By Rob Switzer

Last year my comrade and Detroit Socialist co-editor Taina Santiago wrote an article titled “Dance Against Fascism: A History of Rhythmic Resistance.” In it, she explores how dance has historically been used as a tool of community and resistance among marginalized and working-class peoples. She cites a few specific examples, such as the bomba, which enslaved peoples in Puerto Rico used as a tool to grow community amongst peoples who spoke different languages.

Since then, I’ve thought about how many other examples there are of this phenomenon. The most obvious example is capoeira, an Afro-Brazilian martial art that was disguised as a dance so slavers wouldn’t realize its practitioners were actually training to fight. As another example, the ever-popular salsa was created in the same environment as bomba: by enslaved Afro-Latino peoples in the Americas.

I began to realize that almost any dance style you can think of has some version of this story. For the past year or so, I’ve been learning and practicing tango, the world-famous Argentine dance. Most Wednesdays you’ll find me in class at Motor City Wine, followed by social dancing afterwards.

So I decided to explore the history of tango, and whether it has its own story of exploitation and resistance. And the answer is yes, of course it does.

TANGO IN THE OUTSKIRTS OF BUENOS AIRES

The exact origins of tango are a little hazy and complex. But there are some facts that are undeniable. It was born amidst an explosion of the population of Buenos Aires in the late 1800’s. Its roots can be found in the neighborhoods on the outskirts of the city, particularly in the “arrabal,” which can be roughly translated as “slum,” but not necessarily with the same negative connotations.

These “arrabales” were home to a mix of different peoples, but most notably Spanish and Italian immigrants. For this reason, many classic tango songs feature the “lunfardo” dialect, which is a form of Spanish making heavy use of Italian-derived local vocabulary. Central to this story was the prominence of what were called “compadritos,” a class of mostly poor, native-born men in the arrabales who were known to mimic the behaviors of the upper classes.

But there is another part of the story, which some elements of Argentine society would rather ignore: Buenos Aires was a hub of the South American slave trade. Although the Black population of Buenos Aires is now a very small minority (around one percent), in the mid-1800’s they comprised about a fourth of the population.

Slavery was abolished in Argentina in 1853. The Black residents of the late nineteenth century were either freed enslaved peoples themselves or the descendants of the enslaved. They continued to face discrimination and were largely concentrated in their own “barrios” (neighborhoods) or arrabales.

And they created their own dances. The most prominent among the Black community in Argentina (and neighboring Uruguay) was the “candombe,” a local fusion of various African traditions, mostly rooted in Angola, the home country of many of the people who were forcibly brought to this region.

There were European-influenced dances at that time — most notably the “milonga” (a word which holds great significance in tango today) — that appear to have borrowed heavily from dances like the candombe.

Quoting from the 1995 book “¡Tango!” by Simon Collier et al., some of the best evidence of the birth of tango as we know it today comes from a 1913 newspaper article which asserted that “in the year 1877 the African-Argentines [of Buenos Aires] improvised a new dance, which they called a ‘tango’ … and which embodied something of the style and the movement of the candombe … Groups of compradritos, who apparently had the habit of visiting African-Argentine dance venues and then parodying the gestures and movements they saw there, took this ‘tango’ to Corrales Viejos — the slaughterhouse district — and introduced it to the various low-life establishments where dancing took place, incorporating its most conspicuous features into the milonga.”

It goes on to explain that “at the beginning, what was soon to become the tango was simply a new way of dancing the milonga … The distinctive features of the new dance-form came entirely from the compadritos’ parodistic borrowings from the African-Argentine tradition.”

After the tango became a fully-formed independent style of dance, it exploded onto the international stage after South American travelers introduced it to Paris. It became popular in France, then spread across Europe and the United States, and the rest is history. But what often gets left out of this story is the dance’s Black influence, and the contemporary reaction to those roots.

RACISM, OF COURSE

Tango is sometimes called “the forbidden dance,” and the usual explanation is its close contact between the partners and its sensual nature. Sometimes people might acknowledge the lower-class roots. But during the growth of tango, perhaps the biggest reason tango was shunned was racism.

A good example can be seen in a letter that was printed in The Times in England in 1913: “I am one of the many matrons upon whom devolves the task of guiding a girl through the mazes of the London season, and I am face to face with a state of affairs in most, but not all, of the ballrooms calling for the immediate attention of those in a like case … I need not describe the various horrors of American and South American negroid origin. I would only ask hostesses to let one know what houses to avoid by indicating in some way on their invitation-card whether the ‘Tango’ will be permitted.”

