DSA can make it happen.

The post Every City Needs a Pro-billionaire March appeared first on Democratic Left.

by R.K. Upadhya

The American Civil War is a key moment of US history. If you grew up in the US, you almost certainly spent a good chunk of time in grade school learning about the Civil War. It is also likely the case that this education was boring and unengaging. This is a tragedy, for in fact the Civil War era had profoundly radical and revolutionary dimensions, and should be a source of education and inspiration for the modern Left and the US socialist movement. Case in point: after Abraham Lincoln’s re-election victory in 1864, Karl Marx himself helped pen a letter of congratulations to Lincoln, celebrating the Union cause as a universal interest of the working class, and encouraged him toward complete victory over the Southern slavers. It is not often that we think of Marx and Lincoln as being contemporaneous – but they were, and while it is unknown if Lincoln actually read Marx’s letter, it is likely that Lincoln read at least some of Marx’s many articles in the New York Daily Tribune.

The Civil War was the culmination of the abolitionist movement, which emerged out of free Black communities of the North, and the slave revolts which rocked the South in the 1830s. And the abolitionist movement is where the US Left was truly born; it was in this fiery struggle against slavery that many of the ideas we hold dear today – anti-racism, democracy, anti-imperialism, and anti-capitalism – went mainstream and became a permanent part of American politics. There is a grand history for how this happened, with many moving parts. But one fascinating thread is the way in which the abolitionist movement in the US was connected with the emerging revolutionary socialist movement in Europe. Abolitionism being the birthplace of the American Left wasn’t just a matter of converging values, but based on a direct exchange of ideas and militants between the US and Europe – and in particular, the cohorts of revolutionary German exiles who immigrated to America in the 1850s.

Historical Context

The abolitionist movement started in earnest in the 1830s, after Nat Turner’s Rebellion in 1831, which galvanized free Black communities across the North and put an end to any doubts that enslaved people were happy with their lot in life. Over the course of the next few decades, it grew dramatically in popularity, organization, and militancy; its electoral expression was the Republican Party, founded in 1854, while its more revolutionary tendency was expressed via the likes of John Brown, Harriet Tubman, and other insurgent figures. By the 1850s, the question of slavery was the defining political issue in the US, fostering an intense amount of political and civil unrest.

At the same time, Europe was also undergoing convulsions. In parallel to the growth of the abolitionist movement in the US, the revolutionary socialist movement was growing, and founding figures like Karl Marx and Fredrich Engels were coming into the spotlight. The tremors finally erupted into an earthquake in 1848, when a wave of uprisings and revolutions shook the foundations of Europe, particularly in Germany. Workers, peasants, and other parts of a “revolutionary citizenry” assaulted and overthrew centers of monarchical and feudal power. Marx and Engels wrote and published The Communist Manifesto during this tumult; Engels himself was in the streets as a revolutionary soldier.

Unfortunately, the revolution in Germany gets crushed, and millions of Germans escape to Western Europe and beyond, fleeing harsh counter-revolutionary reprisals as well as general economic ruin. Many of these refugees and exiles end up in the United States; about one million Germans emigrated to America in the 1850s. And among this number, roughly 4,000 were hardcore revolutionaries, socialists and communists, organizers and militants, in addition to tens of thousands more supporters, followers, and sympathizers. This cohort was known as the “Forty Eighters”, exiles of the 1848 Revolution. And once in the US, the Forty Eighters immediately bolstered the ranks of an increasingly revolutionary abolitionist movement. This was a natural alliance; the nature of the Southern slaver elites was an uncanny mirror image of the tyrannical aristocrats that they had attempted to overthrow at home. And for the abolitionist movement, these veterans brought military experience, organizational discipline, and expansive ideas about liberty, labor, and capitalism, which coupled well with the parallel works of the leading abolitionist intellectuals.

Colonel Weydemeyer and General Willich

Two figures in particular represent the radical edge of the Forty Eighter abolitionists: Joseph Weydemeyer and August Willich. Both of these men were German communists and revolutionaries, who eventually ended up as high-ranking military officers in the Union Army.

The initial trajectories of the two men were similar. Both were Prussian military officers in the 1840s, who became radicalized by Marx’s writings about capitalism, class, and revolution. They rebelled in 1848 on the side of the Revolution, and fled west when the revolution was crushed. They made personal acquaintance with Karl Marx in London, and joined the Communist League and helped further develop revolutionary socialist politics in Europe. After a few years, both men emigrated to the United States, where they planted themselves among fellow Forty Eighters and made a living via political organizing and radical intellectual writings. And when the Civil War began, they enlisted along with large numbers of fellow Germans, and quickly rose up the ranks due to their previous military experience and their political fervour.

Compared to Willich, Weydemeyer was more of an intellectual type. He was a friend of Marx and Engels; in fact, it was Marx who directly suggested to Weydemeyer that he emigrate to New York City. Once there, he quickly got to work in left-wing journalism and organizing, joining a growing cohort of revolutionary Marxist voices that joined the abolitionist movement. He was a co-founder of what was arguably the first socialist organization in the United States, the American Workers League (which, despite its broad name, was almost entirely an organization of radical German immigrants). This group would later become the New York Communist Club.

