by Gregory Lebens-Higgins

NOTE: Resolutions referenced below can be found in the Proposal Compendium available here (bit.ly/2025-proposals). A longer account of the proceedings is available here (bit.ly/2025-con). 

From August 8 to 10, delegates from across the country gathered for DSA’s National Convention in Chicago to chart the course of the organization for the next two years. Rochester sent seven delegates (and one alternate), including myself.

The convention occurred in the context of Zohran Mamdani’s monumental victory on a platform of affordable housing, free childcare, reimagining public safety, and taxing the rich. Supported by a campaign infrastructure of DSA organizers, Zohran’s connection with working class voters set him on the path to become New York City’s next mayor. His win “represents the culmination of eight years of work,” said DSA Co-Chair Ashik S. (Wilmington) (Groundwork) in his opening remarks to the convention. 

Also informing debate in Chicago was the ongoing Palestinian genocide tearing apart international relations and human rights, despite mass protests and global disapproval. Complicity in Israel’s actions and failure to resist Trump has discredited the Democratic Party, while the Republican Party surfs a fascist wave to authoritarian power. 

These circumstances present significant challenges, but also opportunity. The working class is seeking an alternative to the status quo. As the largest socialist organization in the country, DSA is stepping into the void to offer meaningful change. With the theme “Rebirth and Beyond,” the convention resolved internal tensions by solidifying democratic practices and refining our vision for the organization, and prepared for the fight ahead alongside labor and international allies.

Centering Democracy

DSA is a member run organization. Ninety-percent of the budget comes from member dues, as the Budget & Finance Committee describes: “Our financial health is directly tied to membership levels, dues sustainability, and retention.” Developing a healthy and sustainable organization means prioritizing democratic processes and accountability among members.

On the matter of accountability, delegates passed a unified grievance policy for chapters and national bodies (CR08), “creating a space that is welcoming and inclusive to members of all genders, races, and classes,” and “ensur[ing] that everyone is able to organize without fear of harassment, abuse, or harm.” 

The convention also set minimum requirements for chapters, establishing a “chapter affiliation agreement” (CR01) that requires incorporating the Code of Conduct, holding at minimum one meeting per year with voting rights for all members, and hosting a digital platform to facilitate intra-chapter communication. 

The chapter affiliation agreement represents the work of DSA’s Democracy Commission, a body created in 2023 to consider “what are the essential elements of chapter democracy that every member has a right to?” Passing with 82% approval, the Commission’s Constitution and Bylaws amendments (CB01) facilitate political exchange between chapters and National, expand DSA’s National Political Committee (NPC), and set expectations for leadership.

As a member run organization, questions arise over DSA’s relationship to staff. Staff play an important role in the day-to-day functions of the organization, but may lack a clear relationship to our political mission. A proposal from Bread & Roses (R27) encourages staff to become politically engaged in the organization and prioritizes hiring among members. Though Cara T. (At-Large) (Groundwork) expressed concern for retaliation, DSA’s staff union affirmed that “R27 does not … change our longstanding freedom to have political opinions as members of DSA,” and the resolution passed with 58% support. Notably, staff are barred from becoming caucus members. Staffing is also relevant to DSA’s budget—in 2024, a budget crisis was resolved with staff layoffs. A resolution (R44) from Libertarian Socialist Caucus to cap staff expenditures and limit hiring failed by a mere eleven votes. 

Leadership decisions are currently left to delegates at convention. One of the most contested proposals, One Member, One Vote (1M1V), proposed by Groundwork, would have expanded these decisions to the entire body. Those in favor argued that a majority of members are disenfranchised, and that the policy would overcome disconnect between members and National. Those opposed stressed the importance of in-person deliberation, and a concern for brigading by nefarious actors: “If they can find a way to ratfuck us, they will,” said Peter T. (East Bay). 1M1V for federal endorsements (R06) was deemed out of order by the Chair over the inclusion of a polling method inconsistent with the bylaws, but a vote upholding this decision demonstrated an overall lack of support for the resolution, since a similar challenge to R33 was overturned. For DSA’s National Leadership elections (CB02), 1M1V was voted down on the merits with only 39.8% support.

DSA is a Party

The United States is a two party system, with entrenched Democratic and Republican parties controlling ballot access and election infrastructure. DSA is often forced to use the Democratic Party line to get DSA candidates on the ballot. A future “dirty break” from the Democrats is core to DSA’s identity—will DSA remain a junior partner to the Democrats, or begin building its own party?

