced members, and open discussion can address very uneven levels of campaign experience and skills among chapters. We talk about tactics and strategic challenges, about comms and organizing tools, about the political moment and preparing for future fights. 

Members who attend report loving them, especially for the chance they give members to share experiences, commiserate with each other, and celebrate together. Huddles and similar meetups can also help cohere DSA as a national organization of closely coordinated locals and in building solidarity and a shared sense of direction among members.

Trainings

Training chapter leaders to create and execute strategy, organize internally, use organizing tools, and plan and conduct field work is the core of the B4P campaign. In the last two years, GNDCC has held 5 major trainings lasting over 9 hours, in addition to mini-trainings tailored for specific chapters.

Strategic Campaign Trainings with GDC
In February 2024 we hosted a 3-part training series on strategic campaigns along with the Growth & Development committee. Just over 150 comrades attended live or accessed the recordings, representing over 60 chapters from across the country. One of those participants from Houston DSA went on to revitalize the chapter’s dormant ecosocialist working group and launched a Building for Power campaign on transit, “Our Vote Our METRO”. 

Regional Organizing Retreats
Since 2023, GNDCC also participated in 4 DSA regional organizing retreats when these were still taking place to promote Building for Power and the value of running strategic campaigns. 

Mini-Trainings
GNDCC also hosted on-demand trainings for specific chapters based on their needs. In 2024 we hosted sessions for Twin Cities, Grand Rapids, and LA to help them think through their local conditions and craft strategic demands. 

Coaching

Each actively campaigning B4P chapter has a GNDCC contact who meets with them regularly, advises campaign leads and provides them with resources, reporting back to GNDCC on developments and needs. In 2022-23, GNDCC put together a coaching team of experienced DSA organizers from chapters around the country to help mentor B4P chapter campaigns. Finding members experienced enough, good at communicating, and with capacity to spare (2 to 4 hours a month), is challenging in the best of times and even more difficult when DSA chapters are at low capacity ebbs as they have been during this time. In the past 2 years, this work has been shouldered more and more by GNDCC steering members, and we have essentially stopped expanding the program. 

A coaching success story comes out of Los Angeles, where NYC-DSA member Joe S has stepped to work with Los Angeles’ Power Mass Transit campaign when it ran into challenges pushing for a quick-build network of dedicated bus/bike lanes and for free fares on LA transit. Joe continuously challenged chapter leads to take on new strategies/tactics to get what they want without dropping core demands for better transit, get aligned with SIOs, keep attacking the Metro Board, and track chapter/campaign growth outside of direct “wins.” The campaign has since pivoted to targeting the LA Metro Board along with the local janitors union to create a permanent system of free public bathrooms at major transit stations.

Mass Calls and conference panels

Resolved that the GNDCC will continue to collaborate with other DSA national bodies on overlapping campaign and policy areas. 

Since 2023, we have hosted 7 mass calls with DSA’s National Labor Commission, International Committee, and Housing Justice Committee, as well as with union organizers, DSA organizers, and socialists in office from around the country. We also helped coordinate panels at the yearly Socialism Conference in 2023 and 2024. 

The Fight for a Socialist Green New Deal (June 2025). Union leaders, socialists in office, and DSA campaign organizers explained why they’re continuing to fight for a socialist Green New Deal in the current terrain through Building for Power Campaigns. 

Socialism Conference Panel: An Ecosocialism that Builds: What’s Next for the Green New Deal? (Aug. 2024). DSA GND organizers, researchers from Climate + Community Institute, and UAW Region 9A leader Brandon Mancilla formed a panel on rebuilding the labor movement via Green New Deal unionism. 

Building for Power in Mass Transit (June 2024). In this webinar, we heard from Building for Power campaigns around the country that are organizing for mass public transit with organized labor and socialists in office. 

Workers and the World Unite: Labor in a Green New Deal (January 2024). Hosted by GNDCC and the DSA National Labor Commission, organizers from across the country spoke about their work and how it fits into the theory and practice of a just transition and a socialist horizon.

Ceasefire Now For People and Planet (Dec. 2023). Panelists from DSA, Al-Shabaka: The Palestinian Policy Network, and Dissenters discussed the resurgence of a Left anti-war movement and organizing for Palestinian liberation in the context of the climate crisis, and explored how ecosocialist organizers can deepen internationalism and anti-militarism within domestic climate organizing.