Simply put, people knew tango was essentially a “Black dance,” and a lot of people did not like that. But today, one may wonder how many people are even aware of that history: The majority of Argentina’s population today has primarily Italian ethnicity, and it is sometimes seen as the “White Hispanic” nation of the Americas. Certainly, some of its population is proud of that fact, including its politicians. According to the Argentine newspaper Clarín, in 2002, then-President Carlos Menem even said during a visit to the United States (translated from Spanish), “Blacks do not exist in Argentina; that’s a problem Brazil has.”

The real history of tango reveals that just like bomba, salsa, bachata, and the more obviously African-influenced dances like candombe and kizomba, we would not have tango today if it were not for the resilience of enslaved peoples. These enslaved peoples were not only trying to keep their traditions alive but participating in one of the oldest, time-tested forms of human connection that we have: dancing with each other.

If you ever have the joyous experience of going to a “milonga” to dance tango, or going out to dance any of the above-mentioned styles — or even swing or jazz/blues — don’t forget that it’s a near-certainty that what you’re doing was shaped by a community of people who were oppressed or even enslaved.

No matter the hardship these people faced, nobody was ever able to steal from them the joy that comes from music and movement and human connection. We should proudly carry on that tradition. No matter how bad things get, they will never stop us from dancing.

Dance Against Fascism: Tango was originally published in The Detroit Socialist on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

Labor activists are front and center in today’s fight against ICE and for the dignity and rights of immigrants and workers of color. 

The post Hate injustice? Join the labor movement.  appeared first on EWOC.

What the latest political science can teach us about effective organizing.

The post Organizing with Evidence appeared first on Democratic Left.

The 2006 “Day Without an Immigrant” offers urgent lessons for beating ICE today.

The post We’ve had a nationwide immigrant strike before. We can do it again. appeared first on EWOC.

by Alexandria R

Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has become infamous, particularly in the past year, for brutal tactics, intimidation, and even murder. In 2025, 32 people lost their lives in ICE-related incidents. Some of the agency’s more lethal crimes have drawn major headlines – particularly the most recent killing of two US citizens in Minnesota. While ICE as an agency has gathered a popular reputation as a secret police force, the agency and its activities date back to March 2003, when it was formally created and mobilized as part of the Homeland Security Act of 2002. Its tactics, including infiltration and disruption activities akin to COINTELPRO, have not changed. ICE has acquired Israeli-manufactured spyware known as Graphite, developed by Paragon Solutions. The software is capable of hacking encrypted drives and phones, including live location data, photos, and encrypted messages. Additionally, the agency embeds itself within local law enforcement, often making use of Flock license plate readers and shot spotters to target migrant families and coordinate its operations. Officially, Flock denies that this cooperation exists. 

The agency’s effective infiltration and lethality is concerning, especially when their official mission is taken into account. DHS effectively functions as an organ of the state dedicated to mass internal surveillance and policing. ICE has a mandate to use children to draw out their parents, and detain people based on their outward characteristics. 2026 is a little over two months old, and in that time, ICE has murdered more than six people. Some of them are activists. Other American citizens have been threatened with detention or death for interfering with ICE business. Of particular concern are reports from activists in Minnesota, which echo strange occurrences reported by other activists since at least 2020. Judy and Noah Levy were stopped by ICE agents while observing agency operations in St. Paul. The couple noted that their license plates were photographed. Jarringly, the agents addressed Judy by her name when they came to speak with her. Recalling the incident, Judy said that she was shaken, but continued to follow the agents and their caravan. That’s when ICE vehicles turned onto Levy’s street. 

“Our street is off the beaten path,” said Noah, “You don’t go down our street to get to anywhere. I’d be lying if I said it wasn’t intimidating.” 

In September, ICE spent millions on technology to surveil social media and the dark web. The software, called “Tangles,” creates a daily life profile of the people it surveils by mining social media for their posts, contacts, locations and events they attended, combining it with any information leaked about them online. While the agency has been using AI to “crawl” social media apps and sites, ICE is also putting together a surveillance force for 24/7 social media monitoring. DHS wants your data, but surveillance of public information is not where ICE stops looking.