At the convention, DSA began building toward independence. Principles for Party Building (R07), submitted by Marxist Unity Group, commits DSA “to the goal of becoming an independent mass socialist party.” Avoiding the irrelevance of third parties in the United States, the resolution recognizes that “a ballot line is not the primary goal or indication of political independence.” (A separate proposal to run on an independent ballot line [R33-A02] failed.) Instead, DSA must bring “our independent organization and program to races whether on a Democratic, independent, or third-party ballot line.” This strategy centers DSA in fielding and supporting candidates who represent the organization’s principles, rather than merely endorsing the most progressive Democratic candidates. “The only people that can decide what DSA does are DSA members,” argued Connell H. (River Valley). The resolution passed 641 to 551. 

DSA’s party formation will be informed by the “Workers Deserve More” program (R34), which was renewed and amended based on commitments made at the convention. Beyond merely identifying DSA’s political priorities, the Bread & Roses proposal provides an “implementation plan” by committing resources to publicize and enact the program. The program passed by a vote of 900 to 291. A competing program from Marxist Unity Group and Reform & Revolution (R34-A01) failed to garner support.

This party structure and program will soon be put to use. Delegates resolved to create a “Congressional Subcommittee” under DSA’s National Electoral Commission (NEC) to identify viable races in the 2026 congressional midterms, and to “identify, recruit, and support a viable democratic socialist candidate for President” in 2028 (R18; see also CR05-A04 and R33). NEC’s consensus resolution (CR05) prioritizes DSA members as candidates, and establishes a Socialists-In-Office network to “support, organize, and collaborate with DSA members who hold elected government office.” Federal candidates will also be subject to a more robust endorsement process, requiring NPC to meet with candidates and consider input from NEC and members (CR05-A03). 

Labor Solidarity 

Another big question for DSA is our orientation toward labor. Do we focus on bread-and-butter issues, or preparing the working class for revolution? Reform existing unions, or form our own?

The National Labor Commission’s (NLC) consensus resolution (CR10) lays out a labor strategy for the organization. This includes activating union members within DSA, salting workplaces to form new unions, organizing Amazon (see also R40), solidarity with federal workers (CR10-A03), and preparing for the May Day 2028 general strike (see also R30, as amended by R30-A01). It directs material support for the Labor Solidarity Fund and Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC), and commits to “building militant, class-struggle unions” established on democratic principles laid out in the resolution.  

How explicit should DSA make socialist politics when organizing workers? An amendment (CR10-A01) sought to organize unions toward a party program: “If we can talk about bread and butter, then we can talk about socialism too,” said Sara M. (Portland) (Reform & Revolution). While this amendment failed, a resolution committing DSA to running “labor candidates” (R20) was clarified with an amendment (R20-A01) that would “center socialism” within these campaigns. 

DSA is also organizing labor power toward ending the Palestinian genocide. A resolution from the Carnation Program, Labor for an Arms Embargo (R42), directs the NLC to build political pressure for an arms embargo with union support. An amendment proposed by Springs of Revolution (R42-A01) would prioritize organizing workers toward a strike to achieve this purpose. Sarah A. (East Bay) pointed out that “we saw less than one-fourth of the hands in this room raised when asked if [delegates] were in a union.” Palestinian liberation can’t wait for us to build up union capacity for such a strike. A vote on the amendment failed with 35.4%, while the unamended resolution passed by a show of cards. 

International Allies

Ending the genocide was at the top of delegates’ minds. Many of those present wore keffiyehs, and the convention was shadowed with news of further escalation by Israel. 

AOC’s recent vote for Iron Dome funding also played behind the scenes. Representative Rashida Tlaib, the keynote speaker, challenged those who declare themselves progressive on other issues or say they support only ‘defensive’ weapons. “A weapon is a weapon,” declared Tlaib. “You either support ending funding for genocide, or you don’t.” The decision of whether to censure AOC will be left to the new NPC. 

DSA reaffirmed “our unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people in the struggle against Zionist settler colonization, Israeli apartheid, and US imperialism.” A Unified Democratic Socialist Strategy for Palestinian Solidarity (R36) devotes resources toward the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaign, state and local pro-Palestine legislation, student activism, and union trainings. For a Fighting Anti-Zionist DSA (R22), also commits DSA to Stop Fueling Genocide, No Appetite for Apartheid, and Mask Off Maersk to accentuate BDS targeting.

