This year Portland DSA joined Portland’s Pride parade for the first time. We decided as a chapter that we wanted to show up at the annual event in solidarity with struggles for working-class queer and trans justice, and to give our members an opportunity to gather together, to march and to show the city what it is that we are fighting for, and not just what we are fighting against. As an organization we believe that the right of people to live their own lives, and to both love who they want and be who they desire, is paramount. In our daily organizing in the city of Portland, we affirm our debt to the struggles or queer and trans people throughout history, and we celebrate the legacy of queer organizers and activists who have fought for all forms of justice. Those organizers showed solidarity with people facing every kind of oppression and exploitation, from gender to sexuality, through race and ethnicity and national origin, to where all exploitation comes together in the fight for economic and class justice against the toxic priorities of the rich and their servants. The members of Portland DSA take inspiration from those struggles in our efforts to imagine and build a better world. This year we wanted to make that inspiration more public than we have in the past- and to show Portland that there are people out there willing to fight.

In the contemporary climate of political disaster, and with a triumphalist right-wing energy in full control of federal power, what is sorely lacking is any kind of coherent opposition. Everyone not part of the grim authoritarian structures of power feels that lack, as they watch the structures of civil society erode and see the marginal guarantees that this society has offered its citizens crumbling in front of them. People feel powerless in the face of cataclysm, and in large part that is because there seems to be nobody with any power who is willing to take the fight to where it is needed.The Democratic Party at both national and state levels has abdicated its role as opposition to the Trump administration, and has shown itself fully captured by the priorities of the rich. Unable to resist a galling complicity in the genocide of the Palestinian people, the Democratic establishment is drifting rudderless in the turmoil of a political system tearing itself apart. Nationally we see this in the failure of Democratic leaders to offer any resistance to the trashing of federal systems by Elon Musk’s DOGE, nor to the decimation of social services or the unleashing of a militarized deportation infrastructure intent on ethnically cleansing the nation. Locally it appears in the form of a Governor who seeks to overturn democratically won victories like Preschool For All, simply because the tax it levies on her rich friends forces them to acknowledge the debt they owe to this society. The fact that Governor Kotek identifies as queer shows that there is nothing inherently radical about the identities that Pride celebrates, and that without a commitment to justice across the spectrum, including economic justice, there is nothing truly progressive about queer people in power. The rich think they owe us nothing, and that they can wave concessions to queer and trans justice in front of us to get us to shut up, go away and go home. But we will never shut up. And we will never forget what they owe us. It was us, after all, who made them rich. 

 In the months leading up the event, the chapter’s Art Department organized several events to create a suite of visual tools to represent the organization in the Parade, with the goal of making the DSA presence at the parade one of the largest contingents. We used slogans that have been employed at the national level within DSA and in the struggles of our allies in the union movement (shoutout to Starbucks Workers United!) to create banners that read “Be Gay and Organize” and a stack of fifty screen-printed signs reading “No Trans Bans, No Abortion Bans, No Genocide”. Members printed the images on fabric, assembled the signs, and painted the banners- we also created 6 oversized cardboard and papermaché fists, painted in the rainbow colors of queer struggle. 

On the day of the event we gathered at our assigned spot, and waited for our signal to start. We counted more than 120 members in our block, and as the parade got rolling three of the 4 DSA City Councilors showed up to jump in the bed of the small Kei truck leading the contingent- Tiffany Koyama Lane, Angelita Morillo, and Sameer Kanal were joined by Tammy Carpenter of the Beaverton School District, all members in good standing of the largest Socialist organization in the country (the fourth DSA councilor, Mitch Green, had to sit this one out with an injury).

We were loud, and we were large. We were one of the most numerous contingents in the parade, far outnumbering the Multnomah County Democrats; and as we marched, we chanted, and we yelled our commitment to justice for queer and trans lives, and for all the ways in which the fight for the future connects. We saw the crowd chanting with us as we passed along the street, waving our oversized fists and with DSA and Palestine flags fluttering overhead. “Gay Straight Trans Bi- all our hearts are Red Inside” “One Struggle, One Fight- Workers of the World Unite” and a surprise favorite celebrating the things that bottoms and tops can agree on. It was a joyful spectacle, and having our members who have been elected to city government leading the chants showed the crowds lining the avenue that there is in fact someone willing to stand up and fight for them, for us, for everyone. It is time for queer and trans justice, and it is time to get organized. The fight is on, and DSA is here to win it.

The post Be Gay and Organize! Portland DSA in the Pride Parade 2025 appeared first on Portland DSA.

By: Mohammad Zaini

The following article represents the opinion of the author and does not necessarily represent the views of The Detroit Socialist or Metro Detroit DSA as a whole.

At the July General Meeting of Metro Detroit DSA, we were presented with a ballot measure campaign called “Michigan for the Many,” which, in partnership with a large coalition of NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations, or nonprofits), seeks to pass two key pieces of legislation via ballot measure:

1. Invest in MI Kids: A campaign to impose a 5% surcharge on the wealthiest 1% to fund Michigan’s public schools, which are severely underfunded and at risk of losing billions in federal support.
2. Michiganders for Money Out of Politics: A campaign to ban regulated utilities like DTE and Consumers Energy, as well as government contractors like Blue Cross Blue Shield, from spending money to influence our political process.