Socialism Conference Panel: The Longer Road to a Green New Deal (Aug. 2023). DSA climate organizers, including GNDCC members, participated in a Green New Deal panel at the conference focusing on B4P strategies and the BPRA.

The Path to Green Social Housing (July 2023). Panelists from GNDCC and the Housing Justice Commission discussed different contemporary and historical approaches to the development of class- and eco-conscious social housing and how we can win it today.

BPRA: A Win in the Fight for a Green New Deal (April 2023). In this webinar, we heard from DSA climate organizers who made Build Public Renewables happen, and about how we can grow the movement for public power to win a Green New Deal from coast to coast!

Building for Power: Launch Call (March 2023). In the launch for the then new B4P Campaign, we heard from DSA member-organizers in Detroit, Philly, and Maine chapters, plus DSA electeds Hugo Soto-Martinez (LA) and Sarahana Shrestha (MHV).

GNDCC Chapter Grants and Fundraising

GNDCC has also distributed almost $7,000 in grants to campaigning chapters For example, Philly DSA was able to build 100 Corsi-Rosenthal Boxes (DIY air filters) for classrooms across 12 schools with their grant funds, aiding the community and building strong relationships as part of their Green New Deal for Public Schools campaign. Louisville’s Get on the Bus campaign printed 100 stickers for bus stops and 1,000 push cards for canvassing/tabling, which kicked off their ongoing work. In the same time, our committee has raised $4,500 in donations to DSA.

Campaign Challenges and Opportunities

US Politics

When we drafted our theory of power in 2022, we were organizing in the context of a neoliberal Democratic administration over which the Left had limited power. Now we find ourselves at the start of Trump’s second – worse – term. ICE is raiding communities and chapters are organizing to defend immigrants and trans people from the Right’s assaults. Trump has launched a trade war, frozen research grants, threatened universities, and purged federal workers. Basic environmental protections like the Clean Air Act are under threat, and some funding under the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) has been rescinded. Meanwhile, Democrats play dead, post weak clap backs, and try to flank Trump to the right. 

In this setting, it is true that chapters may become stretched responding to immediate demands more pressing than new bus lanes. But our view is that, through B4P campaigns undertaken now, chapters can build the leadership and organizing skills and expand the outreach and recruitment that will be essential to responding to whatever Trump dishes out. 

The crises we face are urgent, yet the public goods we are working to expand take years to build out; there is no time to waste. An organized Left must keep pushing on the local level, where there are still opportunities to build working-class power and green public sector capacity. 

The recent victory of Zohran Mamdani in the Democratic primary for Mayor of New York points the way forward. While Zohran’s campaign was laser-focused on making an affordable NYC for all, the demands were crafted in a way that proposed Green Abundance for the Many through policies that “embed climate action in real improvements for working peoples’ everyday lives.” This approach, merging electoral organizing with climate action through broad coalitions oriented to labor, is deeply connected with the Building for Power framework that is popular among so many DSA chapters. GNDCC believes this model, adapted to various conditions across the country, can post major wins on climate and forms a core strategy for fighting right-wing austerity and authoritarianism. Notably Zohran was a core climate organizer in NYC during his tenure as Assemblyman and is credited with stopping a new gas plant in Astoria, securing more funding for public transportation, and helping to push BPRA over the finish line.

Chapter Conditions and Internal Organizing

The last 2 years of Biden’s term, marked by the Gaza invasion and genocide, were demoralizing for DSA members. Chapters did broadly experience demobilization and fought to build in a landscape with little federal political possibility open to the Left. 

While the Build Public Renewables Act as well as the Zohran campaign provide models for successful chapter campaigning in the B4P framework, it’s also clear that most chapters are not in a position to win demands of that size or scope. In addition to external political barriers, DSA chapters have uneven capacity and skill levels, uneven organizing cultures and uneven mobilization. But chapters can win B4P campaigns on the scale of their local conditions! B4P’s strategy is designed to develop chapters in all those areas, particularly intensive organizing capacity to win power and transformative demands. 