When the Civil War began, Weydemeyer enlisted and quickly ended up as a technical aide to General Fremont, an abolitionist and a radical rival to Abraham Lincoln. Within a year, Weydemeyer was a Lieutenant Colonel and in charge of a volunteer artillery regiment. Later on in the war, he served as a Colonel of the 41st Missouri Infantry Regiment. Amusingly, throughout his active duty service, Weydemeyer kept up his intellectual pursuits, exchanging letters with Marx and Engels about the war, writing opinion pieces for local newspapers near his posts, and engaging in local debates. In 1864, when Marx helped found the International Workingmen’s Association (a.k.a., the First International), Weydemeyer printed out copies of the inaugural address and passed it out to his men (it is unclear how many of these Missouri infantrymen subsequently joined the cause of international communism).

After the war, Weydemeyer remained in politics, winning an election for the St. Louis County auditor. He ran the office as a Marxist, using his powers to strengthen tax laws and chase down war profiteers. Unfortunately, his tenure was short-lived; Weydemeyer passed away in August 1866 from cholera.

August Willich led a similarly colorful life, albeit one more oriented around military affairs.

An excellent book on his entire life, only a tiny fraction of which can be discussed here, is Radical Warrior: August Willich’s Journey From German Revolutionary to Union General.

Like Joseph Weydemeyer, Willich also knew Marx & Engels; indeed, Engels was Willich’s right-hand man during several battles in the final stages of the 1848 Revolution. But unlike Weydemeyer, Willich did not like Marx at all. Willich led the left-wing faction of the Communist League, and thought Marx was too conservative and was not eager enough to wage revolutionary struggle; for his part, Marx was not impressed by Willich’s intellectual standing. There may have also been some more personal animosity at play; Willich apparently was quite interested in Marx’s wife, Jenny, and would regularly come visit her at their home in London and engage her in long conversations about theory and politics. As Jenny Marx described, “He would come to visit me because he wanted to pursue the worm that lies in every marriage and coax it out.” It’s not clear if Willich ever coaxed out the worm; within a few years, he emigrated to the United States, engaged in radical writing, and organized among other German immigrants and Forty Eighters in the midwest.

When the Civil War began, Willich played an important role in recruiting fellow Germans into the military; he would become a Colonel, and then a General in command of an all-German infantry unit, the 32nd Indiana Infantry Regiment. Willich and his men quickly distinguished himself on the battlefield, helping win one of the few Union victories in 1861 at the Battle of Rowlett Station in Kentucky. This battle saw about 500 German infantrymen defeat over 1,000 Texas Rangers and assorted Confederate infantry. This battle is also commemorated in what is the oldest surviving Civil War monument, the Bloedner Monument, which was carved by a member of the regiment a couple of weeks after the battle. It’s a remarkable piece of history, since it’s likely that this battle is mentioned in many Civil War textbooks – but the radical historical context, that this victory was one of a revolutionary communist veteran and other revolutionary exiles, is papered over or ignored.

Willich and the 32nd would go on to fight in other major Civil War battles, including the 1862 Battle of Shiloh, the 1863 Siege of Chattanooga, and General Sherman’s “March to the Sea” in 1864. After the war, just like Weydemeyer, Willich went into government service and was elected as a county auditor in Ohio. In his later years, he went into academia. August Willich passed away in 1878.

Forty Eighters in Texas

The legacy of the Forty Eighters is also present right here in central Texas, where many Germans settled in the 1850s. San Antonio and the Hill Country were particularly popular – a legacy that still continues today, with cities like New Braunfels and Fredericksburg remaining centers of German culture, as well as smaller towns like Boerne and Comfort. Despite being in a southern slave state, just like their brethren in the midwest and the north-east, German immigrants to Texas were generally anti-slavery and pro-Union. In 1854, Germans in San Antonio caused a major political firestorm when they held a convention and passed a resolution condemning slavery. In 1861, during the Referendum on Secession, the counties with the most Germans tended to vote against secession.

As the war progressed, repression against Unionists escalated, with Germans being a major target. In 1862, the Confederacy passed a conscription law to mandate military service, which provoked German Texans Unionists to escalate into armed resistance – which in turn, brought martial law across the Hill Country and waves of violent reprisals. The struggle culminated in August 1862, when a band of Germans gathered up arms and attempted to escape to Mexico. Unfortunately, the Confederates caught wind and chased them down, eventually cornering them on the banks of the Nueces River, and defeating them after a pitched battle. Despite being right at the border, the German Unionist rebels were captured, and 34 executed on the spot. The dead were buried at a cemetery in Comfort, Texas, where after the war a monument was erected – the Treue der Union Monument, or, the “Loyalty to the Union” Monument – to honor them and the pro-Union beliefs that they died for. This monument remains in Comfort to this day.

Conclusion

These stories – of German Texan rebels, communist commanders, and the surprise emergence of Marxism in antebellum America – should make us recognize the importance of tracing back our own political lineage to this period. It was the abolitionist movement that established a long and unbroken legacy of socialist politics and struggle in the United States. Abolitionists went on into different movements after the war, expanding the struggle into labor organizing, civil rights, anti-imperialism, and feminism. After the abolitionist movement, came Radical Reconstruction; veterans of that went on into the Knights of Labor, and then the Industrial Workers of the World; then emerged the Socialist Party and the Communist Party, the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Panther Party, and so on. We should look at abolitionists as our own political ancestors, and with the connection to radical German immigrants, appreciate that revolutionary socialist politics has been in this country for a very long time.