More controversial were R22’s standards for DSA members and electeds—affirming material support for Zionism as an expellable offense. Springs of Revolution motivated R22 to “confirm conclusively that Zionism—responsible for wars and genoide—has no place in the socialist movement.” Fifty-seven chapters had already passed similar resolutions. 

DSA members from Socialist Majority Caucus and Groundwork argued that R22 is more worried about disciplining members than focusing on the actions we need to win, expressing concern that ambiguity in the resolution will be used for politically motivated expulsions. We need to win politicians and members to an anti-Zionist vision, they argued, not expel them. An amendment to remove the expulsion provisions failed. The resolution passed 675 to 524, to an eruption of “Free, Free Palestine.”

What happens after the genocide ends? Should DSA support a one-state solution? A commitment to a “democratic Palestinian state in the whole of historic Palestine, with explicit and enforced protections for all ethnic and religious minorities” (R01) was introduced by Libertarian Socialist Caucus. Competing visions were also proposed. From Springs of Revolution, “a commitment to al-Thawabit, the red lines of the Palestinian people adopted by the Palestinian National Council in 1977” (R01-A01). Another (R01-A02), would align DSA with the “One Democratic State Campaign.” Ultimately, each failed to win support. These are questions for another day.

More broadly, DSA resolved to “build an internationalist party,” passing the International Committee’s Consensus Resolution (CR02), and committing to organize with Progressive International. On Saturday afternoon, a cross-organizational exchange featured representatives from around the world, answering questions on international solidarity, confronting imperialism, and advice for DSA’s internal democracy and direction. These included Patria Grande (Argentina), the Workers Party of Belgium, Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (Brazil), the Workers Party of Brazil, Democratic Socialists of Canada, La France Insoumise, Social Democratic Party (Japan), Morena (Mexico), and International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines. 

The convention closed with messages of solidarity from Cuban Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Carlos Fernández de Cossío Domínguez, and British Member of Parliament Jeremy Corbyn. Corbyn is building a new organization on DSA’s model: action based, democratic, and focused on social justice and equality. The inaugural conference will be held later this year, and the organization will be working with DSA and progressive organizations all over the world, creating “a new Atlantic Alliance”—this one based on peace and justice.

Socialism Beats Fascism

Following the convention, criticism was made that not enough time was spent debating Trump. But we already agree that Trump is bad for the working class, and are aware of his encroachments on our civil rights and shared humanity. Several resolutions focused on Trump passed on the Consent Agenda, including From Palestine to Mexico: Fighting Fascist Attacks on Immigrants (R19), and Fight Fascist State Repression & ICE (R26) (by Springs of Revolution). These resolutions recognize the Trump administration as “an increasingly authoritarian and anti-immigrant regime that has promised and delivered increasingly cruel attacks on migrants to uphold white supremacy, capitalism, and imperialism,” and call to abolish ICE and engage in solidarity with immigrants by distributing know your rights materials, expanding sanctuary city legislation, establishing a Collective Defense Fund, and “prepar[ing] the organization for a national uprising against federal agents and police brutality.”

How does DSA confront fascism? By building a democratic structure that promises the working class an alternative to the status quo or reactionary politics. Americans voted for Trump as the result of Democrats’ political nihilism and a desire for change. But now, “we’re the ones who are building an alternative to our current crisis,” said Co-Chair Ashik S. (Wilmington) (Groundwork). “We’re rebuilding a flame that people tried very hard to extinguish.”

Carrying the Fight Forward

DSA is a mass movement focused on programmatic unity rather than ideological dogma. The new NPC, composed (with one exception) of caucused members, demonstrates our diversity. Megan R. (At-Large) (Red Star) and Ashik S. (Wilmington) (Groundwork) were reelected as Co-Chairs. In addition, the NPC includes four of Groundwork’s seven candidates, four of Socialist Majority Caucus’ seven candidates, four of Springs of Revolution’s five candidates, Marxist Unity Group’s slate of three candidates, three of Bread & Roses’ five candidates, two of Red Star’s four candidates, one of Libertarian Socialist Caucus’ three candidates, Reform & Revolution’s candidate, and one candidate from Carnation Program. YDSA Co-Chairs Daniel S-C. (Florida International University) (Reform & Revolution) and Sara A. (Cornell University) (uncaucused), also hold seats. 