While some chapters are struggling to get going, other chapters are reporting: wins in electoral campaigns that include GND demands, like those of Zohran and Alex Brower; new B4P campaigns with chapter buy-in; formation of chapter power-mapping groups; recent social events to build engagement; good canvassing numbers – especially in electoral campaigns pushing GND demands; and growing engagement with labor union locals. The GNDCC’s goal is to help chapters build, sustain, and spread organizing momentum in the next two years. 

Long Timelines and Developing Crises

Because this campaign is an ambitious effort to coordinate many local campaigns by chapters under varying conditions, we recognize that developing winnable demands while building working class power will take time. Chapters need time to do strategic groundwork or build capacity. Like a massive locomotive leaving the station, it will take time to gain traction and speed, but once started, it is difficult to stop.

We are proposing to continue this campaign and the great work it’s started. The instability and incoherence of the Trump Administration and the Democratic response mean that the political landscape is in great flux and predictability is limited. GNDCC therefore plans to democratically develop Green New Deal strategy in this term by holding one or more strategy summits for DSA members, potentially in multiple regional meetings. The GND Summit we held in 2020 will serve as a model for future work of this sort. We intend to continue mapping this terrain with a broad range of DSA members and providing them with training, coaching, resources, and organized labor power, to achieve progress in the next two years. 

Last Word

Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past. — Karl Marx

The post Report to the 2025 National Convention appeared first on Building for Power.

By: Mohammad Zaini

The following article represents the opinion of the author and does not necessarily represent the views of The Detroit Socialist or Metro Detroit DSA as a whole.

At the July General Meeting of Metro Detroit DSA, we were presented with a ballot measure campaign called “Michigan for the Many,” which, in partnership with a large coalition of NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations, or nonprofits), seeks to pass two key pieces of legislation via ballot measure:

1. Invest in MI Kids: A campaign to impose a 5% surcharge on the wealthiest 1% to fund Michigan’s public schools, which are severely underfunded and at risk of losing billions in federal support.
2. Michiganders for Money Out of Politics: A campaign to ban regulated utilities like DTE and Consumers Energy, as well as government contractors like Blue Cross Blue Shield, from spending money to influence our political process.

These measures seem like fine things to agitate for on the surface, but I believe that this sort of campaign reinforces a dangerous notion: working with NGOs in this specific capacity, goes against the fundamental idea that we in DSA are trying to build a socialist movement and, more importantly, a socialist party.

Before continuing to my critiques, I want to say that my intention is not to tear anyone down; I firmly believe criticism is how our organization can grow stronger and I welcome anyone to critique any resolution I put forward in the future. Without a critical eye we risk becoming stiff and doctrinaire, and as socialists who live in an era as dynamic as the 21st century, we should endeavor to be anything but. However, my aim is not only to critique, as I’ve included my alternative vision for what these sorts of ballot campaigns should look like.

To start, what is an NGO? And what does it mean to say “It’s dangerous to work with NGOs”? When I use the term NGO, I’m using it in a very specific way, as outlined by Ramsin Canon in his article “Ultraliberalism: The Dominant Tendency of the Left.” NGOs in this context are “policy groups and think tanks, community-based organizations, organizing nonprofits, and, to a certain degree, social service providers, the ‘civic sector’ of the NGO industry.”

These NGOs can do some real good within their communities, but are simply not willing to go to the lengths necessary to solve any given civil issue. More often than not, solving social ills would mean eliminating a source of potential revenue and potential grants/funding for the organization, as NGOs are an industry, not a charity.

In addition, NGOs are more often than not undemocratic organizations, and that does not reflect the values of DSA, where members are free to vote on the direction of our organization.

Many in our organization see no problem with making a temporary alliance with these organizations. What this line of thinking fails to take into account is that we are not simply a group of concerned citizens who are trying to enact marginal change within the capitalist system (which is essentially what an NGO does). Rather, we intend to build a socialist party, an organization that seeks to create more socialists by revealing to the people the contradictions that exist within capital, and from that point on, build a political movement that can overthrow the capitalist system.

This goal runs counter to the aims of NGOs, and as such, it is more harmful for our aims to associate ourselves with these groups, as any legislation or measure that they propose would be inherently bourgeois and liberal.

