On April 19th, Lyle Prijoles, a long-time Bay Area organizer and SFSU alum, was killed by the Armed Force of the Philippines (AFP), in Toboso, Negros Occidental, Philippines. The AFP displaced hundreds in Negros and massacred eighteen others, including a fellow Filipino American organizer from Washington, Kai Sorem, and Filipino journalists, students, organizers and youth, many of whom were in Negros to report on state repression and the plight of peasants in the area. DSA SF is heartbroken and enraged by these murders, by the loss of a dedicated comrade and member of our community, by the continued exploitation of and violence against the indigenous people of Negros, and by all of the horrors that imperialism continues to inflict on workers across the globe.

DSA SF recognizes that Lyle’s work selflessly organizing for the oppressed in the Philippines and for the restriction of US funding for the AFP exemplifies our positions advocating for the end of imperialism and for the rights of the working class to build a better world. We recommend reading more about his work and life in this statement by the International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP). 

The United States has not only been a major source of funding for the AFP across multiple administrations, but also regularly performs military exercises with them. The largest of these, the annual Balikatan, took place from April 20th until May 8th this year, immediately after the AFP murdered Lyle. While the US has an endless supply of tax dollars for foreign militaries like the AFP or IDF, even as these forces kill Americans and terrorize poor, innocent people without any recourse, our government has little to offer those of us here at home needing housing, food, healthcare, or education. This is not a mistake; we exist in a system of capitalist exploitation that depends on the continuation and escalation of this existing arrangement, reliant on the ability of the US and its allies to kill whomever they so desire. Without this ability, the US would be unable to continue its project of imperialist resource extraction in the Philippines and elsewhere, and the benefits for the corporate class – lower costs, higher growth, and increased profit – would cease.

DSA SF echos ICHRP’s demands to:

1. Hold an immediate and independent investigation into the AFP’s massacre on April 19th in Negros Occidental;
2. End U.S. support and funding for the Marcos Jr. administration, as well as U.S. military aid to the Philippines.

You can sign a petition to amplify these demands to the U.S. State Dept. & U.S. Embassy in the Philippines at https://tinyurl.com/negros19-petition.

We stand in solidarity with our kasama from the Bay Area to the Philippines in the continuation of this 400-year struggle of the oppressed against the land-owner and slaver class. We also call on those interested to attend upcoming actions in solidarity with Lyle, the Negros 19, and everyone continuing to suffer under this imperialist regime. You can find more information here:

https://www.instagram.com/defendnegros.norcal

We often say that a better world is possible. Lyle lived this ethos through his actions, through his tireless resistance, organization, and dedication to the most oppressed. May his memory and the memories of all those who stand against oppression be a reminder and inspiration for us all. 

By: Timothy Scalona

This was originally published in The Boston Globe on July 21, 2026.

I had just finished middle school in 2012 when a sheriff came to my front door carrying an eviction notice — an enveloped piece of paper that threatened to force us out and trash the decades worth of memories that filled our home. Facing an unaffordable housing market and few resources, my six younger siblings, my parents, and I were thrown into hotels, motels, and shelters, turning one moment of hardship into years of homelessness.

So, in between track meets and Spanish classes, I was stuck studying for AP exams from the bathroom floor of our hotel room and wondering if the future had space in it for me, too.

Since then, 14 years have passed, and I have changed — but Massachusetts has not.

I am now a lawyer at Greater Boston Legal Services, defending tenants facing eviction in the courthouse, largely from nonpayment of rent or from rent increases imposed by private equity-backed real estate investors. I also do volunteer work to organize tenants to fight for a world where housing is codified through policy as a human right.

Massachusetts is one of the most unaffordable places in the country. We are in the throes of a housing and eviction crisis that is placing countless individuals and families at risk of displacement. And for many young people like myself who spend huge swaths of our income on rent, homeownership is nothing more than a pipe dream.

Last year, the Keep Massachusetts Home coalition, which is supported by nonprofits, unions, and community organizations, kickstarted a campaign to change this broken system. It sought to put a measure on the November 2026 ballot to reverse the statewide ban on rent control and limit annual rent increases to 5 percent or to the consumer price index, whichever was lower. Rent control has been banned in Massachusetts since a 1994 referendum that narrowly passed, 51-49, in an election that was dominated heavily by real estate industry spending.

Amid skyrocketing rent prices, the ballot question’s restoration of rent control would have served as one tool of many to begin addressing the affordability crisis. After having collected more than 157,000 signatures, the Homes for All coalitionwas ready to send the question of rent control to the voters. That was until the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court struck down the ballot question on constitutional grounds, handing a victory to corporate landlords and out-of-state private equity real estate corporations. This decision was a significant blow to the voices of the 157,000 voters who signed in support of the ballot question, and for the organizers and advocates who spent months collecting signatures.