Despite the obvious disagreements represented by these ideological groupings, delegates from the convention left as allies. “Look around you,” said Co-Chair Megan R. (At-Large) (Red Star), “and recognize how much each person contributes to the cause.” The motivation to achieve victory for the working class burned in every soul present at the convention. “Our job is to carry that flame back to our chapters, workplaces, communities, social spaces—and set the whole world on fire. … The future starts now.”

The convention closed with singing; the lyrics of the Internationale reminding us: “the international working class shall free the human race.” In the words of Tlaib, “Our movement isn’t going anywhere, and we’re just getting started.”

The post The Future Starts Now: An Account of the 2025 DSA National Convention first appeared on Rochester Red Star.

Better health, stronger families and fairer spending – all for about 63$ per paycheck

The post Five Interim Policies to Bridge the Healthcare Gap appeared first on Democratic Left.

When the girls of Sugared + Bronzed — a salon chain specializing in spray tanning and sugaring hair removal — first heard about labor unions, we didn’t expect that workers like us could have a union of our own.

The post How Sugared + Bronzed workers won the first salon chain union in the country appeared first on EWOC.

Seattle Democratic Socialists of America stand in firm opposition to the Seattle City Council decision on Tuesday, September 9th 2025 to massively increase video surveillance throughout Downtown Seattle at the behest of the Seattle Police and the encroaching carceral state, in shameless defiance of widespread public outcry against their proposal.

The theory, floated by some Seattle City Councilmembers, that Seattle, or Washington at large, can somehow keep the Trump administration from using local surveillance systems to increase the efficiency of their fascist takeover of the country, is a naive delusion only kept by a cohort of disingenuous politicians that we can now argue are knowingly collaborating with, and encouraging, the local oppressive forces which will undoubtedly have an increased role in the furtherance of Trump’s growing federal police state. 

Just this week, the federal government was given the authority by the Supreme Court to racially profile anyone they wish, giving even more unchecked power to their draconian Immigration & Customs Enforcement raids. These are the conditions under which our local Seattle City Council, made up entirely of Democratic Party politicians, has just decided to give integral pieces of surveillance infrastructure to a federal government they know will use to pursue mass arrests, disappear humans, and further deny our freedom of speech and protest.

Seattle DSA denounces our city council’s collaboration with fascist forces in our society and urges the people of Seattle to hold them to account for their actions. This measure only further reinforces our understanding that nobody will save us but ourselves.

Brazilian political party PSOL reports on the 2025 DSA National Convention and reflects on their participation as invited guests.

The post DSA National Convention Strengthens the Building of the Socialist Left in the United States appeared first on Democratic Left.

Events & Actions

Tuesday, September 9 (8:00 AM – 4:30 PM): ICE Out of SF Courts! (In person at 100 Montgomery)

Tuesday, September 9 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM): Ecosocialist Bi-Weekly Meeting (Zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister)

Wednesday, September 10 (6:45 PM – 9:00 PM): September General Meeting (Zoom and in person at Kelly Cullen Community, 220 Golden Gate)

Thursday, September 11 (5:30 PM – 6:30 PM):  Education Board Open Meeting (Zoom)

Thursday, September 11 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM): Immigrant Justice Court Action Orientation  (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Friday, September 12 (8:00 AM – 4:30 PM): ICE Out of SF Courts! (In person at 100 Montgomery)

Saturday, September 13 (10:00 AM – 2:00 PM):  No Appetite for Apartheid Training and Outreach (Meet at 1916 McAllister)

Saturday, September 13 (11:00 AM – 1:30 PM):  Emergency Tenant Organizing Committee Fall Cohort Training Party (In person at Radical Reading Room, 438 Haight)

Saturday, September 13 (12:45 PM – 4:00 PM): Homelessness Working Group Outreach and Outreach Training (Meet at 1916 McAllister)

Sunday, September 14 (11:00 AM – 1:00 PM):  Physical Education + Self Defense Training (In person at William McKinley Monument)

Monday, September 15 (5:00 PM – 6:30 PM): Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee Fundamentals of Workplace Organizing Training (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Monday, September 15 (6:30 PM – 8:00 PM): Homelessness Working Group Regular Meeting (Zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister)

Monday, September 15 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM): Labor Board Meeting (Zoom)

Tuesday, September 16 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM):  What Is DSA? (In person at Ingleside Branch Library, 1298 Ocean Ave)