These measures seem like fine things to agitate for on the surface, but I believe that this sort of campaign reinforces a dangerous notion: working with NGOs in this specific capacity, goes against the fundamental idea that we in DSA are trying to build a socialist movement and, more importantly, a socialist party.

Before continuing to my critiques, I want to say that my intention is not to tear anyone down; I firmly believe criticism is how our organization can grow stronger and I welcome anyone to critique any resolution I put forward in the future. Without a critical eye we risk becoming stiff and doctrinaire, and as socialists who live in an era as dynamic as the 21st century, we should endeavor to be anything but. However, my aim is not only to critique, as I’ve included my alternative vision for what these sorts of ballot campaigns should look like.

To start, what is an NGO? And what does it mean to say “It’s dangerous to work with NGOs”? When I use the term NGO, I’m using it in a very specific way, as outlined by Ramsin Canon in his article “Ultraliberalism: The Dominant Tendency of the Left.” NGOs in this context are “policy groups and think tanks, community-based organizations, organizing nonprofits, and, to a certain degree, social service providers, the ‘civic sector’ of the NGO industry.”

These NGOs can do some real good within their communities, but are simply not willing to go to the lengths necessary to solve any given civil issue. More often than not, solving social ills would mean eliminating a source of potential revenue and potential grants/funding for the organization, as NGOs are an industry, not a charity.

In addition, NGOs are more often than not undemocratic organizations, and that does not reflect the values of DSA, where members are free to vote on the direction of our organization.

Many in our organization see no problem with making a temporary alliance with these organizations. What this line of thinking fails to take into account is that we are not simply a group of concerned citizens who are trying to enact marginal change within the capitalist system (which is essentially what an NGO does). Rather, we intend to build a socialist party, an organization that seeks to create more socialists by revealing to the people the contradictions that exist within capital, and from that point on, build a political movement that can overthrow the capitalist system.

This goal runs counter to the aims of NGOs, and as such, it is more harmful for our aims to associate ourselves with these groups, as any legislation or measure that they propose would be inherently bourgeois and liberal.

What does it mean for something to be bourgeois and liberal? These are words frequently thrown about in socialist circles and carry a vaguely negative connotation. However, my use of the words “bourgeois” and “liberal” is a specific and pointed description of the role of NGOs in modern capitalist society. For something to be bourgeois, it must support and maintain the role of the bourgeoisie, which is the owner or capitalist class. For something to be liberal, it must maintain the capitalist order and have a worldview that views the capitalist system as the end state of human economic development.

When taken together, these terms “bourgeois” and “liberal” are meant to drive the point that the NGO is not interested in changing the status quo. This, however, begs the question: What is the point of DSA being in coalition with these “champions of stagnation” if our ultimate aim is the overthrow and replacement of the capitalist mode of production with a socialist mode of production? This is a question that we, as socialists, must ask ourselves when considering these “partnerships.”

If hypothetically, an NGO proposed legislation that contained within it a loophole, while in “coalition” we would have no power to exert pressure on them because they are unaccountable and undemocratic institutions. Meanwhile, if the process for drafting this piece of legislation were democratic, then we could debate and resolve this loophole, and if it turns out that we as an organization were wrong about the loophole, we could educate one another about the language through a democratic and deliberative process. This is something that the undemocratic NGO would not give us a chance to do. The undemocratic “coalition partner” would not allow this because it would not be in the interest of the bourgeoisie to allow working people input on their legislation, making it potentially more radical than is convenient for their bourgeois backers, thus proving its essentially liberal character.

In addition to this, the legislation proposed has, according to my knowledge, not yet been endorsed by the big Michigan teachers’ unions, which, if I can make a small inference, shows me that they may see flaws in this legislation. This, however, perfectly demonstrates my larger point: that when working with an NGO, we have no control over the language of the laws they seek for us to promote, which makes us less of a “coalition partner” and more of a subordinate.

The problem with us taking a subordinate role in this “coalition” is that we cede our organizational independence to them when we choose to work on their terms. While working with them, we cannot change or alter the messaging attached to the ballot measures, as that is under the sole purview of the NGO. From the perspective of an NGO, we in DSA are meant to merely be a labor force that knocks on doors and collects signatures for the NGO’s political goals.

My vision, and I’m sure many others’ vision for DSA does not align with this trajectory, as it brings us nowhere near building an independent socialist party, and I believe it to be against the will of the membership for us to work “subordinate” to these groups.

I have heard the argument that even working with NGOs in a “subordinate” role can have its benefits and that the legislation we aim to pass is immaterial, with the most important thing about this campaign being that we go out to the people and talk to them about DSA. Oftentimes, when hearing the defense of this point, I hear references to the Zohran Mamdani campaign and how it massively increased the size of New York DSA, and how we could achieve similar results through a grand campaign. I believe that this creates a false equivalence between the Zohran campaign and “Michigan For The Many,” as Zohran was a socialist cadre product of DSA, so a victory for Zohran is seen as a DSA victory because he was a 100% DSA project. On the other hand, who is behind “Michigan For The Many”? They are a coalition of NGOs that we know essentially nothing about when it comes to their internal structure or where they’re receiving funding.