What does it mean for something to be bourgeois and liberal? These are words frequently thrown about in socialist circles and carry a vaguely negative connotation. However, my use of the words “bourgeois” and “liberal” is a specific and pointed description of the role of NGOs in modern capitalist society. For something to be bourgeois, it must support and maintain the role of the bourgeoisie, which is the owner or capitalist class. For something to be liberal, it must maintain the capitalist order and have a worldview that views the capitalist system as the end state of human economic development.

When taken together, these terms “bourgeois” and “liberal” are meant to drive the point that the NGO is not interested in changing the status quo. This, however, begs the question: What is the point of DSA being in coalition with these “champions of stagnation” if our ultimate aim is the overthrow and replacement of the capitalist mode of production with a socialist mode of production? This is a question that we, as socialists, must ask ourselves when considering these “partnerships.”

If hypothetically, an NGO proposed legislation that contained within it a loophole, while in “coalition” we would have no power to exert pressure on them because they are unaccountable and undemocratic institutions. Meanwhile, if the process for drafting this piece of legislation were democratic, then we could debate and resolve this loophole, and if it turns out that we as an organization were wrong about the loophole, we could educate one another about the language through a democratic and deliberative process. This is something that the undemocratic NGO would not give us a chance to do. The undemocratic “coalition partner” would not allow this because it would not be in the interest of the bourgeoisie to allow working people input on their legislation, making it potentially more radical than is convenient for their bourgeois backers, thus proving its essentially liberal character.

In addition to this, the legislation proposed has, according to my knowledge, not yet been endorsed by the big Michigan teachers’ unions, which, if I can make a small inference, shows me that they may see flaws in this legislation. This, however, perfectly demonstrates my larger point: that when working with an NGO, we have no control over the language of the laws they seek for us to promote, which makes us less of a “coalition partner” and more of a subordinate.

The problem with us taking a subordinate role in this “coalition” is that we cede our organizational independence to them when we choose to work on their terms. While working with them, we cannot change or alter the messaging attached to the ballot measures, as that is under the sole purview of the NGO. From the perspective of an NGO, we in DSA are meant to merely be a labor force that knocks on doors and collects signatures for the NGO’s political goals.

My vision, and I’m sure many others’ vision for DSA does not align with this trajectory, as it brings us nowhere near building an independent socialist party, and I believe it to be against the will of the membership for us to work “subordinate” to these groups.

I have heard the argument that even working with NGOs in a “subordinate” role can have its benefits and that the legislation we aim to pass is immaterial, with the most important thing about this campaign being that we go out to the people and talk to them about DSA. Oftentimes, when hearing the defense of this point, I hear references to the Zohran Mamdani campaign and how it massively increased the size of New York DSA, and how we could achieve similar results through a grand campaign. I believe that this creates a false equivalence between the Zohran campaign and “Michigan For The Many,” as Zohran was a socialist cadre product of DSA, so a victory for Zohran is seen as a DSA victory because he was a 100% DSA project. On the other hand, who is behind “Michigan For The Many”? They are a coalition of NGOs that we know essentially nothing about when it comes to their internal structure or where they’re receiving funding.

A victory in this ballot initiative will not be seen as a victory for DSA; it will be seen as a victory for this NGO coalition. DSA will simply be the group of people who did the grunt work. While this can help a little bit in terms of recruitment, it’s nowhere near the growth we would experience if we passed legislation created by DSA members, approved democratically by DSA members, and then fought for by DSA members.

Then, what is the alternative? What is MD-DSA to do instead of working with an NGO? I believe that this is a tremendously easy problem to solve for those of us who conceive of DSA as an organization that intends to become a party. I want the membership to determine the destiny we take! The membership should draft the legislation we wish to put on the ballot, and then we could all, as a socialist organization, vote on the measures we believe best align with the interests of the working people of Michigan. We can write our legislation and lead our campaign, working for ourselves and the people of Michigan, without having to worry about modifying our rhetoric for a liberal crowd. In addition to this, we can work in cooperation with local unions to get things that actual working people want to be voted on!

In short, here are my critiques and solutions to the problem of using an NGO as a partner in this campaign and future campaigns:

Critiques:

• Working with an NGO in this way runs ideologically counter to the aims of DSA.
• Working with an NGO in this way cedes our organizational independence and capacity to organize in our independent way.
• Working with an NGO in this way does not allow us control over what type of legislation we want to agitate around, and does not give us the ability to amend the language in any piece of legislation they would have us agitate around.