And to draw a final parallel to then and now: the Civil War didn’t start out of nowhere. It was preceded by years of civil unrest, violence around elections, and collapsing legal boundaries. And one dynamic in particular, was the escalation of violence in the 1850s by federal agents against Northerners. After the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act, federal agents and southern bounty hunters and slave catchers had free legal reign to indiscriminately hunt down Black people to kidnap and enslave. This enraged public opinion across the North and galvanized abolitionists and their allies, who organized Vigilance Committees to track and disrupt federal operations, preventing arrests, staging jailbreaks, and engaging in pitched battle against the feds.

And it is a remarkable parallel today, when we have federal troops engaging in indiscriminate violence with impunity, hunting down immigrants, assaulting and murdering protestors, kidnaping people and whisking them off into a growing network of concentration camps. And in response, just like over 150 years ago, people are organizing and mobilizing, forming rapid response networks, tracking and disrupting federal operations. It is a beautiful thing, and shows how our political ancestors can echo through us today, even without our conscious knowledge. The struggle has been going on for a long time; and if there is to be another civil war, let us make sure we finish it for good this time around.

The post Between Marx and Lincoln: German Communists in the American Civil War first appeared on Red Fault.

Previous entries — Part One: Introduction; Part Two: Electoral Politics

There were two different approaches to “the labor question” in the 1910s SPA. The first approach was to work within the existing unions. In the early 20th century, the dominant AFL was composed of trade unions representing workers with specific skills, did not stand up for broader working class interests, and was bigoted and exclusionary towards racial minorities and women. Many socialists sought to confront the AFL leadership and push unions in a different direction. This included Clevelander Max Hayes, who would at one point win close to a third of the vote in the AFL leadership race, and is now commemorated in a namesake West Side high school. 

Others sought to follow the path of dual unionism, which was advocated by the SLP, and organized on a mass scale following the founding of the International Workers of the World (IWW) in 1905. Wobblies, as IWW members were at times known, favored industrial unions, which represented sectors or workplaces, rather than workers with specific skills. This advocacy for industrial unionism was shared by others in the SPA (including some in the AFL), but was not reflected within the party’s platform for most of the 1910s.

Labor organizing was another topic where Ruthenberg demonstrated a commitment to unity, despite the bitter divides among SPA members. As his biographer stated, “his primary interest was in labor’s struggle, whether led by a craft union or industrial union.” This principle of solidarity came to the forefront as worker organizing escalated. In 1911, Cleveland saw the historic International Ladies’ Garment Workers Union strike, with thousands of workers participating. In his mayoral campaign of that year, Ruthenberg argued that the power of the state should be wielded in favor of the workers through the swearing in “a hundred of the coolest heads among the strikers” as special police. Three years later, Cleveland teachers organized a union, working in solidarity with a group of mothers from the school districts. Ruthenberg again supported this organizing, which was ultimately derailed by the administration’s firing of pro-union teachers. This repression of worker organizing was upheld by a frequent enemy of workers – District Judge David Westenhaver, who effectively delayed the unionization of Cleveland teachers until 1934. The same year, Ohio miners were locked out of their workplace following the passage of a new labor law, which the mine owners hoped to appeal as unconstitutional. In response, Ruthenberg called on the Ohio Socialist Party to push for immediate state ownership and worker operation of the coal mines. Later on, Ruthenberg would unionize his own white-collar workplace, and lead mass rallies of workers including IWW and AFL members.

The unity practiced by Ruthenberg and the Cleveland local is admirable, and carried on within DSA’s labor organizing approach today. While there are still contentious debates to be had within DSA regarding our approach to labor organizing, the disagreement is over narrower territory.  This is largely a reaction to the changes in the labor movement within the past century, shifting predominantly towards industrial unions which are much more willing to embrace the entire working class. This has eliminated a considerable portion of the impetus for dual unionism. Instead, DSA labor work now focuses on organizing new workplaces into unions, and bringing existing unions towards a more militant posture and political unity with our aims. As we undertake this work, as I am honored to do as Cleveland DSA’s elected Union Liaison, we should strive for the same levels of mass organizing as the SPA, bringing thousands of workers towards a socialist vision.

Please return tomorrow for Part Four: Diversity in the SPA

The post History of the Cleveland SPA, Part Three: Labor appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

By Casey G

If you’re in the mood for pizza, there’s no better place to go than Sicily’s Pizza in Southwest Detroit. This is where MDDSA comrades met on December 8th for a Red Square co-presented with the Political Education and International Solidarity working groups. Peter B. of Brazil’s Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (Socialism and Liberty Party, abbreviated to PSOL) was visiting Detroit and met with us over cheese and pepperoni pizzas to discuss his experiences living and working in Brazil, and answer questions from comrades at MDDSA.

Peter has been an organizer since 2009, starting in Brazil’s student and youth movement. He then moved into electoral, where he was chief of staff for PSOL Congresswoman Sâmia de Souza Bomfim. He is currently living in the United States while reasearching with an American university..