A victory in this ballot initiative will not be seen as a victory for DSA; it will be seen as a victory for this NGO coalition. DSA will simply be the group of people who did the grunt work. While this can help a little bit in terms of recruitment, it’s nowhere near the growth we would experience if we passed legislation created by DSA members, approved democratically by DSA members, and then fought for by DSA members.

Then, what is the alternative? What is MD-DSA to do instead of working with an NGO? I believe that this is a tremendously easy problem to solve for those of us who conceive of DSA as an organization that intends to become a party. I want the membership to determine the destiny we take! The membership should draft the legislation we wish to put on the ballot, and then we could all, as a socialist organization, vote on the measures we believe best align with the interests of the working people of Michigan. We can write our legislation and lead our campaign, working for ourselves and the people of Michigan, without having to worry about modifying our rhetoric for a liberal crowd. In addition to this, we can work in cooperation with local unions to get things that actual working people want to be voted on!

In short, here are my critiques and solutions to the problem of using an NGO as a partner in this campaign and future campaigns:

Critiques:

• Working with an NGO in this way runs ideologically counter to the aims of DSA.
• Working with an NGO in this way cedes our organizational independence and capacity to organize in our independent way.
• Working with an NGO in this way does not allow us control over what type of legislation we want to agitate around, and does not give us the ability to amend the language in any piece of legislation they would have us agitate around.

Solutions:

• DSA should lead any agitational campaign in Michigan: Only we, the Democratic Socialists of America, can reveal to the Michigan electorate the contradictions of capital and transform the currently unaligned Michigan working class into a strong socialist bloc. NGOs are welcome to aid in this, but we cannot be used as mere foot soldiers for the campaigns of others.
• All DSA campaigns should be drafted and approved by the members: We in DSA believe that the membership is the supreme decision-making body. As such it stands to reason that we the members should draft and put forward legislation that would make it on the ballot, with the full support of our friends in the local unions to ensure that anything we do agitate on is worker-supported.

I would like to share my vision for how MD-DSA should approach ballot measures in the future, in a way that is consistent with our socialist values. Going forward, I would like all members in the chapter who have NGO experience to use the knowledge and resources they’ve gained over the years for the benefit of our socialist organization. We could establish a ballot initiative committee comprising members with NGO experience. This committee would be responsible for educating the chapter about the process of getting a law on the ballot. This committee could also research key issues in Michigan and flag them as potential issues that a ballot campaign could be crafted from. This committee would also be responsible for maintaining and creating relationships with friendly law firms that could help with language and aid in arguing against challenges made to us from conservative lobbying groups. This committee could work in cooperation with similar committees across the state to try and cohere a vision for a future ballot initiative.

The findings of this committee would then be presented at a massive Michigan convention where Michigan DSA Chapters and unions would send representatives to write, debate, and deliberate upon measures based on the information that the committee presents. Then all initiatives approved by this massive convention would then be turned into DSA-led statewide campaigns that could then show the working people of Michigan that DSA is the party that stands for the working class. When we achieve victory in these future DSA-led campaigns, it will position DSA as the leading representatives of the working class and thus move us further along the path that will turn this organization into a party. I believe that this vision is a true fulfillment of the oft-repeated phrase in DSA, “The last will become the first, and the first will become the last.”

My view is summarized in this tweet: “Being a socialist means believing that the working class can, should, and must govern ourselves. And for me, that means having absolute faith in the capacity of ordinary people. Anything else is a dead end.” How can we seriously advocate for a society run by workers, for workers, if we outsource everything to NGOs? If MD-DSA does not endeavor to follow the suggestions made in this article, then we will never become a true party, but merely in the thralls of the Democratic Party and their corporate benefactors. We must prove to the people in this nation that we can create positive change as a socialist organization, and the people must see this change coming from DSA rather than just another NGO.

Viewpoint: Opposition to NGOs in the Context of the “Michigan for the Many” Ballot Measure Campaign was originally published in The Detroit Socialist on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

On July 29, 2024, Christiana Porter, a 34-year-old Black single mother and domestic violence survivor, was brutally attacked in broad daylight by SFPD Officer Josh McFall. Without warning, Officer McFall slammed Christiana’s head against a wall so hard that she suffered a concussion and a separated shoulder, apparently for “walking while Black” in a city that uses policing as a weapon against the poor, the unhoused, and our Black and Brown neighbors.

Despite there being video evidence of Ofc. McFall’s actions, the City and County of San Francisco has denied Christiana’s claim and refused to take accountability for wrongdoing, further traumatizing Christiana and furthering SFPD’s culture of racialized violence and impunity. The City and SFPD have not apologized to Christiana, nor have they taken disciplinary action against the officer involved, nor issued a public statement of concern about this incident.

This is not an isolated incident. This is one of the main things that policing was designed to do: control, harm, and silence Black people. The roots of American policing can be traced back to slave patrols, and this history continues to shape how policing disproportionately targets, controls, and harms Black communities. Porter has since filed a lawsuit against the City, citing excessive use of force and the lasting trauma she has endured.

As socialists, we are committed to dismantling the system of state repression that continues to harm the most vulnerable while shielding its enforcers from consequence. At our 2025 Annual Convention, DSA SF unanimously passed a resolution demanding justice for Christiana Porter and full accountability from the City and SFPD. You can read the text of the full resolution at dsasf.org/porter-resolution. 