The Guardian first broke the story of DHS/ICE’s acquisition of Graphite. Stephanie Kirchgaessner’s report details the capabilities of the software, noting that Graphite can “hack into any phone. By essentially taking control of the mobile phone, the user – in this case, ICE – can not only track an individual’s whereabouts, read their messages, and look at their photographs, but also open and read information held on encrypted applications, like WhatsApp or Signal. Spyware like Graphite can also be used as a listening device, through the manipulation of the phone’s recorder.” The agency’s contract with Paragon Solutions dates to late 2024 under the Biden administration. ICE’s mandate to spy on members of the public originates with the founding of its parent organ, DHS. 

Infiltration via spyware is not the only point of entry into personal and private data. It has always been important to be aware of your safety when disclosing personal information online, such as location “check-ins” and specific information about shops or restaurants you frequent. Securing information that can be used to track you and your activities can be difficult when you don’t know what people are looking for. The many different ways that federal agents gain access to sensitive details about ICE observers and their affiliates certainly don’t make it easier. Agencies often infiltrate group events and Signal chats by posing as a concerned member of the public or as an activist. This can be mitigated by ensuring that people are who they say they are via connections to the community, but informants and state collaborators could be anyone. I do not encourage readers to start viewing their comrades with suspicion – only to be wary of sharing specific, personal information, even among friends or comrades, as much as possible.

Internal policing and surveillance have always been the mandate of DHS. Though the agency’s tactics have shifted recently to become more ruthless, the existence of ICE has been maintained and expanded upon by every administration since George W. Bush. The contradiction is glaring. Internal policing and anti-migrant policies such as forced deportation of asylum seekers have no place in a society that calls itself a nation of immigrants, and we as citizens have an obligation not only to inform the public of the tactics and goals of these entities, but also to actively work against them.

The post Every Step You Take, ICE is Watching You appeared first on Democratic Socialists of America.

Sander's progressive politics put him closer to capital-p Progressive Bob La Follette than Karl Marx.

The post Bernie’s Politics Are Part of a Proud American Tradition appeared first on Democratic Left.

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By: Jason M

MARLBOROUGH, MA – On Sunday morning, February 15^th, Stop & Shop workers organized under United Food & Commercial Workers (UFCW) Local 1445—which represents nearly 8,000 Stop & Shop workers across northeastern New England—held a critical vote deciding whether to accept a new 4-year contract or to authorize a strike.

The date, February 15, 2026, was chosen as a result of a coordinated effort among UFCW Locals 328, 371, 919, 1445, and 1459, which represent a combined 28,000 Stop & Shop workers across New England. The date, which was two weeks before the then-current contract’s expiration, set a hard deadline for Stop & Shop to offer a good agreement, or face a potential strike. Jack Kenslea, a representative of UFCW Local 1445, provided Working Mass with comments regarding the challenges faced by the union during the bargaining process.

When asked about the choice of February 15^th as the date for the vote, Kenslea said:

We made it clear to the company that we would either vote on a recommended tentative agreement or ask for a strike vote if we did not have something we could feel confident in recommending. This set a hard deadline for the company, as they knew they would have to get serious early if they wanted to avoid a strike authorization we could have in hand to bargain with and campaign around.

Healthcare, Wages, and Pensions Major Issues For Stop & Shop Workers

Healthcare, wages, and pensions were all major issues for the Stop & Shop workers during the collective bargaining process. In a time when rising healthcare costs and insurance prices are putting increasing financial burdens on working-class Americans, affordable healthcare was a must-have for Stop & Shop workers in their contract.

For UFCW, keeping healthcare costs low while seeking wage increases for their members was a major challenge. Kenslea indicated:

Given the overall climate in healthcare these days when many people are seeing their premiums jump by thirty or fifty percent, in some cases even higher, we are extremely proud that we were able to control these costs and maintain our strong, comprehensive healthcare plan for our members. It was clear that this was a high priority for many, many people, and there was a lot of uncertainty over what it would end up looking like. Controlling these costs while still seeking yearly wage increases was far from a guarantee, and it took a lot of work to get there.

Another major issue during the bargaining process was the reintroduction of a meat cutter apprenticeship program at Stop & Shop. In 2018, Stop & Shop removed in-store meat cutting from their stores. “This was something where the reaction of customers played as big of a role as the feedback from the workers,” said Kenslea. “It was clear the company had suffered as a result of removing it in 2018, as customers simply did not buy as much meat from Stop & Shop as they had in the past.”

A Victory Won By The Rank-And-File

A key factor in winning a good contract was the organizing done by the rank-and-file at Stop & Shop and their involvement in the bargaining process. Dialogue between the bargaining committee and the union’s rank-and-file ensured that the union would secure a strong contract.