Peter discussed the difference in American and Brazilian party systems. As opposed to our American reality of two parties struggling to hold power on one side of the binary or the other, Brazil has 30 recognized political parties with more than 20 parties holding seats in Congress. New parties are more common in Brazil than in the US, with PSOL forming in 2004 after a split from the Workers Party after President Lula’s proposed pension reform raised the retirement age. PSOL currently holds 12 of the 513 seats in Brazil’s Congress.

Peter gave us a personal anecdote of his experience witnessing the power of the general strike. While he was a student in Sao Paolo in 2017, he witnessed the ripple effects of a general strike through the city. While it affected plenty of sectors, his example was the subway union: the mode of transportation that millions of residents rely on (this year’s strike affected an estimated 3.3 million residents) was unavailable and attention drawn to the needs of those whose undervalued work maintains the system underlying the movement of thousands of citizens daily.

Peter laid out his three guiding principles for a socialist elected. As seen with Lula of the Worker’s Party and then as PSOL gained seats in Congress, the election of a socialist does not miraculously transform the system they operate within. Peter offers foundations to take into these new circumstances.

First, to mobilize society. Success is not achieved in the act of taking office — success is improvements in the material conditions of the working class. These include goals such as Mamdani’s freezing rents, free buses, and universal childcare. [CG1] An elected is not just a representative with a megaphone; true embodiment of the position is organizing and mobilizing constituents to fight for themselves.

Second, to speak the truth of and for the working class. Honesty is its own labyrinth in politics, but as an elected navigates the system, they must be guided by honesty towards their constituents as they face obstacles and compromise.

And last, expanding the horizons. Once we reach goals that have been set, we expand the field and stretch to farther goals. Particularly given DSA’s recent bout of electoral wins (Detroit’s own Denzel McCampbell, and of course, Zohran Mamdami in New York City), it’s time to start thinking about what happens when the North star we’ve been following turns from a spot on the horizon to the ground under our feet. What does socialist governance look like in practice?

We are still operating within a capitalist system and there’s an important balance to strike for American socialists. These electoral wins are indeed achievements to be celebrated; we have not achieved a miraculous change to existing systems and our electeds are going to have rough waters to steer in.

It’s also perpetually invigorating to see people talk about, as material reality, the things we fight for now in the United States. When we’re constantly told how providing medical care to every person is unrealistic, it’s helpful to be reminded that is simply not true. Brazil has a Healthcare for All system. They also removed private money from elections ten years ago. These are not unreasonable pipe dreams; they’re concrete reality elsewhere and worth fighting for here, too. A huge thanks to Peter B. for taking time to discuss with us his experiences in Brazil.

Events & Actions

Tuesday, March 10 (3:30 PM – 5:00 PM): Public Comment: Save Prop I (San Francisco City Hall, 1 Dr Carlton B Goodlett P)

Tuesday, March 10 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM): Ecosocialist Bi-Weekly Meeting (zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister St)

Wednesday, March 11 (6:45 PM – 9:00 PM): DSA SF General Meeting (zoom and in person at Kelly Cullen Community, 220 Golden Gate Ave)

Thursday, March 12 (6:00 PM – 8:00 PM): New Member Happy Hour (Standard Deviant Brewing, 280 14th St)

Thursday, March 12 (6:00 PM – 7:00 PM): Education Board Open Meeting (zoom)

Friday, March 13 (9:30 AM – 10:30 AM): District 1 Coffee with Comrades (Breck’s, 2 Clement St)

Saturday, March 14 (1:00 PM – 3:00 PM): Immigrant Justice KYR Canvassing (Buena Vista Ave W & Haight St)

Sunday March 15 (12:00 PM – 3:00 PM): SiO x E Board x HWG: Letter Writing and Propaganda Day (1916 McAllister St)

Sunday, March 15 (3:30 PM – 5:00 PM): Haiti and Neocolonialism (1916 McAllister St)

Monday, March 16 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM): Labor Board Meeting – Office Hours (zoom)

Monday, March 16 (6:30 PM – 8:00 PM): Homelessness Working Group Regular Meeting (zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister St)

Monday, March 16 (6:30 PM – 7:30 PM): DSA Run Club (McClaren Lodge, eastern end of JFK Drive)

Tuesday, March 17 (5:30 PM – 7:00 PM): Social Housing Meeting (1916 McAllister St)

Tuesday, March 17 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM): Public Transit Meeting (1916 McAllister St)

Wednesday March 18 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM): What is DSA? (1916 McAllister St)

Thursday March 19 (6:00 PM – 7:00 PM): Social Committee (zoom)

Thursday March 19 (6:30 PM – 7:30 PM): Public Bank Project Meeting (zoom)

Thursday March 19 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM): Immigrant Justice regular meeting (zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister St)

Saturday March 21 (6:00 PM – 8:00 PM): HWG Food Service (Castro Street & Market Street)

Sunday March 22 (5:00 PM – 6:00 PM): Tenderloin Healing Circle Working Group (zoom)

Monday March 23 (6:00 PM – 8:00 PM): Tenderloin Healing Circle (Kelly Cullen Community, 220 Golden Gate Ave)

Monday March 23 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM): Labor Board Meeting – Existing Union Support (zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister St)

Check out https://dsasf.org/events for more events and updates.