Yet, while the ballot question is dead this year, rent control should not be. The Legislature should pass some form of rent control, an initiative that is popular with almost 70 percent of voters, according to recent polling.

The reason that the ballot initiative was necessary in the first place was because the Legislature has failed year after year to restore rent control, despite pressure from advocates and tenants. And the 1994 referendum prohibits cities and towns from acting on their own.

Before the end of the legislative session on July 31, the Legislature should pass a rent stabilization measure before them. This bill would end the statewide ban on rent control and allow localities to choose whether to enact rent stabilization and just-cause eviction protections. While not as strong as the proposed ballot question, the bill would start to stem the bleeding from a ravaging housing crisis — and offer renters relief from no-fault evictions.

While other high schoolers dreamt of college or adulthood, I was dreaming of having a home. Some of my oldest memories are the cramped walls of motel rooms and the gut-wrenching fear that we would have nowhere to go.

I have seen this same terror in the faces of tenants in court. I have heard these same stories from folks whom I speak to on the street or at their doors. The housing crisis is brutalizing our communities, and the Legislature must act now to stop it.

Timothy Scalona is a staff attorney in the housing unit at Greater Boston Legal Services.

The post This year’s ballot question is dead. Rent control should not be. appeared first on Working Mass.

The post Statement on State Department report “Cuba: The Capital of 21st Century Communism” appeared first on Metro DC Democratic Socialists of America.

We’ve asked our readers of all faiths to send us brief meditations on what brought them to democratic socialism and/or religion. Some examples can be found here, here and here. In what follows, Jon Hochschartner describes his understanding of Marx and religion.—Eds.

When I first started to form an independent political identity, as a high-school senior in the mid-2000s, New Atheism was ascendant. Politicized spirituality was almost wholly associated with the right wing. Dogmatic atheism seemed to be the price of admission to the socialist Left, and so, with some struggle, I paid it.

However, in recent years, as I’ve faced various personal challenges and the increasingly chaotic world we’ve all experienced, I’ve sought to reconcile a spiritual perspective with my political commitments. Religious tradition and historical materialism are two schools of thought that seem contradictory on a surface level. Historical-materialist analysis divides society into categories of base and superstructure, arguing that the former, which represents the economic foundation, primarily determines the latter, which represents the ideological system. Thus, the classic Marxist view of religion is that, as part of the superstructure, it will wither away as the base changes and no longer serves an ideological purpose.

Friedrich Engels expressed this consensus perspective in his 1877 text Anti-Dühring. “All religion, however, is nothing but the fantastic reflection in men’s minds of those external forces which control their daily life,” he wrote. “When society, by taking possession of all means of production and using them on a planned basis, has freed itself and all its members from the bondage… only then will the last alien force which is still reflected in religion vanish; and with it will also vanish the religious reflection itself, for the simple reason that then there will be nothing left to reflect.”

Following the totalitarian experience of the Soviet Union and the way in which state atheism was so often used in Red Scare propaganda, modern-day democratic socialists are still burdened by outmoded beliefs about socialism and religion. U.S. socialist pioneer Eugene Debs has long been an inspiration to me, and I think his example in this respect is a better model for our time. Although he was suspicious of organized religion, he peppered his political commentary with biblical references and had a portrait of Jesus of Nazareth hanging in his cell during his imprisonment for opposing the First World War.

Emma Goldman’s most famous apocryphal quote  goes, “If I can’t dance, it’s not my revolution.” In a similar vein, I would argue, “If I can’t pray, it’s not my revolution.” This is not only because I feel a genuine pull to spirituality, which I think anyone should be free to pursue, but also because I think government crackdowns on religion of the kind seen in the Soviet Union are indicative of a wider authoritarianism that will ultimately move beyond spiritual communities and affect the whole of society.

I’m not an academic, but  reconciling religious tradition and historical materialism doesn’t seem too difficult theoretically. If we concede that specific forms of religious expression are influenced by a society’s base, then the historical materialist view must acknowledge that at least some people have an innate drive toward spiritual life. It may not be possible for “hardliners” in each school of thought to admit these suppositions, but others should find them easy to adopt. 

For instance, these days, I think of myself as a Christian perennialist, by which I mean I feel most at home in the Christian tradition but interpret it through the lens of perennialism, the belief that all religious traditions are describing a single, universal truth; differences between faiths can be ascribed to different cultural filters through which seekers perceive that truth. Mapping historical materialism over this outlook appears fairly easy. I would argue that these cultural filters, which might be called the superstructure, are largely determined by the base.

Jon Hochschartner lives in Connecticut. He is the author of a number of books, including The Animals’ Freedom Fighter: A Biography of Ronnie Lee, Founder of the Animal Liberation Front. He blogs at SlaughterFreeAmerica.Substack.com.

The post Base, Superstructure, and Perennialism: How I Reconcile Religious Tradition and Historical Materialism  appeared first on DSA Religious Socialism.