Solutions:

• DSA should lead any agitational campaign in Michigan: Only we, the Democratic Socialists of America, can reveal to the Michigan electorate the contradictions of capital and transform the currently unaligned Michigan working class into a strong socialist bloc. NGOs are welcome to aid in this, but we cannot be used as mere foot soldiers for the campaigns of others.
• All DSA campaigns should be drafted and approved by the members: We in DSA believe that the membership is the supreme decision-making body. As such it stands to reason that we the members should draft and put forward legislation that would make it on the ballot, with the full support of our friends in the local unions to ensure that anything we do agitate on is worker-supported.

I would like to share my vision for how MD-DSA should approach ballot measures in the future, in a way that is consistent with our socialist values. Going forward, I would like all members in the chapter who have NGO experience to use the knowledge and resources they’ve gained over the years for the benefit of our socialist organization. We could establish a ballot initiative committee comprising members with NGO experience. This committee would be responsible for educating the chapter about the process of getting a law on the ballot. This committee could also research key issues in Michigan and flag them as potential issues that a ballot campaign could be crafted from. This committee would also be responsible for maintaining and creating relationships with friendly law firms that could help with language and aid in arguing against challenges made to us from conservative lobbying groups. This committee could work in cooperation with similar committees across the state to try and cohere a vision for a future ballot initiative.

The findings of this committee would then be presented at a massive Michigan convention where Michigan DSA Chapters and unions would send representatives to write, debate, and deliberate upon measures based on the information that the committee presents. Then all initiatives approved by this massive convention would then be turned into DSA-led statewide campaigns that could then show the working people of Michigan that DSA is the party that stands for the working class. When we achieve victory in these future DSA-led campaigns, it will position DSA as the leading representatives of the working class and thus move us further along the path that will turn this organization into a party. I believe that this vision is a true fulfillment of the oft-repeated phrase in DSA, “The last will become the first, and the first will become the last.”

My view is summarized in this tweet: “Being a socialist means believing that the working class can, should, and must govern ourselves. And for me, that means having absolute faith in the capacity of ordinary people. Anything else is a dead end.” How can we seriously advocate for a society run by workers, for workers, if we outsource everything to NGOs? If MD-DSA does not endeavor to follow the suggestions made in this article, then we will never become a true party, but merely in the thralls of the Democratic Party and their corporate benefactors. We must prove to the people in this nation that we can create positive change as a socialist organization, and the people must see this change coming from DSA rather than just another NGO.

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Viewpoint: Opposition to NGOs in the Context of the “Michigan for the Many” Ballot Measure Campaign was originally published in The Detroit Socialist on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

On July 29, 2024, Christiana Porter, a 34-year-old Black single mother and domestic violence survivor, was brutally attacked in broad daylight by SFPD Officer Josh McFall. Without warning, Officer McFall slammed Christiana’s head against a wall so hard that she suffered a concussion and a separated shoulder, apparently for “walking while Black” in a city that uses policing as a weapon against the poor, the unhoused, and our Black and Brown neighbors.

Despite there being video evidence of Ofc. McFall’s actions, the City and County of San Francisco has denied Christiana’s claim and refused to take accountability for wrongdoing, further traumatizing Christiana and furthering SFPD’s culture of racialized violence and impunity. The City and SFPD have not apologized to Christiana, nor have they taken disciplinary action against the officer involved, nor issued a public statement of concern about this incident.

This is not an isolated incident. This is one of the main things that policing was designed to do: control, harm, and silence Black people. The roots of American policing can be traced back to slave patrols, and this history continues to shape how policing disproportionately targets, controls, and harms Black communities. Porter has since filed a lawsuit against the City, citing excessive use of force and the lasting trauma she has endured.

As socialists, we are committed to dismantling the system of state repression that continues to harm the most vulnerable while shielding its enforcers from consequence. At our 2025 Annual Convention, DSA SF unanimously passed a resolution demanding justice for Christiana Porter and full accountability from the City and SFPD. You can read the text of the full resolution at dsasf.org/porter-resolution. 

DSA SF stands in unwavering solidarity with Christiana Porter and all those impacted by racist policing, and will continue to organize and fight alongside communities demanding dignity, safety, and accountability.