Tell California to Let SF Regulate AVs

In the wake of the December power-outage in which Waymos gridlocked traffic citywide, the Alphabet Inc. subsidiary continues to refuse transparency. Sign this petition to demand that communities be given the power to regulate autonomous vehicles.

Speak up to Save Affordable Housing Funds!

Billionaire Mayor Daniel Lurie and Supervisor Bilal Mahmood announced legislation that would slash real estate transfer taxes on the wealthiest corporate landlords. This directly undermines 2020’s Prop I, which has generated more than $500 million in revenue for housing that working San Franciscans can actually afford.

Join us TODAY, Tuedsay 3/10 at room 250 in City Hall, for public comment (no earlier than 3:30 PM) to speak up to save Prop I and affordable housing funds! RSVP for talking points.

If you can’t make it, send a letter to City Hall demanding that they reject this blatant attempt to cut taxes on the richest corporate real estate owners at the expense of working San Franciscans.

Take action now to stop the eviction of a SF tenant currently detained by ICE!

Take action now!

Call and email Trinity Plaza, 33 8th St. LLC to stop the eviction of a San Francisco tenant currently detained by ICE. He fled political persecution in Russia and is being threatened with eviction while in federal custody. Landlord lawyers refuse to delay the hearing, putting his home and stability at risk.

Demand the eviction be dismissed immediately! Send letter via Action Network here and come to the rally on Thursday March 12 at 5:30 PM at Trinity Plaza 33 8th St.

New Member Happy Hour

Join us for our a Happy Hour at Standard Deviant Brewing (280 14th Street) March 12th 6:00 PM – 8:00 PM. Learn more about DSA SF’s upcoming projects, find out how to plug in, or just socialize with socialists! Also open to old members, regular folks and the socialism-curious.

Bay Area Mass Meeting & Training Non Cooperation: May Day & Beyond

The Bay is organizing and we need you.

We are building a mass non-cooperation movement to stop fascism and defend our communities. Join us to learn about our campaigns targeting corporations enabling ICE including Palantir, Home Depot, and Target and organize for a powerful May Day: No Work, No School, No Shopping. We are also organizing our neighborhoods to defend our neighbors and stand together against these attacks. This is the moment to act. Come find out how to plug in.

Topics covered include:
– Build mass participation for May Day
– Take on the corporations working with ICE
– Learn skills to build our campaigns, escalate our actions and expand our organizing
– Organize our neighbors to stand together against ICE attacks
– Build a united movement to stop these attacks once and for all!

RSVP HERE

Sponsored by Bay Resistance

Saturday, March 14, 2026

9:00 AM to 3:00 PM

Mission High School, 3750 18th Street

Immigrant Justice Canvassing Event and Social

Immigrants Justice Know Your Right canvassing event followed by social on Saturday March 14 at 1:00 PM. Meet at Buena Vista Park near the intersection of Buena Vista and Haight St.

Haiti and Neocolonialism

Come join DSA SF and the Haiti Action Committee to learn more about Haiti’s history, the role of the United States and France in it’s exploitation, and what is happening in Haiti today. After winning independence from their former enslavers in 1804, Haitians found themselves ensnared in a new form of colonialism and economic exploitation which extracted billions of dollars of wealth, unleashed generations of violence, and violated their national sovereignty. This exploitation continues to this day.

French and US finance capital developed new methods of forcing economic dependency which was used as a model 100 years later throughout the post-colonial era of the 20th century. We will learn about the Haiti’s specific history as well as explore the broader dynamics of neocolonialism in an interactive, discussion-based event at the DSA SF office at 1916 McAllister St on Sunday March 15th from 3:30 PM to 5 PM. RSVP here.

Reportback from Alemany Farm event

On Saturday 2/28, DSA Ecosocialism working group hosted a Growing Community event at Alemany Farm where 25 people showed up to discuss socialism and to volunteer at the farm! We received a tour of the farm and discussed topics such as: the ecological and social importance of seed diversity, how labor struggles have laid foundations for an alternative to profit-driven speculative land ownership, and the social benefits of having a space completely open for the community to enjoy and participate in. We worked in their orchards weeding and fertilizing the land, and harvested fresh vegetables and produce to bring home. Getting our hands dirty and recentering ourselves with the earth and with each other is a great way to stay hopeful for a better future and to directly impact others. Stay tuned for future community gardening and farming events led by the Ecosocialism working group! Thank you Alemany Farm for hosting us!

Previous entries — Part One: Introduction

It was in this context that the SPA emerged in 1901, with union leader Eugene Debs serving as a unifying figurehead and recurring presidential candidate. The party united socialists who believed in working within existing union formations and dual unionists, many of whom initially split from the SLP. As the party grew, it attracted many who felt the Progressives of the time did not do enough to meet the political moment. This included Charles Emil Ruthenberg, who is arguably the most important figure of the Cleveland SPA.