DSA SF stands in unwavering solidarity with Christiana Porter and all those impacted by racist policing, and will continue to organize and fight alongside communities demanding dignity, safety, and accountability.

Events & Actions

Tuesday, July 29 (8:00 AM – 4:30 PM) ICE out of SF courts! (In person at 100 Montgomery) 

Tuesday, July 29 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM) Ecosocialist Bi-Weekly Meeting (Zoom or in person at 1916 McAllister) 

Wednesday, July 30 (6:45 PM – 8:30 PM) Tenant Organizing Working Group Meeting (In person at 438 Haight) 

Thursday, July 31 (5:30 PM – 6:30 PM) Education Board Open Meeting (Zoom) 

Thursday, July 31 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM) Electoral Board Meeting (In person at 1916 McAllister) 

Thursday, July 31 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM) Immigrant Justice Office Hour (Zoom) 

Saturday, August 2 (12:45 PM – 4:00 PM) Homelessness Working Group Outreach and Outreach Training (In person at 1916 McAllister) 

Saturday, August 2 (1:00 PM – 3:00 PM) No Appetite for Apartheid Consumer Pledge Canvass (Meet at 18th St & Dolores) 

Sunday, August 3 (5:00 PM – 7:00 PM) Capital Reading Group (Zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister) 

Monday, August 4 (6:00 PM – 7:00 PM) Socialist In Office (SIO) Subcommittee Regular Meeting (Zoom)

Monday, August 4 (6:30 PM – 8:00 PM) Homelessness Working Group Regular Meeting (Zoom and in person at 1916 McAllister) 

Monday, August 4 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM) Labor Board Meeting (Zoon) 

Tuesday, August 5 (8:00 AM – 4:30 PM) ICE out of SF courts! (In person at 100 Montgomery) 

Tuesday, August 5 (6:30 PM – 7:30 PM) SF Public Bank Reading Group (In person at 1916 McAllister) 

Wednesday, August 6 (6:30 PM – 9:00 PM) New Member Happy Hour (In person at Zeitgeist, 199 Valencia) 

Thursday, August 7 (6:00 PM – 7:30 PM) Electoral Board Meeting (In person at 1916 McAllister) 

Thursday, August 7 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM) Immigrant Justice Working Group Meeting (Zoom) 

Sunday, August 10 (11:00 AM – 1:00 PM) Physical Education and Self Defense Training (In person at William McKinley Monument, Panhandle) 

Monday, August 11 (6:00 PM – 8:00 PM) Tenderloin Healing Circle (In person at Kelly Cullen Community, 220 Golden Gate) 

Monday, August 11 (7:00 PM – 8:00 PM) Labor Board x SF EWOC Local Meeting (In person at 1916 McAllister)

Check out https://dsasf.org/events for more events and updates. Events with a are especially new-member-friendly!

Apartheid-Free Bay Area Consumer Canvass

Let’s build public support for the BDS movement and our local businesses that have pledged to go apartheid-free in support of Palestine. This Saturday, August 2 from 11:00 AM-1:00 PM, we’ll meet at Dolores Park near 18th St and Dolores.

We will first train you, and then you will put that training into practice by collecting signatures in Dolores Park.

ICE Out of SF Courts!

Join neighbors, activists, grassroots organizations in resisting ICE abductions happening at immigration court hearings! ICE is taking anyone indiscriminately in order to meet their daily quotas. Many of those taken include people with no removal proceedings.

We’ll be meeting every Tuesday from 8:00 a.m. to 4:30  p.m. at Immigration Court at 100 Montgomery. We need all hands on deck, even if you can only participate for 1 or 2 hours.

Public Bank Discussion Group

What is a Public Bank? How can it help solve climate and housing problems? How can we make it happen in SF? Join us from 6:30 PM-7:30 PM on Tuesday, August 5 at 1916 McAllister. We will be discussing the short article “How Public Banks Can Help Finance a Green and Just Energy Transformation” by Thomas Marois. We recommend the reading, but it’s totally fine to attend if you didn’t get to it! We will then be discussing current public bank efforts in San Francisco, as well as the best way for DSA to get involved. RSVP to let us know you’ll attend and get access to the reading.

Support the Blue Bottle Independent Union

Nestlé is one of the biggest corporations in the world charged with decades of human rights violations in the global south. They’re now in our backyard intimidating baristas with surveillance, firing, and bad-faith bargaining. Recently, baristas in four Bay Area locations of Nestlé-owned Blue Bottle presented management with a super majority of union cards and demanded voluntary recognition. Instead, Blue Bottle fired one of the organizers, B.B. Young. This comes at an especially bad time for B.B. since their husband was also recently laid off.

Blue Bottle workers are asking for our support

• Donate at this GoFundMe page 
• Sign the petition to demand that the company voluntarily recognize the Blue Bottle Independent Union
• Join the Blue Bottle Independent Union email list  or follow on Instagram to stay in touch
• If you are an employee of Blue Bottle, fill out this intake form to get involved with organizing the union at your own store

Reports

As Gaza is Starved, We Must Take Action

Even after nearly 22 months of ongoing U.S.-backed, Israeli-led genocide in Gaza and as settler violence ramps up in the West Bank, we are seeing Palestinians on the brink of mass starvation. Last week, the Palestine Solidarity and Anti-Imperialist working group (PSAI) participated in a slew of Bay Area demonstrations and actions to make it clear: no business as usual while the ruling class profits off genocide. From confronting Boston Consulting Group’s direct role in profiting of their malicious Gaza “Humanitarian” Fund which uses distribution sites to trap and kill Palestinians, to demanding aid be let in to Gaza at Alex Padilla’s office, we also took time to canvas signatures for our No Appetite for Apartheid pledge at an event featuring Mohammed El-Kurd on his book Perfect Victims (quote below). Ready to take part? Join the #palestine-solidarity Slack channel or come to our meetings Thursdays at 5:30 PM. 