Events & Actions

Tuesday, July 29 (8:00 AM – 4:30 PM) ICE out of SF courts! (In person at 100 Montgomery) 

Tuesday, July 29 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM) Ecosocialist Bi-Weekly Meeting (Zoom or in person at 1916 McAllister) 

Wednesday, July 30 (6:45 PM – 8:30 PM) Tenant Organizing Working Group Meeting (In person at 438 Haight) 

Thursday, July 31 (5:30 PM – 6:30 PM) Education Board Open Meeting (Zoom) 

Thursday, July 31 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM) Electoral Board Meeting (In person at 1916 McAllister) 

Thursday, July 31 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM) Immigrant Justice Office Hour (Zoom) 

Saturday, August 2 (12:45 PM – 4:00 PM) Homelessness Working Group Outreach and Outreach Training (In person at 1916 McAllister) 

Saturday, August 2 (1:00 PM – 3:00 PM) No Appetite for Apartheid Consumer Pledge Canvass (Meet at 18th St & Dolores) 

Sunday, August 3 (5:00 PM – 7:00 PM) Capital Reading Group (Zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister) 

Monday, August 4 (6:00 PM – 7:00 PM) Socialist In Office (SIO) Subcommittee Regular Meeting (Zoom)

Monday, August 4 (6:30 PM – 8:00 PM) Homelessness Working Group Regular Meeting (Zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister) 

Monday, August 4 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM) Labor Board Meeting (Zoon) 

Tuesday, August 5 (8:00 AM – 4:30 PM) ICE out of SF courts! (In person at 100 Montgomery) 

Tuesday, August 5 (6:30 PM – 7:30 PM) SF Public Bank Reading Group (In person at 1916 McAllister) 

Wednesday, August 6 (6:30 PM – 9:00 PM) New Member Happy Hour (In person at Zeitgeist, 199 Valencia) 

Thursday, August 7 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM) Electoral Board Meeting (In person at 1916 McAllister) 

Thursday, August 7 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM) Immigrant Justice Working Group Meeting (Zoom) 

Sunday, August 10 (11:00 AM – 1:00 PM) Physical Education and Self Defense Training (In person at William McKinley Monument, Panhandle) 

Monday, August 11 (6:00 PM – 8:00 PM) Tenderloin Healing Circle (In person at Kelly Cullen Community, 220 Golden Gate) 

Monday, August 11 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM) Labor Board x SF EWOC Local Meeting (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Check out https://dsasf.org/events for more events and updates. Events with a are especially new-member-friendly!

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Apartheid-Free Bay Area Consumer Canvass

Let’s build public support for the BDS movement and our local businesses that have pledged to go apartheid-free in support of Palestine. This Saturday, August 2 from 11:00 AM-1:00 PM, we’ll meet at Dolores Park near 18th St and Dolores.

We will first train you, and then you will put that training into practice by collecting signatures in Dolores Park.

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ICE Out of SF Courts!

Join neighbors, activists, grassroots organizations in resisting ICE abductions happening at immigration court hearings! ICE is taking anyone indiscriminately in order to meet their daily quotas. Many of those taken include people with no removal proceedings.

We’ll be meeting every Tuesday from 8:00 a.m. to 4:30  p.m. at Immigration Court at 100 Montgomery. We need all hands on deck, even if you can only participate for 1 or 2 hours.

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Public Bank Discussion Group

What is a Public Bank? How can it help solve climate and housing problems? How can we make it happen in SF? Join us from 6:30 PM-7:30 PM on Tuesday, August 5 at 1916 McAllister. We will be discussing the short article “How Public Banks Can Help Finance a Green and Just Energy Transformation” by Thomas Marois. We recommend the reading, but it’s totally fine to attend if you didn’t get to it! We will then be discussing current public bank efforts in San Francisco, as well as the best way for DSA to get involved. RSVP to let us know you’ll attend and get access to the reading.

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Support the Blue Bottle Independent Union

Nestlé is one of the biggest corporations in the world charged with decades of human rights violations in the global south. They’re now in our backyard intimidating baristas with surveillance, firing, and bad-faith bargaining. Recently, baristas in four Bay Area locations of Nestlé-owned Blue Bottle presented management with a super majority of union cards and demanded voluntary recognition. Instead, Blue Bottle fired one of the organizers, B.B. Young. This comes at an especially bad time for B.B. since their husband was also recently laid off.