There were numerous pieces our rank-and-file made possible. We deployed a negotiations survey at the beginning of last fall, so we had a very clear sense of what our members’ priorities were as we began the process of deliberation. We had a proposals subcommittee that reviewed where we stood as we headed into each session that provided an extra sounding board for our bargaining committee on how the language would impact members in the stores.

Jason M, a contributor to Working Mass, attended the contract vote alongside fellow Worcester DSA members. The proposed contract passed with a strong majority of union members voting yes. In a joint statement, the five UFCW Locals asserted that, “These agreements reflect the strength and unity of Stop & Shop workers who stood together to secure a contract that addresses their priorities.”

A UFCW spokesperson elaborated further, stating:

Through collective bargaining, our members achieved wage increases and protected strong health and pension benefits that working families rely on. When workers have a fair contract, it strengthens the stores they run every day and supports the customer experience and communities they proudly serve.

Speaking on the bargaining process, Kenslea argued:

Bargaining is frequently an uneven process of fits and starts. It seems slow and unproductive at the start, and then things start moving a lot quicker as you get closer to the deadline. All five of the New England locals were very clear from the beginning about what our priorities were, and we had a sense despite the slow start that we would get a deal before the expiration of the contract.

Fighting for higher wages, better healthcare, and better conditions is never an easy task. But there is no power greater than that emerging out of the union of workers. In the case of the contract won by Stop & Shop workers, many of the core demands of workers have been secured through 2030.

Jason M is a member of Worcester DSA and a contributor to Working Mass.

The post UFCW Local 1445 Secures New 4-Year Contract for Stop and Shop Workers appeared first on Working Mass.

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How do you put pressure on key people in your workplace, build up natural leaders, and disrupt the status quo? Consider a work action.

The post What is a work action? appeared first on EWOC.

By: Jack W.

Early in February I worked with some friends in Minnesota who are active in the Twin Cities DSA chapter to get their takes on the massive ICE deployment in their area. Specifically, I wanted to ask questions that can help guide our decision making in MDDSA.

To start off, can you introduce yourself? How long have you lived in the Twin Cities? What history do you have with DSA and activism?

Rachel H: I was born and raised in a suburb outside Minneapolis. I currently live in Saint Paul. I joined the DSA a bit before Trump was elected the second time. I became active with DSA when Operation Metro Surge happened and I couldn’t sit back and do nothing.

Dylan H: I’ve lived in the Twin Cities since 2010. I had volunteered with Fairvote Minnesota before, an organization trying to bring ranked choice voting to the state. After ICE killed Good I felt I needed to get more involved in direct action and mutual aid.

What was the general mood in the Twin Cities towards issues like Trump, immigration and ICE? Outside of DSA circles, was ICE enforcement or immigration a common topic of conversation?

Rachel H: The Twin Cities are blue, so support for Trump and ICE is pretty low. Before last year, ICE had never been a topic of conversation. People that talk about immigration tend to be conservative. Most people around here recognize and celebrate that we are cities made up of immigrants . We have so many different food options!

Dylan H: Prior to Trump most conversations I participated in regarding ICE were about how Obama was deporter-in-chief.

The Trump admin kicked off this operation pointing to recent investigation into childcare fraud, specifically creating propaganda blaming immigrants. Can you talk about if there appears to be any consistent narrative/strategy to why this is happening besides terrorizing a region that has not voted for Trump?

Rachel H: I really haven’t seen a consistent narrative besides absolute lies and degradation of our Somali population. There are so many other cities with a higher percentage of immigrants. So why pick Minneapolis and Saint Paul? The Trump admin is not hiding its intentions and purpose. They said they’d withdraw the ICE incursion if Governor Walz hands over voter information. Trump wants to punish not only Walz, but any voter that did not vote for Trump.

Dylan H: In keeping with Republican tradition, Trump is just using the Somali population here as a scapegoat to sell cruelty to his supporters. He needed to create a “them” that’s separate from “us” so it’s okay if you feel hate towards them and it’s okay if you dehumanize them. But it’s not about the fraud. I think it’s mostly because Walz called him weird when he was running for VP with Kamala, and Trump’s narcissism just can’t abide that.

What are some lessons you can share with other chapters on how your chapter prepared and reacted to the ICE deployment as their activity first ramped up?