“We reject our complicity in this bloodshed… The moment demands that we renew our commitment to the truth, unflinchingly, unabashedly, cleverly…Such bravery is asked of us now, not when gardens grow over our martyrs’ graves, not when the debris is swept up and sculpted into memorials, and not when the bloodied press vests of our fallen journalists rest eternally in shadow boxes… Because Gaza cannot fight the empire on its own.” – Mohammed El-Kurd, Perfect Victims

Social Housing Reading Group

The Ecosocialist Working Group, in conjunction with the Electoral Board, held a discussion on what municipal social housing could look like in San Francisco. 25 attendees, including 10 non-members, responded to an SF Berniecrats policy brief and last year’s feasibility report by the Budget and Legislative Analyst, commissioned by comrade and then-supervisor Dean Preston. We had a wide-ranging conversation that touched on income mix, feasibility, and political strategy.

Stay tuned for the next social housing event! To get involved, join the #ecosocialism Slack channel, or reach out to ecosocialist@dsasf.org.

Socialist in Office Update

Our own socialist-in-office and DSA member Jackie Fielder won two hard-earned victories to mitigate the harms of the billionaires’ agenda and the city administration’s relentless attacks on the poor and working class.

• Led by the homeless families themselves, Faith in Action, and the Coalition on Homelessness, Jackie  also fought to extend the shelter Length of Stay Policy for families winning provisions for unlimited extensions of up to 90-days (versus the current 3 30-days extension allotted) and ensures that families have access to due process to prevent unnecessary shelter evictions.
• Jackie’s office also  successfully negotiated restorations of $30 million to house homeless families and transitional aged youth, and $9 million to house homeless adults in the City’s Prop C allocation – important funding towards affordable housing, which was initially slated to be allocated entirely to temporary shelter by the Lurie administration

These actions demonstrate DSA SF’s and Jackie’s commitment to fight back against the city’s policies that continually criminalize poverty and reward the rich and corporations at the expense of the poor and working class. These harmful policies expand austerity measures and defund social safety nets like secure housing for all people, regardless of class or income.

Despite our recent wins, the only way to break the cycle of homelessness and poverty is by fighting for a socialist system which builds an economy that meets the needs of working people. To discuss more how to bring about socialist realities in the electoral realm, join the Electoral Board every Thursday at 6:00 PM to 7:30 PM; and to discuss how to better coordinate with the socialist-in-office, join the SIO subcommittee meeting on Monday from 6:00 PM to 7:00 PM.

Behind the Scenes

The Chapter Coordination Committee (CCC) regularly rotates duties among chapter members. This allows us to train new members in key duties that help keep the chapter running like organizing chapter meetings, keeping records updated, office cleanup, updating the DSA SF website and publishing the weekly newsletter. Members can view current CCC rotations.

Interested in helping with the newsletter or other day-to-day tasks that keep the chapter running? Fill out the CCC help form.

by J. Noble

Whether you’re a parent wanting a safer protest experience for your children or someone who gets overwhelmed in a crowd, the outer circle of a protest can be a perfect spot for those who want to show their support

This weekend, I white-knuckled the steering wheel as I travelled down the winding road of I-5, past the Nisqually River and the lush evergreens, and into Olympia. Despite being a Washington native, I had visited here for the very first time only a couple of weeks ago for Zine Fest. After enjoying the bustling (and very queer) energy of this event, and visiting the pier and the Olympia Farmers Market, I felt confident that I could return again. I just wasn’t expecting to return so soon.

Alongside my coworker, who lives in Olympia, and their child, we attended June 14th’s No Kings protest in Olympia, “a nationwide day of defiance,” against the Trump administration’s acts of authoritarianism, says the official No Kings webpage. This was the third, and biggest, protest that I attended, and after learning about the importance of having a buddy from a protest safety webinar, I thought it best that if I was going to attend, I should go with someone I knew.

My coworker’s spouse drove us near the state capital, and, with our handwritten signs, we made our way towards the heart of the protest. My coworker held their child’s hand as we weaved our way through the growing crowd, staying on the periphery to scope out the scene.

Having a child present with us, my coworker and I had a mutual understanding that we wanted to keep our action at the protest as safe as possible. We ended up on the side of a major street where protestors held signs and waved at drivers. With an open spot, we joined in, and spent most of our time there. During this action, I thought about how accessible and beginner-friendly this portion of a protest is.

The side of the road is a perfect spot for those who want to be physically present at a protest but have circumstances that may prevent them from being in the thick of a sea of people. For families with young children, especially, it is a prime spot for safety while still making your voice heard. Children can have fun making their own signs and waving at drivers, most of whom will wave back or honk their horns in solidarity, all while parents can rest assured that there is a more accessible escape route should anything arise.