Thursday, September 18 (7:30 PM – 9:30 PM): “Housing the City by the Bay: Tenant Activism, Civil Rights and Class Politics in San Francisco” – Tenant Organizing Working Group Reading Group (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Friday, September 19 (7:00 PM – 9:00 PM):  Maker Friday (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Saturday, September 20 (10:30 AM – 12:00 PM): DSA SF x EBDSA: No Space for ICE Canvassing (In person at Lincoln Square Park, 261 11th St., Oakland)

Sunday, September 21 (5:00 PM – 7:00 PM): Capital Reading Group (Zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister)

Sunday, September 21 (5:00 PM – 6:45 PM): Homelessness Working Group Reads Capitalism & Disability… (Zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister)

Monday, September 22 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM): Labor Board x Divestment Priority Meeting (Zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister)

Check out https://dsasf.org/events for more events and updates. Events with a are especially new-member-friendly!

ICE Out of SF Courts!

Join neighbors, activists, grassroots organizations in resisting ICE abductions happening at immigration court hearings! ICE is taking anyone indiscriminately in order to meet their daily quotas. Many of those taken include people with no removal proceedings.

We’ll be meeting every Tuesday and Friday from 8:00 AM to 4:30 PM at Immigration Court at 100 Montgomery. We need all hands on deck. The 8:00 AM to 10:00 AM window is when we most need to boost turnout, but if you can’t make that please come whenever works for you. 1 or 2 hours or the entire time!

Say NO to AB 715!

SAY NO TO AB 715! The California Senate Education Committee will be holding a hearing on AB 715, a very dangerous bill that aims to censor criticism of Israel from K-12 public education across the state. This bill comes straight out of the Heritage Foundation’s Project Esther playbook. Scott Wiener has been pushing this bill for several months now, and it is essential for comrades and allies in the pro-Palestine movement to turn out to oppose this draconian measure.

The hearing will now take place on the week of September 8 at 1021 O St, Sacramento with exact date TBD. We need to be ready to mobilize in large numbers to say NO. If you are able to make this hearing to voice your opposition, please reply to this RSVP.

Tell your reps to vote against AB 715!

AB 715 is an extremely dangerous bill designed to censor any criticism of Israel and education about Palestine in California schools, by framing it as antisemitic.

For instance, AB 715 defines the following things as antisemitic:

• “Language […] denying the right of Israel to exist”
• “Labeling Israel a settler colonial state”
• “Denigration of people who believe Zionism is inherent to Jewish identity”

 We need your help to stop this bill. Follow the steps here to email and call your representatives.

Apartheid-Free Bay Area Canvass This Saturday

On Saturday, September 13 from 10:00 AM to 2:00 PM, we will be doing a training on how to talk to stores in your neighborhood, then going out and talking with stores together! Meet at 1916 McAllister. RSVP here.

No Appetite for Apartheid is a campaign aimed at reducing economic support for Israeli apartheid by canvassing local businesses to boycott Israeli goods. Come and canvass local businesses with the Palestine Solidarity and Anti-Imperialist Working Group!

EWOC: Fundamentals of Workplace Organizing

The Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC) is running a Fundamentals of Workplace Organizing course weekly in September (see below for schedule). Just like we did back in May, we’re getting a group to take the course together and benefit from in-person discussions and activities (at 1916 McAllister). If you’re interested, RSVP here! The goal is to have more people learn organizing skills, both for your own projects and for organizing with EWOC. Sessions run every week from 5:00 PM to 6:30 PM on:

• Monday, September 15
• Monday, September 22
• Monday, September 29

If you have any questions, reach out to labor@dsasf.org.

Court Action Orientation

Come out to the office at 1916 McAllister every Wednesday at 6:00 PM (except Wednesday, September 10 due to the chapter meeting) to help us make signs, learn about how we are resisting ICE, and discover how you can help. It’s a great time to meet like-minded people and ask any questions you might have before court actions!

DSA SF x EBDSA: No Space for ICE Canvassing in Oakland Chinatown

The DSA SF Immigrant Justice Working Group and East Bay DSA Migrant Defense Working Group are leaving No Space for ICE!

Join us on Saturday, September 20, at 10:30 AM in Oakland’s Lincoln Square Park to provide Know Your Rights materials and educate local businesses and religious institutions on their rights in relation to ICE/DHS. This canvass will be EBDSA Migrant Defense’s first in Oakland Chinatown — and DSA SF’s Immigrant Justice is helping out! Meet at the sign for Lincoln Square Park for a brief training before we canvass in pairs or small groups.