Ruthenberg  was originally a strong supporter of Progressive Cleveland mayor Tom Johnson, viewing his advocacy for municipal ownership as a step towards socialism. When Johnson opposed the demands of workers who ran those municipal enterprises, Ruthenberg defended him, and was critiqued by socialist Robert Bandlow. Through these debates with socialists and his own intellectual curiosity, Ruthenberg would move to the left, joining the SPA in January of 1909. Within months, he would be elected as recording secretary of the local, and soon thereafter he would become their English-language spokesperson and a perennial candidate for office. 

Ruthenberg’s electoral campaigns would succeed in growing party membership. During his run for mayor of Cleveland in 1911, the local grew its membership by 50%, totaling around 1,600 members in that year. The following year, Ruthenberg would launch a campaign for Governor of Ohio, visiting every county and more than 100 cities in the state. Many SPA statewide campaigns failed to match presidential candidate Eugene Debs, as the Progressives (running on a platform with many policies taken from the SPA) absorbed many of their votes. In Ohio, however, Ruthenberg received a similar margin to Debs, a little over 8% of the vote. This was the highest of any socialist party gubernatorial candidate throughout the country. At this time, Cleveland had become by far the largest Socialist Party local in Ohio, growing to 2,950 members. While Ruthenberg and other Cleveland socialists were successful at building membership, they would not win any office prior to 1917. However, the same was not true for other parts of the so-called “Red State”.  As put by Richard Judd in Socialist Cities, Ohio socialists were able to “elect more mayors to office in small and medium-sized cities than any other state.” In bigger cities, including Columbus, Akron, Dayton and Toledo, one or more city councilors were also elected. 

Unlike most successful socialist candidates today, the SPA would run its candidates on their own independent ballot line, competing directly with Democrats, Republicans and third parties (primarily the Progressive Party). This historical practice was borne out of the conditions surrounding the Civil War, which brought the Republican Party into prominence. In the following decades, the party system began to consolidate towards the modern system, with Democrats and Republicans being the sole presidential contenders ever since. Today, socialists have adapted to this system by focusing on Democratic primaries or non-partisan local races with primarily Democratic voter bases. However, In the 1910s, many Progressives and Socialists pursued the development of an independent third party, in part because of the newer and less developed nature of the two party regime, and, even more so than today, the lack of a distinction between Republican and Democratic policies towards workers.

While many of the fundamental challenges remain the same, the different socialist ballot line provided certain strengths and weaknesses for the SPA. Across Ohio, Democratic and Republican establishments would work together as fusion candidates to run against socialists. 

Today, we do see similar consolidation from conservative and liberal opposition, such as Andrew Cuomo’s general election campaign against Zohran Mamdani. However, these efforts are less likely to succeed when socialists win the Democratic Party’s official nomination. This typically splits the existing Democratic establishment, with some willing to embrace more left wing figures, and others refusing to do so. On the other hand, in the heyday of the socialist party, there was no such split, and the Republican and Democratic establishments were both firmly in opposition to socialist candidates. An independent socialist ballot line would also not prevent socialist electeds from betraying their party. The mayors of Ohio cities Lima and Lorain, for instance, while elected under the SPA, later switched to a mainstream party. Additionally, party officials nationwide would regularly be expelled for disagreement with the party platform.

As Emerson Bodde argues in Until Victory is Achieved, the distinction between socialist success in big cities and smaller ones was largely due to the differing political environments. Smaller cities often had competing Republican and Democratic candidates, which made it possible for socialist candidates focusing on affordability and municipal reform to take power. On the other hand, major cities were more likely to have developed political machines, capable of absorbing Progressive policies and presenting themselves as the logical option for municipal change.  Bodde argues that being forced to the sidelines in mainstream electoral politics led to the radicalization and diversification of socialist organizing in Cleveland. 

Meanwhile, socialists in Milwaukee (or in smaller Ohio cities with SPA mayors), focused primarily on good municipal governance, attracting the “middle-class Progressive milieu”. Ruthenberg himself would also emphasize immediate municipal reforms and critique the corruption of the existing machine, while always keeping in mind the end goal of societal transformation. As SPA members in different cities charted different paths, Ruthenberg showed his principled commitment to party unity in approaching their political differences. As Oakley Johnson’s biography of Ruthenberg articulates:

“While reformist in character, the Socialist Milwaukee administration performed many valuable social services and benefited the people. But the Milwaukee Administration received vicious attacks from old-party politicians, and Ruthenberg, who carefully watched the situation, defended it.” 

Today, DSA members should take note from Ruthenberg, understanding the different political contexts of our comrades throughout the country, and standing in solidarity with them as they strive to fight for something new. We should seek to analyze and understand the conditions of the two-party system as they exist today, and identify how we can run electoral campaigns that truly engage the masses and build party membership, as organizers did in “Red Ohio” over a century ago. This assessment can learn from the Milwaukee approach – that genuine commitments to improving the lives of working class people can be an effective mechanism for building a socialist electoral constituency. But it should also learn from the Cleveland experience outlined in this piece, which demonstrates that organizing workers while maintaining clear socialist and anti-war principles prepares an organization to reach the masses in times of crisis.

Please return tomorrow for Part Three: Labor

The post History of the Cleveland SPA, Part Two: Electoral Politics appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

by Gregory Lebens-Higgins

To take power, the working class must organize a mass movement that is capable of seizing the levers of production and cutting off the means of oppressive rule by capital. It is collective strength that possesses the capacity to produce this feat. ROC DSA calls on not just the strongest to step forward, but for all to fall into formation with coordinated effort and democratic will.