If resistance from police or counterprotestors takes place, those on the margins will usually be the first to know. On one hand, this can be risky, but being in this area puts more eyes on the perimeter of the protest, creating an atmosphere of those who can quickly spread the word to those on the inside.

This is also an optimal spot for those with disabilities. Wheelchair users, for example, may have an easier time moving around on the sidewalk if the main protest area is on a bumpy or grassy surface. Alongside those who get overwhelmed by crowds, the sidewalk can also provide an easier exit if you need to take a break.

And who knows? Maybe you’ll get to laugh at a Cybertruck or two passing by.

Another, often overlooked, part of any protest is the organizer tables. No Kings Olympia had multiple booths of different organizations spreading awareness of the work that they do, handing out pamphlets and stickers, and collecting donations. This can get people familiar with the resources available in their area, and potentially inspire them to get involved in something more than just a single protest.

While being on the margins of a protest includes some notable features, that does not mean that caution and discernment should be thrown out the window. No matter where you are in a protest, remember to get to know the area you are in and to be aware of exit routes. Stay aware of your surroundings at all times by keeping your head on a swivel, and, if possible, bring a friend (or two! Or three!). Get clear on what each of you are able or willing to do at the protest, and create a plan of action if your team gets separated, such as having a meetup spot to regroup.

Towards the end of our time at the protest, the three of us decided to take a quick walk-through. We passed by people of all ages, some wearing big cat costumes, some wearing black bloc, or just in their regular street clothes. Many people flooded the state capitol steps and yelled out chants, but many were also perusing booths, mingling with other protestors, or sitting in the grass.

We are more powerful in numbers, and we all protest differently. If we understand that and make an active effort to create a space that is more accessible to everyone, then we would be unstoppable.

by Audrey Widner

On Tuesday, June 24, the nation watched in awe as Zohran Mamdani soared to victory in New York City’s Democratic mayoral primary election on the wings of radical, unheard of ideas like… making big business pay fair taxes and granting workers a living wage. 

Jokes aside–with people all over the country struggling to find housing, pay their rent, and avoid landlord exploitation, it’s no wonder that Mamdani’s bold platform for housing resonated with New Yorkers.

That same night, on the opposite coast in our very own Grit City, renters and working class Tacomans also won a major victory in the fight for housing. Tacoma may not have a fashion week or more than one place in town to get a decent bagel, but we agree with New York on something more important: the fact that everyone deserves a stable and safe place to live. 

Thanks to the incredible organizing work of Tacoma for All and a coalition of more than a dozen labor and community partners, Tacoma City Council couldn’t ignore the voices of our community. Our collective power led to the council adopting bold amendments to the One Tacoma: Comprehensive Plan, which guides the city’s policies and direction for the next 25 years. These two amendments further commit the city to tenant protections passed by voters in 2023, as well as open the door for an innovative housing model to meet the needs of our current and future neighbors. 

This victory wouldn’t have been possible without the support of everyday community members showing up and taking part in the democratic process. At a city council meeting earlier this month, several dozen Tacomans of all ages and walks of life – from high school students to union leaders, lifelong residents to recent newcomers – showed up with the same goal in mind: to protect and build upon community-led efforts to make stable, safe, and permanently affordable housing a reality for everyone in our beloved city. 

Harlan, a local high school student, spoke in support of an amendment to include expanding tenant protections and enshrining the provisions of the Landlord Fairness Code as official policy in the comprehensive plan. He stood before the city council as the youngest person in the room and passionately advocated on behalf of community members like himself and his mother, who were able to avoid losing their apartment thanks to the Landlord Fairness Code. 

“For the last six years of my life, my mom and I have lived in a cozy apartment in Tacoma near my school and her work, near public transportation and parks, with a vibrant community that has supported me, and that I’ve become a part of. It’s my home and it holds immense value to me. But to some people, this isn’t a home, it’s just an apartment–an apartment with “value”, but not the same value it holds for me,” said Harlan. 

A year ago, while his mother was already working 2-3 jobs just to be able to pay their rent, an unexpected increase threatened to displace the family, which would have forced them to uproot their lives right before Harlan’s senior year of high school. 

“Thanks to the renters’ protections passed just prior to this, we were able to fight to keep our home and stay a part of our community. These renters’ protections keep communities together and give hardworking families the stability they deserve,” he said. 

While the Landlord Fairness Code has had a life-changing impact for many families like Harlan and his mother, other Tacoma tenants continue to struggle as landlords ignore, and even retaliate against, the law. Several tenants and organizers spoke at the meeting about the continued appalling conditions and mistreatment residents face at apartment complexes in Tacoma. 

April, a tenant at Bryn Mar Village, has been working with her neighbors to fight against the injustices its owners continue to get away with. She shared her personal experiences with basic maintenance requests going unanswered and safety violations being ignored. She went without heat in her apartment for two years. Despite this, the owners of Bryn Mar keep trying to raise rents. As a disabled cancer survivor, April feels responsible to speak up on behalf of other people with disabilities who are suffering from the effects of landlord greed. 

Since the passage of the Landlord Fairness Code, volunteers with Tacoma for All have been supporting tenants at apartment buildings across the city to know their rights and take collective action against violations. The Landlord Fairness Code is an important tool empowering working class Tacomans to protect their homes and their families, which is also, unsurprisingly, why landlords are trying to destroy it. 