Wear DSA merch if you can, or put a DSA pin on a visible part of your clothing.

RSVP here or, if you’d like more details, Contact an organizer via email at immigrantjustice@dsasf.org.

DSA SF Homelessness Working Group Reads: Capitalism & Disability: Selected Writings by Marta Russell

Join DSA SF’s Homelessness Working Group as we read through Capitalism & Disability: Selected Writings by Marta Russell. We’ll be meeting every other Sunday evening starting in September for 4 or 5 sessions at 1916 McAllister. The next session is Sunday, September 21. For more info, register here: bit.ly/martacd and check the events calendar for latest details.

Tech Reading Group with Kickstarter Union Founder Clarissa Redwine

Come join DSA SF and Rideshare Drivers United on Wednesday, September 24 from 6:00 to 8:00 PM at 1916 McAllister for our monthly tech reading group. We’ll be reading an article by Clarissa Redwine about the Kickstarter Union Campaign that started in 2016. Clarissa will also be making an appearance on Zoom to answer questions about her experience. RSVP here!

Behind the Scenes

he Chapter Coordination Committee (CCC) regularly rotates duties among chapter members. This allows us to train new members in key duties that help keep the chapter running like organizing chapter meetings, keeping records updated, office cleanup, updating the DSA SF website and publishing the weekly newsletter. Members can view current CCC rotations.

Interested in helping with the newsletter or other day-to-day tasks that keep the chapter running? Fill out the CCC help form.

Author: Andrew O

It is impossible to organize without a positive vision of the future. Placing a point on the horizon allows us to steer our ship towards that guiding star. I do not speak for the chapter here, but for myself and in hopes of spurring comrades to think about and voice their own visions of what our chapter can and should be. This document outlines what is actively and passively in my mind when I am arguing for or against something in the many debates within our chapter. These goals inform my politics and decisions. I have roughly outlined a long-, medium-, and short- term set of goals for our chapter. These goals are ambitious–as they must be for us to truly change the world.

DSA Cleveland can and should become an organized and independent political party. We should become an organization capable of building and providing mutual and material good for the working class of Northeast Ohio. This ability must be built outside the control of the state and of capital. Our membership must be militant and organized; our chapter democratic, transparent, and politically well-developed.DSA Cleveland is not and cannot simply be the left wing of the Democratic party. We are capable of being an independent party, with our own identity, program, and support base. DSA is uniquely positioned within American politics to become a true opposition party. Our message is a winning message, we have strong theoretical guides to build off, and our base is only limited by our capacity to organize.

Simultaneous to our electoral and reformist goals, it is essential that our chapter is working towards independence from the state. Our goal is not to take over the levers of power. Our goal is to build a new world.  We must create radical structures of mutual care to support our comrades and fellow workers. All of us will be required to build skills in mutual aid and true community defense, whether via food, medicine, shelter, or otherwise.

Building a new world will be the hardest fight any of us have ever seen. In order to weather it together, we must be organized and we must be militant. Each of us must build ourselves and those around us into the leaders we are all capable of being. Worker-leaders will need to be prepared to fight against the state, capital, and the disasters (natural and otherwise) that will put our entire project at risk. It is up to us to organize ourselves into a working class that can stand up to what is to come.

We will only be able to truly organize worker-leaders if we are seeking to be as democratic and transparent as possible. If we are to build a democratic world, we must start now. Member-led, bottom-up democracy cannot survive with incomplete information or an uninformed membership. Discussion and debate must be open and accessible in all ways. Structures must work to preserve the voice of the minority and to increase the general body’s democratic control of the chapter. We must ensure our elected leaders, both inside and outside of the chapter, are accountable to membership both in principle and in fact. Our membership needs to be politically mature and developed so each member has equal control over our organization.

This chapter can be a powerful base born of and built by the working class of Northeast Ohio, but it will not be easy to achieve. Movements like ours have been defeated in nearly every instance they have been built. We have yet to see a single one survive, let alone thrive, within the imperial core. In order to guide our actions, our chapter needs to work together to learn and teach ourselves political theory. We must grow our chapter through the best available methods of organizing. DSA Cleveland’s structures need to ensure our values democracy, transparency, and accountability are protected. This will only be possible if our membership is educated and knowledgeable on the history of these structures as well as the process to change them.