ROC DSA is approaching its 10th anniversary. While the chapter’s first meeting held only fourteen members, it now regularly nears the capacity of its meeting space. Few members of the chapter are longtime organizers. Participation in the movement is not divinely endowed, but a reaction to material conditions of existence under capitalism.

Socialism is informed by theory, but that theory is shaped by experience and conditioned by struggle. These ten years have seen much struggle: Dreams ignited by Bernie Sanders crushed by Donald Trump and Democratic complicity. The sacrifice of essential workers and public care during the COVID pandemic. Uprisings against police brutality and genocide in Palestine. The unrestrained rise of fascism. ICE and federal troops in our streets.

DSA has surpassed 100,000 members nationally, with 500 in Rochester. It is encouraging to read so many new names on the member rolls; but everyone must show up to do the work. With varying personal limitations and capacities, collectively shouldering the burden is what makes victory possible.

To be a socialist is to live by praxis. It is not for the works of theorists to remain the subject of a reading club, but to jump off the page and march with us toward liberation.

DSA can’t just be 100,000 people with the correct politics, it must be 100,000 people actively fighting for a better world.

Everyone has a part to play. It is not “great men” who shape the revolution. The revolution is made up of many small acts from each of us. When orchestrated, these acts are a powerful force. The Star Wars show Andor beautifully illustrates this dynamic – Luke would not have the opportunity to become a hero if not for the small acts of many who “burn[ed their] life to make a sunrise [they would] never see.”

Many join DSA because they want to do something. What is to be done? Organizing doesn’t always hold the excitement of protest or the glamour of electoral candidates. Get active in the chapter. It takes the work of knocking on doors, creating spreadsheets, illustrating event graphics, writing literature, attending meetings, and planning logistics. It is these small acts that collectively lead to success.

Members of ROC DSA should attend organizing group meetings – whichever one; shop around. Volunteer for tasks. Ask how you can help. Make suggestions. The foundational idea behind democratic socialism is that every worker matters. Democracy means we are all active participants in the world we are shaping. The revolution needs you.

The post The Revolution is You first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

Before we start, we’re asking everyone to write to your elected officials to support H.794 and S.282. Tell them that you want to tax the rich for healthcare and schools!

GREEN MOUNTAIN DSA MONTH IN REVIEW

February was a month of incredible momentum for Green Mountain DSA, bookended by electoral victory and direct action. We are thrilled to open this newsletter by congratulating our endorsed Burlington City Council candidate, Marek Broderick, on their decisive Town Meeting Day win! Marek defeated a Democratic opponent with a strong tally of 301 to 187, securing a second term representing Ward 8. In the weeks leading up to the vote, our members made phone calls and knocked doors (again and again) across the entire ward to ensure voters had a plan. We are proud to stand behind a proven champion for renters, UVM students, and working-class Burlingtonians. Marek's leadership in passing a resolution to address deteriorating student housing is just one example of the socialist leadership we are building in Chittenden County.

At our February General Membership Meeting in Montpelier, members discussed our growing chapter-wide priority campaign, "Tax the Rich," supporting H.794 and S.282—legislation championed by our own State Senator Tanya Vyhovsky and Rep. Kate Logan that would generate hundreds of millions in revenue by making the wealthiest Vermonters pay their fair share. Green Mountain DSA organized a press conference at the State House in February and coverage by WCAX features Rep. Kate Logan detailing just how much working Vermonters stand to win by taxing the rich. The February General Membership Meeting also featured updates on our Palestine solidarity work (“No Appetite for Apartheid” campaign), and local ballot initiatives (“Proposition Zero” in Burlington). Alongside these campaigns, our chapter is deepening its foundation by launching weekly Saturday-Sunday socials to build comradeship and expanding our reach to southern counties through our “Statewide Expansion Working Group”. From electoral wins to anti-war action in coalition, your Green Mountain DSA is proving that another Vermont—one centered on working-class power and solidarity—is not only possible, but already being built. In solidarity, and see you at a meeting, social, or on the streets some time soon!

WE’RE BUILDING A FAMILY-FRIENDLY GMDSA

Green Mountain Democratic Socialists of America is working towards making our organization more accessible to parents and guardians. You can help us by letting us know if you would benefit from childcare being offered at our general meetings.

Please fill out our Childcare Needs Survey: https://forms.gle/6Mq1KHWGrc3QgLGv8 

GREEN MOUNTAIN DSA MEETINGS AND EVENTS

Our Labor Committee meets on the second Monday of every month at 6:00pm on Zoom, including Monday March 9th. 

  Our Electoral Committee will meet on Tuesday March 10. The electoral committee meets at 6:00pm on Zoom. 

🌹The next May Day Coalition meeting is Tuesday March 10 at 6:00pm at Migrant Justice (179 S. Winooski Ave., Burlington) and on Zoom. 

Talk about your job and learn about shop-floor organizing from peers at Workers' Circle (co-hosted with the Green Mountain IWW) on the second and fourth Wednesdays of each month, including Wednesday March 11 at 6:00pm at Migrant Justice (179 S. Winooski Ave., Burlington).