Corporate landlords are already suing the city in an attempt to overturn the Landlord Fairness Code and go back to business as usual, bleeding working families dry without consequence. They are also not above using their money and influence to pressure city council to roll back tenant protections. But the power of the people is stronger. Our success at getting a commitment to tenant protections included in the One Tacoma Plan demonstrates that when working class Tacomans show up and fight together, our demands cannot be ignored. 

We also know that simply protecting our current housing isn’t enough. Our city’s population continues to grow, with no signs of slowing down. Thousands of our neighbors live unsheltered on the streets. On top of all this, Donald Trump’s proposed cuts to federal affordable housing programs threaten to create what state officials have warned would be a “tsunami of homelessness” in Washington. 

Community members let city council know we have a different vision for the future of housing in Tacoma–one that doesn’t rely on granting tax subsidies to private market developers in exchange for insufficient solutions, or waiting on the support of a federal government currently more concerned with kidnapping workers than housing its people. 

Tenants, organizers, and affordable housing experts spoke in support of a plan for social housing in Tacoma, a model for mixed-income public housing that has seen success in other American cities and internationally. The amendment to the One Tacoma Plan commits the city to exploring a potential social housing developer for Tacoma that meets the needs of low-income residents and serves historically-marginalized communities. 

“The city’s own data shows that private market is only producing affordable housing at one-fifth of the necessary rate,” said Jacqui, an affordable housing designer and tenant, “We cannot rely on the private market to provide what our community desperately needs: safe housing that allows them to live within their means.”

Earlier this year, Seattleites voted overwhelmingly in favor of a plan to fund social housing. Tacoma faces many of the same housing issues as our northern neighbors, so why not pursue a similar solution? For far too long, city leaders have relied on the same approaches, faced the same setbacks, and landed back in the same place they started with little to show for it. Now, with an innovative approach showing tested success and popular support, it’s time to try something different. 

Rowan, a renter who volunteers with Tacoma for All, shared why he supports social housing in Tacoma.

“By housing a broad range of incomes, social housing generates revenue that’s invested into new, affordable homes – homes that are desperately needed, as right now, Tacoma is set to lose over 150 shelter beds by the end of July. Personally, I’d be much happier if part of my rent went towards that, rather than being siphoned out of the community and into corporate profits.”

The benefits of social housing align with the values of everyday Tacomans: looking out for each other, supporting our neighborhoods, and creating a positive future for the city we love. 

Both housing amendments to the comprehensive plan were passed unanimously by city council on June 24. Successfully amending a municipal plan may not sound as exciting as electing a socialist mayor of the biggest city in the country, but it’s a victory worth celebrating. Housing policies can have a life or death impact for our community members, as well as the potential to create better ways of living for us all. That’s why organizers worked so tirelessly to achieve this win. Tacoma for All advocated the necessity of these amendments to the Tacoma Planning Commission, which brought them before city council. Organized tenants and labor built a coalition, gained support from local leaders, and made their voices heard at council meetings. Over 350 community members fought for themselves, their families, and their neighbors by sending letters of support. 

Because of this, our elected leaders had to pay attention to the demands of working class people in Tacoma, and the future of housing in our city looks brighter than before.

But the fight is far from over. Tenants across Tacoma continue to face threats to their health, safety, and human right to a place to live. The landlord lobby is not going to give up easily, and will continue to fight against the public good by all means necessary. And while the possibility of a social housing solution is one step closer to reality, thousands of our neighbors are currently facing evictions or already living on the street. 

We flexed our collective muscle to make these recent wins possible, and we will do it again and again. Because that is what it will take to achieve housing for all in Tacoma, our home.

by Zev Rose Cook

Zohran Mamdani’s election victory in the NYC mayoral race has attracted national excitement. It’s clear that conservative forces, both inside and outside the Democratic Party, are worried about what it means to have a Muslim, pro-Palestine democratic socialist achieve such a level of success. With establishment and big business support rallying behind disgraced former governor Andrew Cuomo—who lost handily to Zohran in the primary—and current Mayor Eric Adams, who has collaborated with the Trump administration on ICE deportations, many will recall how these same forces moved swiftly to prevent Bernie Sanders from winning the presidential nomination in 2016.

Although it remains to be seen whether Zohran will emerge victorious in the general election, what is certain is that his campaign has sparked a firestorm of discussion about what his victory means for the Democratic Party and the left. Some have chalked it up to a privileged upbringing and excellent communication skills. I recently watched one commentator explain that the policies Zohran is running on—including investment in accessible transit and childcare—are the same things Democrats often support, and that if only we could learn to use social media like Zohran, Democrats could start winning again. For the record number of young people who turned out to support his campaign—and those across the nation who have been excited observers—this analysis clearly misses the mark.

Many have argued that Zohran won only in spite of his pro-Palestine and socialist politics, but if you look at the social movement and base of over 50,000 people who were inspired to turn out and volunteer, it’s clearly quite the opposite. One thing that separates Zohran from any other progressive candidate in the race is the support of the NYC Democratic Socialists of America—a mass organization of over 10,000 members and scores of experienced campaign organizers standing ready to support his election. In addition to ready-made campaign infrastructure, effective messaging was also key.