Every person is capable of being a great organizer. We must work together so that each of us reaches this potential. Unlike under capitalism, we want to make ourselves as replaceable as possible. Within our chapter and within our lives, we should constantly seek to organize ourselves, our neighbors, and our comrades. It is our responsibility as comrades to cultivate a wide variety of skills and pass them on as often as we are able. Organizing and teaching are frequently one in the same. For the working class to take over the world, we must make sure that each of us can lead it, together.

The idea of organizing the whole worker, as laid out by Jane McAlevy’s No Shortcuts model of organizing, is the single most effective organizing model I have encountered or tried. It is not infallible, or gospel, nor should it remain fixed and unchanged as we bring it into the various contexts and work that we are doing. It is, however, essential that we are building our organizing from this model if we want to create a truly militant and organized chapter, organization, and working class. The No Shortcuts model is frequently a lot of work, time, and energy. Not to put too fine a point on it, organizing itself is hard and there is no way to shortcut the process. If we are to build a truly organized working class that extends outside of self-selecting activists, we must do the hard work of organizing ourselves first.

To ensure we are making the best use of our capacity, our tactics, and our time, we must base our organizing, our work, and our politics in a political theory. It is our responsibility as socialists to actively cultivate and examine our own theory of politics. We must read, argue, and live our theories of politics together. Theory cannot be learned in isolation. Theory is not simply words in a book. Learning theory is, in and of itself, part of the radical work to win the future. We are each already working from our own theoretical base, whether or not we have examined it. We must come together and have our political theories debate, clash, and build our chapter. 

To guide and instruct the ways we enact our theories and have our debates, as well as to ensure our chapters’ interests in democracy, transparency, and accountability are upheld, we must work to build structures that will withstand bad actors, both those intentionally seeking to harm our chapter and those unaware that they are doing so. It is a fact that any group seeking to change the world will encounter infiltrators and bad actors. This does not mean we should seek to find these individuals, rather we should put structures in place that are better than us, less fallible than us, and structures will be able to be upheld as we continue to grow and change as an organization. These structures should strike the difficult balance between being robust enough to withstand attacks on the democracy of our organization, but flexible enough that they can be changed as needed. 

Structures are not the only method to ensuring our chapter’s democracy, transparency, and accountability is upheld, rather they are one of the tools that we have. Building a culture that values these ideals and taking steps to make sure that each member is educated and knowledgeable on the history of our chapter, our goals, and these structures will give them an understanding of why the chapter is shaped the way it is. Our chapter is built of many decisions made by members, and it can be changed and rebuilt in the same way. Members should be empowered to seek changes to our chapter as they see fit. This will ensure each member has as much ownership and control over the chapter as any other member.

In order to achieve the medium- and long-term goals laid out above, DSA Cleveland needs to realign the chapter’s dedication and support for our priority projects. We must continue the progress made in Membership Committee and bring this same system of engagement to our Education and Communications Committees. Our Priority Projects and Committees must integrate themselves into mutually supportive work. Finally, each priority we take on must move us towards our ambitious electoral and material goals.

Our chapter was in one of our most successful and sustained periods of growth during the Cleveland Housing Organizing Project (CHOP) priority project. There were many external factors for this, but also a good number of internal factors. This priority project built much of what Cleveland DSA is today. The level of commitment to the project was unlike anything our chapter has done since. Some of this was the lack of things to do in person during the lockdowns, much of this was the availability of repeatable work with predictable schedules within the project, but the fact that the chapter truly took this on as a priority cannot be ignored in the success of the CHOP Priority Project.

Our committees must be integrated with our Priority Projects to carry our mutually beneficial work. To use Membership Committee as an example, as it is what I am most familiar with, we have seen great successes this year. The membership pipeline has been rebuilt into the most effective form I have ever seen thanks to the hard work of Chad and the rest of member committee. We cannot simply be organizing members that sign up for new member one on ones and pointing them towards our projects, though. Instead we must make the work of our committees and priorities inexorable from each other. We must work to build a parallel membership pipeline into our priority projects. We must have trained and experienced organizers built into all levels of our work. This will allow us to build the engagement and capacity of both our Membership Committee and Our Priority Projects. Our Education and Communications Committees should seek to build similar methods of integration with our projects and with each other. 

Finally, DSA Cleveland must build Priority Projects that lead us to our goals. Our chapter has an appetite for electoral work and for mutual aid work. That appetite in and of itself is not enough for us to take on this work. It is important that we take on this work because building skills in these areas are essential for us to build the future we want. We cannot take on priority work merely because the work is good or worthy of being done. Our capacity is limited, but as we build and organize towards a shared positive vision, we will grow, our capacity will grow, and our ability to affect change will grow. 