💰Our Tax the Rich Working Group will meet on every Sunday, including March 15 at 6:00pm on Zoom..

Find out how you can help our Membership Committee improve recruitment and involvement in our chapter on Monday, March 16. The Membership Committee meets on the 3rd Monday of every month at 6:00pm on Zoom. 

GMDSA's East and West branches will come together for another general meeting on Saturday March 21 at 11:30 a.m. at TBD (Most likely the Public Library in South Burlington). Newcomers are encouraged to show up at 10:30 a.m. for an optional “DSA 101” orientation. Everyone is welcome to join for coffee hour with snacks and discussion at 11:00 a.m. prior to the start of the general meeting.

🇵🇸 Our Palestine Solidarity Committee will meet on Monday March 23. The Palestine solidarity committee meets on the 4th Monday of every month at 6:00pm on Zoom. 

📱Our Communications Committee will meet on Monday March 23. The communications committee meets on the 4th Monday of every month at 7:00pm on Zoom. 

📑 Our Steering Committee meets on the first Monday of every month at 7:30pm on Zoom, including Monday April 6. All members are welcome to participate in the meeting discussion, only members of the steering committee can vote. We will have a hybrid meeting this month. We will be meeting at the Queen City Lodge Oddfellows Hall. The address is 1416 North Ave in Burlington. Email hello@greenmountaindsa.org for the Zoom link if you would prefer to join online

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IMPORTANT DATES THIS YEAR

• International Workers’ Day: May 1, 2026

• 2026 Labor Notes Conference: June 12-14

• Vermont Primary Election: August 11, 2026

• Labor Day: September 7, 2026

• General Election: November 3, 2026

• Next GMDSA Convention: November 2026

• Next DSA National Convention: August 2027

To build an organized working class capable of taking on the billionaires and defeating Trump, the labor movement must bring in more motivated people.

The post Workers need more paths to join the labor movement appeared first on EWOC.

Introduction / Background

So far, 2026 has been a huge year for the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). We have reached over 100,000 DSA members, the highest ever, and have seen heightened electoral success, most prominently with the election of Zohran Mamdani as Mayor of New York City. As organizers within DSA grapple with the contradictions of this success, Eric Blanc and Steven R have made comparisons to the municipal socialism of the early 20th century Socialist Party of America (SPA), with a specific focus on Milwaukee’s sewer socialists which occupied their city hall for decades.

While DSA has not reached the SPA’s peak of 112,000 dues-paying socialists (or anywhere close when adjusted for population), Mamdani’s victory and our membership growth shows that we may be approaching similar political relevance. As argued by longtime DSA member David Duhalde in a piece comparing DSA to the SPA: “The U.S. socialist movement has returned, in some ways via a long reroute, to its original structures and impact.” As we continue to grow this movement, we have and will continue to face similar challenges to those of the 1910s SPA. For this reason, it is important to continue our study of socialism’s history.  

As many DSA members acknowledge this, the focus on Milwaukee, a city with many years of socialist governance, is understandable. However, as a member of Cleveland DSA, I am particularly interested in examining the vibrant socialist history in this part of the country, which saw its own share of socialist victories. As a result of the SPA’s electoral success in various municipalities early in the 1910s, this state was dubbed “Red Ohio”. By the end of the decade, Ohioan mass socialist organizing had arguably reached its all-time peak, as Cleveland’s SPA local led 30,000+ workers into the streets in the 1919 May Day demonstration.

This growth was predicated on the historical context of the early 20th century, when Cleveland had taken its place as the heart of an industrial empire, represented quintessentially in the monopolistic trusts of Clevelander John D. Rockefeller. As industrialization pushed more workers into the mines, steel mills and garment factories, Cleveland would also become the site of increased working class organizing. This would only escalate as economic conditions worsened and the United States would enter World War One, sending workers to their deaths as the ruling class grew even more wealthy. These changing material conditions, alongside the organizing of the SPA detailed throughout this piece, led to unprecedented support for socialism. This strength was met with violent repression from the state, which, alongside internal party conflict and purges, led to a sharp downfall in SPA membership and activity nationwide. 

The widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo was also channeled by more mainstream political organizations. The late 1800s and early 1900s saw the Progressive and Populist movements gain heightened support in national elections. This included repeat Democratic presidential nominee William Jennings Bryan and Republican President Theodore Roosevelt, who would later found a third party (the Progressive Party a.k.a. the Bull Moose Party). Some figures of the Progressive movement, like Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld, were praised by socialists, but many of them strongly opposed socialism. Ultimately, the two largest political parties, despite flirtations with Progressivism and Populism, were largely beholden to the capitalist class, and no sizable third party would emerge. Additionally, the largest union confederation, the American Federation of Labor (AFL), was led by anti-socialist Samuel Gompers and avoided political advocacy until aligning with the Democratic Party in the late 1910s. At the turn of the century, the largest socialist organization in the country was the Socialist Labor Party (SLP), which remained marginal in size and had little engagement with mainstream politics.

Please return tomorrow for Part Two, “Electoral Politics”

The post The Past is Prologue: The History of the Cleveland Socialist Party of America (Pt 1) appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.