For years, Democratic Party leadership and the Israel lobby have hammered the public with the idea that any criticism of Israel is antisemitism and politically unacceptable. In the face of this, Zohran won as a pro-Palestine Muslim in one of the most Jewish cities on the planet. On top of that, he also won as an open socialist among an electorate that has been inundated with red scare propaganda for generations. Following Kamala Harris’s loss last year, many party insiders argued that the party needs to move further to the right to attract more voters. If Zohran’s campaign has taught us anything, it’s that voters don’t want leaders who are more right-wing or more supportive of Israel—they want leaders who speak meaningfully to the everyday struggles faced by working-class Americans across this country.

On the opposite side of the country, I’ve experienced many of the same dynamics—albeit at a smaller scale—as a democratic socialist running for the Tacoma City Council. With the support of the Tacoma DSA, our campaign has turned out a base of over 70 volunteers, recently helping us cross the threshold of having knocked on every one of the over 10,000 doors of registered voters in Tacoma’s 5th District. One thing I’ve learned is that although interpretations of what it means to be a socialist can vary greatly among voters, what it does clearly communicate is a departure from everyday politics.

In blue cities like NYC and Tacoma, it can be difficult for voters to easily distinguish between progressive and establishment candidates. This is especially true as progressives often do a poor job of differentiating themselves, while establishment picks have learned to muddy the waters by adopting progressive language—while leaving policy on the cutting room floor.

In the last few years alone, the cost of living has risen enormously. From the NYC election results to my conversations with voters across Tacoma, one thing is clear: Americans are ready for a different path. Running as a democratic socialist demonstrates a clear willingness to buck the status quo and fight for a program that puts the interests of working people first. If you ask me—and over half a million NYC voters—that’s the kind of clarity we need to defeat Trump and the corporate oligarchy.

Learn what independent unions are, why workers form them, and what the challenges and advantages they bring.

The post Should I Organize an Independent Union? appeared first on EWOC.

At Maine DSA’s Summer Semi-Annual Meeting (held each July), a 2/3 majority of chapter members present voted to pass the following statement regarding the DSA National Convention Mask Policy, and to mandate its release via Pine and Roses.

Maine DSA calls upon all elected and/or appointed delegates to vote for a motion by Richard S of Greater Baltimore DSA to require masking at convention.

Upon their election, some Maine DSA delegates were taken aback by the abdication of previously held standards of masking at our National Convention. As a chapter, we have formally required masking since January 2023 and reaffirmed it in May of 2023 and November of 2023. While we allow for socials and other “riskier” activities, we understand the importance of making chapter business accessible for all as a democratic organization. This is even more crucial at the national level, where political decisions are made which impact all of DSA’s tens of thousands of members.

Masking should be required at our National Convention, as it is at this year’s Socialism Conference. Airborne viral particles don’t care whether or not we are 6ft apart from each other. Vaccine requirements are certainly helpful for personal protection, but we are quickly losing access under the RFK Jr, Jay Bhattacharya, and Marty Makary public health administration, and current US vaccines have limited efficacy against transmission and development of long COVID. Masks are safe and ridiculously effective.

Furthermore, the requirement of a single Rapid Antigen Test for each delegate ignores the instructions supplied with these tests which are only authorized for asymptomatic use when tested at least three times over five days with at least 48 hours between tests. In fact, even when symptomatic, the pre-Trump FDA recommended repeat testing following a negative result. Advising people to misuse medical tests is neither comradely nor wise and provides false confidence that our convention policies adequately protect our comrades.

The National Political Committee Steering Committee’s decision along caucus lines to make masking optional, despite years of advocacy from DSA’s Disability Working Group, directly endangers DSA members and caused one of our chapter’s elected delegates to drop out upon hearing of the new policy. It has given pause to multiple other delegates who were similarly shocked by this news.

By not standing by practical public health measures now, we are failing our future selves. Why are we taking unnecessary risks in our organizing that are likely to lead to the disablement of many of us, especially trans and bisexual people and people of color? DSA needs to meet the moment; America’s fascist government is ramping up their restrictions on vaccine access. Mask bans continue to pop up across the country, giving police ever more rein to harass disabled people as they try to more safely go about their days.

We are hopeful that other chapters will make similar statements; if you are a DSA Member, you can motion to make a statement like this in your chapter. We hope our comrades across this country will hold disability justice and accessibility as a top priority. At a minimum, we ask that all DSA delegates be prepared to support a floor vote to restore the masking policy at our 2025 National Convention for the safety of all of our comrades.

Mask up! We need you,
Maine Democratic Socialists of America

Reading

Podcast and Transcript: Covid Year Five (12/23/24) – Death Panel

Zine: MASK UP, WE NEED YOU: Palestinian Solidarity, Covid-19, and the Struggle for Liberation – Sheyam Ghieth and Rimona Eskayo

Blog: COVID-19 Weather Reports – People’s CDC

Website: We Have the Tools

Maine Delegation Statement: Maine DSA’s Delegation to the 2025 DSA National Convention Opposes the Rollback of Public Health in the US and Within our National Organization

The post Maine DSA rejects the rollback of public health measures within the federal government and National DSA appeared first on Pine & Roses.

The post #podcast-recs first appeared on Rochester Red Star.