Rachel H: Our chapter had an emergency action plan devised last year before the ICE deployment. It was essentially a plan to stop current DSA initiatives (with a few exceptions) and divert all energy towards anti-ICE activity. There was a lot of back and forth on when was the appropriate time to enact the plan. Some believed that once we did pass it, it would be easy for people to burn out too quickly. There were also concerns it wasn’t a proper action guide that would funnel members to anti-ICE work.

We did eventually pass it, but personally, I think we could have done it earlier. I’ll note it is easy for me to say that, in hindsight. We didn’t know how bad and swift this Metro Surge would hit our communities. So I guess my advice would be to have a concrete plan in place and pass it sooner rather than later. Better to have people tired than disorganized and late.

As events unfolded (like the ICE murders) how has your organizing evolved?

Rachel H: Since we enacted the plan, TCDSA sends out a daily ICE bulletin with ways to get involved, events like protests and vigils, as well as upcoming trainings for legal observers, street medics, marshalling, and others.

This is a great concise way to get the most pertinent information to as wide a range of people as possible. Outside of DSA, people have formed tons of hyperlocal neighborhood groups for rapid response and mutual aid. I think a huge and important network is our public schools. They have come together and organized to protect students.

What has been your chapter’s experience working with other organizations? Do you feel like your chapter has taken the lead on organizing an in-house operation to combat ICE, or have you been organizing with other anti-ICE orgs?

Rachel H: I feel like the DSA has worked in tandem with many other groups. I wouldn’t say there’s really a lead in organizing. We have an incredible network of mutual aid groups, unions, and progressive orgs that have really stepped up. Many small businesses have started their own donation funds, food pantries, or donation drop-offs for clothes and household items.

Has your chapter had success moving elected offices to be more aggressive against ICE?

Rachel H: We do the usual: calls and emails demanding action. It’s also been helpful to show up at council meetings and voice complaints directly to our local leaders. Honestly, I can’t say how effective we’ve been in getting elected officials to be more aggressive. Frey (Mayor of Minneapolis) will say “Get the fuck out of Minnesota” or whatever but it’s just words. He hasn’t done shit. I’m also extremely disappointed in Walz who has shown he does not have the backs of his constituents. He declared February small business month which is great but like, how about “Arrest ICE”? That would make a difference to small businesses.

Dylan H: Honestly I’ve been really disappointed in Klobuchar for going along with Schumer’s weak negotiating position. “Oh, use body cameras” and “Take those masks off,” like he’s scolding children. It’s too late for those measures and regular PD’s have shown that those measures do basically nothing when there’s no one willing to actually hold Law Enforcement accountable. It’s too late for these compromises. Nothing but the abolishment of ICE will do at this point. These are not children, they’re fascists. Personally I am going to try to get as far as I can as an uncommitted caucus delegate so that I’ll have the opportunity to talk to Klobuchar and tell her just that. She wants to be governor. What has she done to earn the honor?

On the labor side, what has been your chapter’s experience working with unions or otherwise organizing workplaces to protect your community from ICE?

Rachel H: DSA has been doing rapid response and observer trainings alongside unions and other orgs. I went to a training that was in tandem with the Saint Paul schools union.

Is there solidarity work you’d like to see other chapters prioritize?

Rachel H: I think it’s really easy to feel like we’re fighting alone. Seeing the protests happen in other cities across the country and even the world has been a great way to see solidarity. I think the number one need right now is rent money for people sheltering in place. So perhaps it’d be helpful to have chapters have a linktree for ways to send funds.

Dylan H: The best way to directly help people on the ground here is to organize a fund raising drive to donate to standwithminnesota.com.

Do you have any other messages for DSA members about this moment?

Rachel H: We might have the biggest surge of ICE, but they are in every city. Talk to your neighbors, get organized, and get involved. Remember that we are stronger together and only WE protect us.

Dylan H: Have an action plan in place. Learn as much as you can from as many organizers here as you can. When they leave here, they will be coming to your city too. Fascists don’t stop until they are stopped.

In other conversations I had with the pair in the wake of the news that the Trump admin is declaring a draw down, they made clear that little has changed on the ground. “They have not let down on abductions and surveillance. I hear planes, helicopters, and/or drones every day. No one is relaxing their guard,” said Rachel. “It’s a false concession they spent as a bargaining chip to try to get DHS funded. Literally nothing has changed,” added Dylan.

On the Ground in a Terrorized City: An interview with Twin City DSA members was originally published in The Detroit Socialist on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.