The membership of DSA Cleveland must treat each Priority Project as a step to build the skills of membership, the experience of the chapter, and the capacity we have. Taking each project as a definite step towards our goals will make it easier for us to take on bigger and more varied work in the future. Right now our capacity is limited. Our chapter has not yet successfully run two simultaneous Priority Projects. When we are able to string together several properly supported projects, we will grow our capacity and will need to add more projects to properly organize membership. If we squander our capacity and burn members out without building towards our goals, we will remain at our current size and ability, or worse.

I want to build a DSA Cleveland and a DSA that can take on the world. I want to ensure we, the working class of Northeast Ohio, build the future we want for ourselves. I have great ambitions for this chapter and am sure that we can build it into something great and powerful. If this vision of the future resonates with you, work with me so we can build it together.

1.  At the 2025 DSA National Convention, we adopted the Principles for Party-Building resolution. This resolution is an excellent framework for us to use as we pursue our electoral goals. I want to call special attention to points two, five, and eight.
2.  Northeast Ohio is our chapter’s area of operation, but our struggle is a global one and we cannot lose sight of that.
3.  We must build a concrete set of goals for our chapter and our organization. These goals are what we will fight for and implement when we win power. Our big tent–which brings us strength through a diversity of thought and perspective–can be raised over these points and debate over how to pursue and achieve them can flourish.
4.  You can read the chapter’s PDF copy in our drive. I believe it is essential reading for our organizers.

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Markus Sokol represented Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) at the 2025 DSA National Convention and discussed the challenges facing left-wing organizations against the rise of fascism and the far right around the world.

The post Partido dos Trabalhadores Participates in the DSA Convention in the USA appeared first on Democratic Left.

Even before Donald Trump became president for a second time and began enacting a systematic attack on LGBTQ+ people—trans and nonbinary people especially—their lives and rights were at risk. Across the U.S., state after state under GOP leadership has begun doing everything they can to strip away hard-earned rights to privacy, personhood, and life-saving, gender-affirming care. 

Trans and nonbinary folks are some of the most vulnerable in our society to homelessness, lower wages, mental illness, workplace discrimination, violence, and suicidal ideation. The anti-trans rhetoric and policies that have surged in recent years have only made things more dire. 

As a result, the Cleveland DSA chapter decided to do something to protect trans and nonbinary comrades in our organization and the community at large. Enter the Trans Liberation Priority Project.

Our Vision

Started in 2025, the Trans Liberation Priority Project of the Cleveland DSA’s strategic vision is to: 

• Pass a Trans Sanctuary City resolution in the cities of Cleveland and Lakewood similar to resolutions passed in other cities like Cincinnati and Cleveland Heights that will deprioritize the enforcement of any laws that would harm trans people such as laws penalizing the provision of gender-affirming care.

• Provide support and resources to the trans community in Cleveland DSA’s region.
• Work towards developing organized, sustained, militant, anti-capitalist trans politics in and around Cleveland.

Recap

Cleveland DSA recently reauthorized our trans rights work in August for a second term. This term will be building on the work we did over the course of that first term which included: 

• Hosting clothing swaps where anyone in the community could donate and/or pick up clothing
• Running a Name Change Clinic where community members were able to receive legal aid as well as financial aid to file Name Changes and amend Gender Marker documentation.
• Organizing 2 fundraising events where we raised $1190

In our first month of this new term we’ve hit the ground running with our efforts for the Sanctuary City Resolution by collecting over 700 signatures from the community in support of our resolution. We’ve also begun mobilizing members and the community to the Lakewood City Council meetings to keep the pressure on our elected officials to pass this resolution. We have also started ramping up our collaboration with other local nonprofit and activist groups that are also working to protect trans and nonbinary rights.

What’s Next?

The fight is far from over. We aim to continue to do everything we can to push the Trans Sanctuary City resolution in Lakewood and eventually, through working alongside other organizations and local government reps, the City of Cleveland. We will canvas and collect signatures in support of trans sanctuary legislation in our region, continue organizing other mutual aid events, and spreading literature about trans rights throughout local municipalities. 

Now is the time to act—are you ready to join us? 

The post Trans Liberation Priority Project: Protecting Lives and Rights of a Community Under Threat appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.