Blue Bottle workers are asking for our support

• Donate at this GoFundMe page 
• Sign the petition to demand that the company voluntarily recognize the Blue Bottle Independent Union
• Join the Blue Bottle Independent Union email list  or follow on Instagram to stay in touch
• If you are an employee of Blue Bottle, fill out this intake form to get involved with organizing the union at your own store

Reports

As Gaza is Starved, We Must Take Action

Even after nearly 22 months of ongoing U.S.-backed, Israeli-led genocide in Gaza and as settler violence ramps up in the West Bank, we are seeing Palestinians on the brink of mass starvation. Last week, the Palestine Solidarity and Anti-Imperialist working group (PSAI) participated in a slew of Bay Area demonstrations and actions to make it clear: no business as usual while the ruling class profits off genocide. From confronting Boston Consulting Group’s direct role in profiting of their malicious Gaza “Humanitarian” Fund which uses distribution sites to trap and kill Palestinians, to demanding aid be let in to Gaza at Alex Padilla’s office, we also took time to canvas signatures for our No Appetite for Apartheid pledge at an event featuring Mohammed El-Kurd on his book Perfect Victims (quote below). Ready to take part? Join the #palestine-solidarity Slack channel or come to our meetings Thursdays at 5:30 PM. 

“We reject our complicity in this bloodshed… The moment demands that we renew our commitment to the truth, unflinchingly, unabashedly, cleverly…Such bravery is asked of us now, not when gardens grow over our martyrs’ graves, not when the debris is swept up and sculpted into memorials, and not when the bloodied press vests of our fallen journalists rest eternally in shadow boxes… Because Gaza cannot fight the empire on its own.” – Mohammed El-Kurd, Perfect Victims

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Social Housing Reading Group

The Ecosocialist Working Group, in conjunction with the Electoral Board, held a discussion on what municipal social housing could look like in San Francisco. 25 attendees, including 10 non-members, responded to an SF Berniecrats policy brief and last year’s feasibility report by the Budget and Legislative Analyst, commissioned by comrade and then-supervisor Dean Preston. We had a wide-ranging conversation that touched on income mix, feasibility, and political strategy.

Stay tuned for the next social housing event! To get involved, join the #ecosocialism Slack channel, or reach out to ecosocialist@dsasf.org.

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Socialist in Office Update

Our own socialist-in-office and DSA member Jackie Fielder won two hard-earned victories to mitigate the harms of the billionaires’ agenda and the city administration’s relentless attacks on the poor and working class.

• Led by the homeless families themselves, Faith in Action, and the Coalition on Homelessness, Jackie  also fought to extend the shelter Length of Stay Policy for families winning provisions for unlimited extensions of up to 90-days (versus the current 3 30-days extension allotted) and ensures that families have access to due process to prevent unnecessary shelter evictions.
• Jackie’s office also  successfully negotiated restorations of $30 million to house homeless families and transitional aged youth, and $9 million to house homeless adults in the City’s Prop C allocation – important funding towards affordable housing, which was initially slated to be allocated entirely to temporary shelter by the Lurie administration

These actions demonstrate DSA SF’s and Jackie’s commitment to fight back against the city’s policies that continually criminalize poverty and reward the rich and corporations at the expense of the poor and working class. These harmful policies expand austerity measures and defund social safety nets like secure housing for all people, regardless of class or income.

Despite our recent wins, the only way to break the cycle of homelessness and poverty is by fighting for a socialist system which builds an economy that meets the needs of working people. To discuss more how to bring about socialist realities in the electoral realm, join the Electoral Board every Thursday at 6:00 PM to 7:30 PM; and to discuss how to better coordinate with the socialist-in-office, join the SIO subcommittee meeting on Monday from 6:00 PM to 7:00 PM.

Behind the Scenes

The Chapter Coordination Committee (CCC) regularly rotates duties among chapter members. This allows us to train new members in key duties that help keep the chapter running like organizing chapter meetings, keeping records updated, office cleanup, updating the DSA SF website and publishing the weekly newsletter. Members can view current CCC rotations.

Interested in helping with the newsletter or other day-to-day tasks that keep the chapter running? Fill out the CCC help form.